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This paper reports on a study of the scientific output of British University chemists. The relationships between three different aspects of scientists' work (quantity, quality and industrial orientation) were examined, and whilst quantity and quality were highly correlated, industrial orientation appeared to represent a different dimension of research performance. Quality of output was the best Predictor of the recognition received by a chemist from the scientific community (in terms of medals, appointment to advisory committees, etc), his industrial involvement much the least good. It appears that a minority of British university chemists are oriented towards the industrial, rather than the basic research community in terms of their contributions and of their rewards. The influence of institutional affiliation upon recognition, for a given level of output, was examined. As in studies of American scientists, but in contrast to earlier work on British ones, institutional affiliation did appear to influence the recognition received. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Medical men in their handling of disease increasingly have recourse to "team-work." Various specialists each make their own diagnosis of the patient, and set out a corresponding course of treatment. It is for sociology (ill-equipped for the task though as yet it may be) to infuse the discussion and treatment of current ills with the quickening spirit of a synthetic science. As a modest contribution to such discussion of the Coal Crisis, the present studies are submitted, though of necessity preliminary and tentative. These studies open with a paper which attempts what may be called a sociological orientation of the Coal Question. Here the coal crisis is viewed as symptom of a deep-seated malady in the body politic. This introductory paper is followed by four others, which sample the manifold contributions to public welfare in general, and the coal question in particular, to be drawn from the physico-chemical sciences, from biology, and from the simpler aspects of social science. The Coal Crisis is but the concentrated expression, and virulent outbreak, of a crisis in Great Britain's national life.

The article presents news updates from the field of sociology. Raymond E. Bassett, professor and chairman of the Department of Sociology at the University of New Hampshire, died on December 5, 1956. Charles Spurgeon Johnson was born in Bristol, Virginia, on July 24, 1893 and died in Louisville, Kentucky, on October 27, 1956. After receiving his bachelor's degree from the University of Chicago in 1918, he pursued graduate studies in sociology under Robert E. Park, Albion W. Small, W.I. Thomas, and later Ellsworth Fans. M.W. Hodges, of the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research in Great Britain, has been appointed for two years to Great Britain's Scientific Mission in Washington for liaison duties in the field of industrial management and social science research. The Fourth Interamerican Congress of Psychology by the Interarnerican Society of Psychology was held at the University of Puerto Rico, Rio Piedras, from December 26-30, 1956. Luigi Sturzo Institute is holding a contest and offering a prize for a paper on sociology which the judges consider an effective contribution to this field of study both from the point of view of serious research and maturity of thought.

The article presents news updates on the Sociological Society of Great Britain, compiled as of January 1913. The meetings of the Session 1912-13 began on October 15 (evening) with a lecture on "Mythology and Life: An Interpretation of Olympus"; On October 29, at an evening meeting, F.W. Mott, read the paper on "Is Insanity on the Increase?"--Edward Brabrook was in the chair. On November 12, at an afternoon meeting, A.K. Coomaraswamy read a paper on "Sati: A Vindication of the Indian Woman"--Sir Francis Younghusband was in the chair. The paper will be published in the April number of the "Sociological Review." On November 26, at an afternoon meeting held in the library of the Royal Asiatic Society, B.L. Hutchins read the paper on "Fatigue and Efficiency."

This article discusses a plan to make the monetary unit conform to a standard of constant purchasing power over commodities in Great Britain. The original use of money was that a medium of exchange. When gold was settled upon as the best form of money because of its portability, durability, divisibility and concentration of large value in small bulk, money had practically no function as a standard for deferred payments. The plan if virtually to vary the amount of gold in the dollar or sovereign to the extent necessary to keep its purchasing power invariable. The use of an index number of prices, a mean of securing information as to changes in the general price level, can increase and decrease the weight of the sovereign. The government buys gold from the miner and sells it to the jeweller, at the rate of 123.27 grains per sovereign. The proposal to increase or decrease the amount of gold in a bullion-sovereign becomes, then, a proposal for the government to lower or raise the mint price of gold bullion. Using paper representatives like the gold certificates of the U.S. can avoid recoinage in the country. When gold was taken to the government it would not be coined and the certificate would be issued. Gold would only exist only as gold bullion and the only gold sovereign would be a virtual sovereign.

