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The impact of induced abortion on fertility under Indian conditions is studied in this paper. The model is executed on a computer. First, matrices of birth probabilities specific to age and age at marriage are obtained, with the help of a simulation model, under various assumptions regarding the incidence of induced abortion. Later, making use of these matrices, period fertility measures such as age specific marital fertility rates and crude birth rates are obtained for India for the period 1961-75. One of the findings is that the effect of induced abortion in reducing the birth rate of India will be greater if it is used as a supplement to various family planning methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper abridged nuptiality tables for the single population of India have been constructed for the three consecutive decades 1901-1911, 1911-1921 and 1921-1931. No significant time trend has been observed in the nuptiality rates among the single Population of India. The rates are initially small, but increase rapidly until they reach a maximum at ages 25-30 for bachelors and 15-20 for spinsters, following which they gradually decline. During 1901-1931, unlike Western countries, India had not experienced any revolution in marriage habits encompassing traditional child marriages. The distinctive marks of the Indian age patterns of marriage are higher age-specific marriage rates combined with lower ages at marriage and lower proportions of people who never marry with relative stability of marriage habits during the early part of the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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A critical evaluation of the available data on migration between India and Pakistan in the 1951-61 decade leads to the conclusion that there was a substantial net migration of Pakistan-born persons into India, but only a negligible net migration of India-born persons into Pakistan. Annual administrative statistics published by the Indian Government suggest an immigration from Pakistan of the order of 1.16 to 1.32 million. More importantly, birthplace data from the Indian censuses indicate a net intercensal immigration of Pakistan-born persons amounting to 1.19 to 1.34 million, depending on the assumed level of mortality. The Pakistani census data on the India-born show no net influx from India during 1951-61. Intercensal growth rates for the populations of different religious faiths in Pakistan are consistent with the estimates of net immigration into India. The migrants and the survivors of their progeny are estimated to represent a net gain of about 1.68 million by India and to account for no more than 2.2 per cent of the total population growth in India during 1951-61. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Demography (Springer Nature) is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article presents systems approach to the measurement of the performance of public enterprises in India. Thus it is a movement from a narrow concept of efficiency to a broader approach wherein measurement of performance is linked to the achievement of objectives, The need for such an approach is based on the theoretical developments and set against the problems currently experienced by public enterprises in india. As an alternative a three-tier objective framework. with standards, and a set of agencies for evaluation is recommended. Finally the problems of application of the three-tier objectives are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is one of the few multivariate analyses of the relations of several demographic and socioeconomic variables to fertility and the use of contraception. For fertility, 56 of the 92 hypothesized paths are found to be significant at the .05 level or better. The five variables having a significant and direct effect on fertility, as shown by their path coefficients (p), are: duration of marriage (p = .721), spouse's cohort (p = -.093), spouse's age at marriage (p = .052), caste (p = -.071), and number of siblings of husband (p = .050). The use of contraception is affected by, in order of importance, the spouse's education (p = .267), the husband's education (p = .099), the husband's income (p = .089), and surplus children, i.e., number of living children exceeding ideal number of children (p = .059). Child mortality, which is linked to number of living children and thus indirectly to surplus children, is affected by, in order of importance, the number of children ever born (p = .723), the husband's education (p = -.166), the spouse's absence by death or separation (p = .084), and family structure (p = .035). The advantages and disadvantages of path analysis for this type of research are briefly mentioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An analysis of the residential distribution of caste and religious groups in Poona (India) over the past century and a half shows distinctive patterns of segregation and centralization that have largely remained unchanged despite the city's growth and development. The upper castes are residentially centralized and the lower castes are decentralized in Poona. Such a centralization of the elite has been observed in most other past and present cities of the world, although the pattern is less common in the contemporary United States. The Jews and Parsees, and the Christians, tend to be highly segregated and decentralized in Poona. However, Negroes in large American cities are generally more highly segregated residentially than the Jews, Parsees, Christians, and even the depressed and untouchable castes in Poona. The American cities show an average degree of segregation of the foreign-born white ethnic groups, and of the native whites of foreign or mixed parentage, from the native whites that is as great, if not greater, than the mean extent of segregation of caste groups in this Indian city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since October, 1965, births and deaths in rural Gujarat State, India, have been recorded under two independent systems in a random sample of units. First, a part-time local "registrar" is appointed in each sample unit (village or segment thereof) who: prepares a house list; conducts a baseline survey showing the individuals in each household; and maintains a list of the vital events reported by informants whom he contacts fortnightly. Second, a staff member at the rural health centre is assigned part-time supervisory and survey duties: to check the initial listings of the registrar; thereafter, to inspect the registrar's records at least quarterly; and to conduct a household survey each six months, updating the household register and recording births and deaths independently. The registrar's list is sent to the district office immediately before the survey, where it is matched with the survey list forwarded by the local supervisor. A list of unmatched events is returned to the supervisor who with the registrar revisits households to resolve the discrepancies. Under-registration is estimated to be 13 to 20 percent by the registrar method, 8 to 17 percent by the survey method. The birth rate is estimated to be about 44 and the death rate about 19. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article records the evidence in India of a new and unusual mass communications strategy in that country's family planning program. India's brave radical departures in mass motivation techniques are worth study because they hold promise of unprecedented payoffs at reasonable cost, within the pressing time limits of national fertility control programs in the crucial developing countries. India herself, by virtue of the massive attention she has received from aid-giving countries, exemplified diagrammatically the unhappy record of mass communications at work in a national development program. The first important fact that struck the Indians in their examination of their mass media program was that the press, radio and films reach only an estimated 20-25 percent of the population, mainly in the urban and semi-urban concentrations, where the need for motivation is least. The Indian program must reach out to the minds of some 400 million persons. Illiteracy is widespread, incomes are low, and there is little built-in motivation toward family planning. Effective mass media in the vast rural areas are insufficient.

The article focuses on various motivational aspects of resistance to family planning in an Indian village. Studies indicate that there is both increasing acceptance of the concept of family planning and increasing knowledge of available methods of family planning in India. Creating awareness of family planning and providing services, however, seem to be easier than motivating people to adopt a method. The Indian Government is determined to find every way to increase the rate of adoption and there is little question but that the rate will increase. The question is whether it will improve rapidly enough to ease the rapid rate of population growth which is placing increasing strain on the economic, political and social structure of the country. Resistance to family planning in India has been in part due to the fact that there is no method that is generally acceptable. The difficulties that the family planning program has had are well known, particularly because of the bleeding that follows a large number of insertions. Vasectomy and tubectomy also remain a source of fear for many men and women. There is increasing recognition that attention must be given the motivational aspects of fertility control as a basis for determining new directions that national programs may take.

The article discusses how the Indian Government is making efforts to tackle the problem of population in the country. The population is growing at the rate of slightly over 2.5 percent per year. And at the current rate of increase it may double itself in the next 28 years, reaching the incredible figure of one billion before the end of this century. The major cause of this high rate of growth is not so much the high birth rate as the increasing success, in terms of Asian standards, with which India's health and medical services have been implemented in the last three five-year plans. Major communicable diseases like cholera, malaria and smallpox have been nearly brought under control and measures to eradicate them are now being put into effect. Although the availability of goods and services has increased threefold over the last decade, their per capita consumption has not increased at all. While this year a partial breakthrough in agricultural production has been achieved, resulting in bumper crops of nearly 100 million tons, compared to about 65 million tons a year in the past few years, the per capita consumption of foodgrains has not markedly increased. The major problem before the Government is to reach the country's married couples and convince them of the need for small families.

Copyright of Demography (Springer Nature) is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)