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The effects of education on current migration propensities in the United States are examined for each age group, and an estimate is made of how these age-specific differentials cumulate over a lifetime in determining the number of times that individuals at different educational levels can expect to move over the course of their lives. The independent effects of age, education, and occupation are also examined. Two other sections investigate trends in educational selectivity of migration in the United States and international comparisons of occupational differences in migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A replication for Canada of Schnore's studies of socio-economic differentiation between United States central cities and suburbs produces generally similar results, although the Canadian patterns are by no means as pronounced or conclusive. Older, larger and highly suburbanized Canadian areas are most apt to have high-status groups over-represented in the suburbs and low-status groups over-represented in the central city. Furthermore, this pattern of socio-economic differentiation is found less often in Canadian areas than in the United States areas which tend to be older and larger. A study of change over time also suggests a movement toward socio-economic differentiation between city and suburb. These results are consistent with the Burgess zonal hypothesis which argues that lower-status groups increasingly inhabit the central section and upper-status groups the outskirts as cities grow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the results of a survey administered to discover how much concern there is with teaching sociology at the introductory level in the U.S. and Canadian sociology departments. Findings indicate that sociology departments are grappling with the problem of making beginning sociology a more relevant intellectual experience for students with an ever-growing range of interests and expectations. In the survey, 71.1 percent of the U.S. sociology departments had the conventional one-course format in the 1971-72 academic year while 28.9 percent had some other format. Because sociology is undergoing such rapid growth, the authors wanted to find out the degree to which schools were contemplating change in the future. Some critics feel that sociology departments have failed to adapt their course formats to changing student needs. Baker and Behrens feel this way and state that "it is imperative that we ... respond to the plurality of students' abilities, interests, and expectations." The survey indicates that this pessimism represents a metaphysical pathos and that, in fact, U.S. and Canadian departments of sociology are facing the demand for change. Perhaps the most telling evidence of departments' commitments to deal with changing student needs is in the departmental responses.

The article provides statistical information regarding sociologists in the U.S. as of 1972. The U.S. Office of Education annually undertakes a survey of earned degrees in each academic field by each institution of higher learning. Their latest report includes data for 1969-70 based on a total of 1,617 institutions. The entry for sociology in this report provides one operational definition of the number of sociology departments in the U.S. As a conservative estimate, then, there are at least 988 departments of sociology in the 1,617 institutions of higher learning in the U.S. presumably, sociology is also offered in most of the other colleges and universities but no degrees were reported as conferred from these schools in 1969-70. It should also be noted that these data do not include reference to community or junior colleges. Another source of data on the number of departments can be found in the 1972-73 edition of the Guide to Graduate Departments of sociology published by the American Sociological Association. The Guide reports the number of graduate departments in the U.S. and Canada. Over the four editions, the Guide has listed the following number of departments in the two countries: 1969--169; 1970--178; 1971--184; 1972--175.