This paper shows that suicides increase immediately after a suicide story has been publicized in the news papers in Britain and in the United States, 1947-1968. The more publicity devoted to a suicide story, the larger the rise in suicides thereafter. The rise in suicides after a story is restricted mainly to the area in which the story was publicized. Alternative explanations of these findings are examined; the evidence indicates that the rise in suicides is due to the influence of suggestion on suicide, an influence not previously demonstrated on the national level of suicides. The substantive, theoretical, and methodological implications of these findings are examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the empirical utility of consensual and conflictual theories in explaining the social cohesion of the liberal democracies of Britain and the United States. After clarifying conceptual problems of value consensus theory and Marxist theory, it examines the forms and extent of value-commitment in these countries. The conclusion is that both theories grossly overstate the amount of both value consensus between individuals and value consistency within individuals that actually exists. Cohesion in liberal democracy depends rather on the lack of consistent commitment to general values of any sort and on the "pragmatic acceptance" by subordinate classes of their limited roles in society. Suggestive evidence is also found for the existence of some "false consciousness" among subordinate classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In modern pluralist societies, notably Great Britain and the United States, there has been a growth of full-time expert agencies officially empowered to implement legitimation in particular institutions or sectors of society. Thus control of the family is variously the responsibility of genetic, marriage and child guidance counsellors as well as "generic" social workers, doctors, teachers and so on. In this paper, authors attempt to show how several official agents doctors, social workers, voluntary associations for the disabled and also family and friends may act to redefine the situation of parents with disabled children so that they may continue to appear as "good" parents acting in accordance with the prescriptions of the official morality of child-rearing or making appropriate use of its rhetoric. Medical science was presented as based on a "disease model," the distinctive nature of its explanations deriving from their being conceptualized in terms of the structure and functioning of the body. Secondly, parents' ideology, though expressed in common-sense terms, was shown as grounded also in various scientific legitimations.

The sociology of knowledge suffers from a discrepancy between profound theoretical significance and inadequate empirical exploration. An understanding of the development of British management thought demands reference to the theoretical perspective of the sociology of knowledge. At the same time, despite the problems of handling historical data, the progress of this system of thought provides a useful empirical case-study in the light of which certain theoretical questions might be reviewed. These considerations determine the broad purpose and framework of this paper. Its first main section briefly reviews the overall developmental cycle of British management thought. The second analyzed the social functions of the content of management thought, and examines factors influencing that content at different points in time. The final section considers the acceptance enjoyed by management thought among those it was intended to assist and represent. Throughout the paper, emphasis is on the social context of British management thought rather than on its epistemological status, although these two facets are not entirely separable.

The article sheds light on 'embourgeoisement' and self rated class. In a paper published in the periodical "The Sociological Review," sociologists John H. Goldthorpe and David Lockwood, have convincingly argued against the view that post-war affluence has made manual workers and their wives 'middle-class' in attitudes and styles of life, and have put forward a model which gives the notion of 'embourgoisement' a precise and testable meaning. This paper sets out to show that figures for self-rated class in Great Britain can, on the contrary, be used to elucidate both these questions provided that respondents have been asked about the meaning of their self-rating. The data on which this conclusion is based are taken from a national sample survey carried out in the spring of 1962. The embourgeoisement thesis is of course not new. Before the Second World War many different observers spoke of a visible assimilation between the manual and non-manual classes. Proper examination of the embourgeoisement thesis requires, however, that the relationship with income should be more fully considered. The embourgeoisement thesis would presumably lead people to expect that the frequency of Conservative support should be highest among those manual workers (or their wives) who have reached the top third of the overall income distribution, and perhaps it would also lead people to expect that the correlation with self-rating should hold within all three levels of income.

In this research article based on material gathered during the course of a study of extra-familial kinship in the County Borough of Swansea, the authors draw attention to the importance of a detailed consideration of affinal roles and relationships in studies of kinship and marriage in Great Britain. The obvious neglect of this subject in the few previous studies that have been made in both rural and urban situations appears to arise from two sources. Firstly, this is an area of research in which the use of adequate statistical techniques is essential for the discernment of regularities in behaviour. Secondly and more importantly, there has been a tendency to use a conceptual approach which emphasizes consanguinity to the nearly complete exclusion of relationships through marriage. In this paper the author is primarily concerned with affinal roles and relationships. It seems essential to their argument to state that the particular conceptual approach discussed above which tends to treat husband and wife as a composite Ego, as "one flesh" socially, or the household as an undifferentiated unit in kin relations, is methodologically inaccurate and must of necessity obscure the analysis of these important relationships.

The aim of the paper is, to consider the social position of the Anglo-colored in relation to his ethnic group and to the host society. The immigrants take as wives or consorts mostly local working class white women and miscegenation has now produced two generations of British-born colored. For the purpose of this paper they will be called Anglo-coloreds and only Negro and Muslim immigrants will be discussed. Muslim immigrants and their sons are seamen by occupation. Their wives or consorts are mostly white working class women but as the communities increase in numbers and time-depth Anglo-colored Muslim girls become available for marriage. Muslims have their own institutions for religious, social and recreational purposes using as centres for these activities, the Mosque or Zoaia, cafes and boarding houses respectively, with the sheikh and boarding house master performing the roles of primary and secondary leaders of the community. The attitude of the Negro father towards the upbringing of his child differs from that of his Muslim counterpart. Except for his insistence on strict obedience to parental control no attempt is made to train the child to become a carrier of the culture of the Negro community. The British wife or consort occupies a unique position in the community.

This article focuses on the issue of trade union wage policy in postwar Britain. It was learned that Sir William Beveridge pointed out the responsibilities which would confront trade unions in an environment of full employment. Based on a theoretical point of view, for full employment to be adopted as a major governmental policy in time of peace, Beveridge reasoned that a change in the economic order would require other institutional adjustments. On the issue of collective bargaining, he pointed out that there is a danger that sectional wage bargaining pursued without regard to its effects upon prices, may lead to a vicious spiral of inflation. The relative stabilization of the price level through subsidies and price control helped to the success of the policy of wage restraint. The presence of the Labour Government also contributed to the success of the policy.

The article reveals that manpower allocation by manipulation of relative wages permitting free occupational choice based on wage inducements was blocked before the war began in Great Britain. The earlier recommendations of the Committee of Imperial Defence to this effect were abandoned in the late 1930s. This abandonment was probably in response to pressure by labor unions. Subsequently, trade union members and their sympathizers in England have attempted to justify their position by arguments expressed in terms of the general welfare. It has been argued that wage inducements under full employment are not so effective an allocation device as under normal conditions.

Using a variety of indicators, such as the number of scientists, number of journals, or number of professional associations, the growth of modern science has been exponential, doubling with regularity through various time intervals, and resulting in a population of scientists about eighty to ninety per cent of all scientists who ever lived. The second condition includes the division of science into disciplines, the growth of research specialties, and the further emergence of research problem areas which have all contributed to the fragmentation of specialized knowledge. This paper presents the results of an investigation of one national communication system in a research speciality: the high energy physics community in Great Britain. The focus of the paper is on four questions about the communication system. First, which methods of communication are important to individual scientists and why are they important? Second, what are the social scientific characteristics of scientists who participate in the informal communication system? Third, how best can the organization of the informal communication system be characterized? Fourth what is the relationship between the communication and the reward systems?

The article presents information regarding the International Association For Dental Research proceedings of the British Section School of Dental Surgery at the University of Birmingham, in Birmingham, Great Britain on April 2-3, 1954. An index of participants and corresponding abstracts is provided. A list of papers read by title is presented.

Some recent typologies of religious groups have taken as their basis the religious group's response to the world, implying that there exists a pattern of association between this response and the organization, which expresses it. This paper presents some of the findings from research into a group, British Israelism, is neither sect nor cult as these are usually defined; it asserts its own teachings neither as autonomous nor yet as necessary for salvation. It is tolerated, but not respected; anxious for recognition as divine truth and yet aware of its slight prospects of attaining it. To the outsider, British Israelism is a sect but this is a designation, which it has tried to resist; and, sociologically, it is not a sect. This ambiguous position has had important consequences for its organizational structure, its authority structure, its membership, and its ecclesiology. The modern British Israel movement has a short history, having begun in the final quarter of the nineteenth century. It has never had a very large following estimates of a worldwide membership of two million are usually considered high. British Israelites believe that the Anglo-Saxons are the descendants of the lost ten tribes of Israel; from this belief they have drawn a number of conclusions concerning the supremacy of the white race; the Divinely-appointed leadership role of the Anglo-Saxon nations; and the extent to which Protestant beliefs should enter into political and economic thinking.

This article comments on a paper about the social consequences of industrial transference in Great Britain, previously published in "The Sociological Review" journal. In his article "The Social Consequences of Industrial Transference," Mr. A. D. K. Owen attempted to develop a case, firstly, against the policy of assisted transference of workers from the depressed to the prosperous areas; and secondly, against the location of the newer industries in the South-east and Midlands. Unfortunately, Mr. Owen made several statements of fact and judgment which it is difficult to accept. Mr. Owen's first major charge is that a great deal of the post-war development of the newer industrial areas of the country was made possible only by the solicitude shown by the Ministry of Labor's transference schemes in ensuring, not only that these areas had adequate labor supplies for the unimpeded development of the expanding industries, but that they secured the needed labor more cheaply than would have been the case had these schemes not existed. This last conclusion is based on the following reasoning: the official transference schemes, by facilitating the mobility of labor, had the effect of increasing the elasticity of the supply of labor to small increases in wages.

There was a dramatic turning point in the sociological career of Leonard Hobhouse. It occurred about the close of the first decade of his tenure of the Martin White Chair. But before speaking of that, something must be said as to how Hobhouse came into the sociological movement. His passage from the Oxford tradition of political philosophy, and the somewhat arid field of Teutonic epistemology, marked by the publication in 1901 of the book "Mind in Evolution," was no doubt deflected in a more sociological direction during the following years, when preparations were being made for the public launching of the Sociological Society in 1903. A public meeting was held in June, 1903, for considering ways and means to launch the projected Society, Hobhouse warmly seconded a resolution, moved by sociologist Oscar Browning, for the appointment of a committee to formulate the scope and aims of the Society and to draft its constitution. Hobhouse became an active member of the formative committee whose Report, having been accepted without amendment at the first general meeting of members, may be taken as the substantive basis of the sociological movement in Great Britain.

Since the Second World War, considerable attention has been focused by sociologists on the processes associated with the rehousing of families on council estates on the periphery of large towns. Parallel with this has been a growing interest in the residential mobility of middle-class spiralists. The number of households owning rather than renting in Great Britain today has risen to about fifty per cent. from a figure of around ten per cent at the turn of the century. In a generation, the proportion owning has risen from a quarter to a half. All the indications are that it will continue to grow, encouraged as it is by all the major political parties. The social effects of this change on the families concerned remain unexplored. This paper sets out to investigate the life-style of manual workers and their families on new owner occupied estates, and to compare them in a number of respects with their non-manual neighbors, and with an equivalent group of manual workers in new council houses.

The article focuses on capitalist states, and under governments explicitly dedicated to the reduction of the interference of the state in the economy and the trend towards the dominance of the state that has continued. This article is intended as an illustration of one possible outcome of such a situation - the 'capture' of a part of the voluntary association leadership by societal elites, and its reintegration into the structure of these elites. At an empirical level the subject of the paper is a study of the relations between the broadcasting organizations in Great Britain, and the Christian denominations. The study therefore raises questions for further investigation about the relationship between integration at different levels of analysis. While in this present context it is necessary to stress this point with respect to the theory of voluntary association, it is evidently a problem of far wider significance in sociological theory. It is hoped that this small investigation will have reopened these theoretical questions, and suggested lines along which they might be pursued in the field.

The article focuses on the fact that in one sense full-time youth leaders are comparative newcomers to the British social scene. A great deal of thought has gone into the question of the recruitment, selection and training of full-time youth leaders. A research project in these areas has been conducted from the Westhill College of Education. The present paper is concerned only with that part of the research which examined the leaders' social class origins. It was hypothesized that they would come from homes which were lower middle-class, fathers being lower-grade non-manual workers. This estimate was based partly on a supposed parallel with recruits to the teaching profession. There are other features of the life-histories of the leaders which have come to be connected with traditional working-class life. Nearly all the parents concerned finished full-time schooling at the earliest age allowed by law at the time. This applies to forty-five fathers and forty-one mothers. The leaders themselves have fared better, since twenty-one reached grammar school at least. If one may hazard a generalisation about full-time youth leaders on the basis of this one constituency--they come from a working class background where their parents displayed some middle-class attitudes. They themselves have internalized those middle-class values.

This paper will examine the attitudes of Quaker employers towards industrial relations and the management of labor during the present century. It will consider the inconsistencies between religious faith and occupational position that confronted Quaker employers in varying degrees over the years. In an attempt to reconcile conscience and practice, these employers formulated new approaches to a wide range of industrial problems, and, it will be argued, in so doing exerted considerable influence on the overall development of British managerial thought. Most of this analysis will relate to the years previous to Second World War, when the opinions of Quaker employers were both more widely recorded and when their influence on a then less mature British management philosophy was most noticeable. A separate conclusion will examine the position of Quaker employers since 1945.

The article presents a news brief related to research at the University of Warwick SSRC Industrial Relations Research Unit in England, as of July 1, 1972. Topics of ongoing research projects include industrial relations in factories, organizational behavior in labor unions, economic aspects of labor markets, and labor law and legislation in Great Britain.

Reprints part of a study conducted by Vivien M. Palmer which was published in the "American Journal of Sociology," as of October 1927. In the series of papers and discussions presented at the first meetings of the Sociological Society, which were held in London, England in 1904, founders vividly summarized the state of sociology in Great Britain and outlined the role which the new Society hoped to play in future developments. It is illuminating to compare the status and aims as reflected at that time with the present attainments of British sociology. A consensus seems to run through the 1904 reports that, while a great deal of practical reform was being carried on in Great Britain, the scientific study of social life lagged behind. In the introductory address, James Bryce, first president of the Society, surveys the situation and suggests a programme which the new Society may follow in bringing this where of British thought into its own. His description of existing conditions and his proposed plans for the Sociological Society has been summarized in the article.

The article provides information on various journals related to economics and sociology. The "Economic Journal" contains papers by economist R.L. Wedgwood that discusses the statistics of railway costs. He analyses the recent returns of traffic and receipts, and contends that a more scientific statistical system should be introduced. Economist H.W. Macrosty submits proposals for an economic survey of Great Britain and physician Jacques Dumas discusses the present state of the land system in France. The "International Journal of Ethics" shares the views of economists. Professor J.S. Mackensie gives his opinion that late Edward Cuird has built up a solid treasure-house of wisdom that will outlast many erections in breadth of knowledge, balance and judgment, maturity of insight and power of luminous expression. Professor F. Tidily figures out the late Friedrich Paulsen, as child of a hardy, frugal, clear-headed and warm-hearted seafaring race who gave philosophical expression to the ideals of a stock from which so many intellectual leaders of the old fatherland had sprung, and upon the integrity of which the future glory of Germany depends.

The article presents abstracts of various papers related to immigration in Europe that were published in several periodicals. One of the papers discussed is "Planned Indian Immigration: The Role of the High Commissions," by B.A. Chansarkar. This paper offers a critique of some of the existing arrangements for the movement of voucher holders out of India and into Great Britain and makes a number of specific proposals as to how these might be improved, particularly under the aegis of the particular High Commissions concerned. Another paper discussed is "A Shipboard Study of Some British Born Immigrants Returning to the United Kingdom From Australia," by Alan Richardson. The aim of this study is to explore some of the psycho-social determinants of return migration among British born married, male, skilled, manual workers and to compare those who intend to resettle permanently in Great Britain with those who were undecided about resettling there. A tentative conclusion suggested by the results is that permanent' returnees are more likely to be motivated by economic considerations. The undecided returnees, on the other hand, are more likely to be motivated by emotional considerations.

The article presents comments of the author on a speech given by George Parish, editor of the journal "The Statist," delivered at the meeting of the Sociological Society, held in London, England, on May 2, 1911. Great Britain in the first half of the last century developed its banking institutions faster than its neighbours and competitors had done, and its commercial relations all over the world gave it opportunities for investments of which it took, and was still taking, great advantage. Great Britain's capitalists have no doubt made their investments primarily for their own benefit, but Paish had admirably brought out in his paper the fact that the investments of English people abroad had materially benefited the whole world. The uncivilised nations were increasing at a far greater rate than the civilised, and the latter must never give up, for the sake of a comfortable or luxurious feeling, the consideration that they may have to fight for their very existence. Paish said that two things were essential to progress, an increased supply coupled with an increased demand.

This paper discusses recent speculation concerning the normative bond which ties the lower class to the present structure of British society. It focuses on the assertions by some theorists that the normative opposition which can arise 'spontaneously' within the lower class is inherently limited in scope, and that any future class based movements of a radical kind depend on the action of agencies 'external' to the lower class. Some preliminary results are presented from a recent survey of council tenants in Barking, East London, some of whom were on rent strike. This evidence reveals the existence of attitudes 'deviant' to dominant values concerning the ownership and rights of property. In conclusion, the nature of lower class normative opposition is reassessed and it is suggested that the lower class are not as conceptually restricted as is often suggested, and that future possibilities of radical action do not necessarily depend on the activities of the Labour Party or trade unions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the possibilities and limitations of studying policy-making in the British National Health Service (NHS). It assumes that the power of pressure groups changes over time, based from the nature of the issue involved, the setting within which a particular issue is being discussed, the commitments of the actors and the presence or absence of other players. Reorganization of the NHS, which is associated to the policy-making issues, turned out to be caused by the reorganization of the local government.

The article explores the hierarchical organization and structural variance of hospitals in Great Britain managed by the National Health Service. Emphasis is given to topics such as the role of bureaucracy in the allocation of duties and responsibilities for hospital staff, the professionalisation of nurses and nursing, and systematic differences in the perception of work.

The article discusses sociological aspects of the organizing of the National Health Service in Great Britain. Emphasis is given to topics such as the development of community medicine, the research of scholar E. Freidson in books such as "Profession of Medicine," the relationship between doctors and patients in hospitals, and the responsibilities of community physicians.

This paper challenges the type of interpretation of the successful political incorporation of the British working class in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries which stresses normative factors-'deference', craving for respectability, bourgeoisification, religious feelings etc. It corrects misleading statements in some of these accounts and uses historical evidence to stress the importance of objective, structural constraints on working class ability to mobilize on a class basis in the political system prior to 1918. Following this interpretation some points are made about the British political culture on theoretical grounds stemming from Durkheim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an historical and statistical analysis of the pre-professional education of officers of various sectors and levels of the British Army between 1800 and 1971. 'Four eras' in the evolution of educational selectivity in the army commissioning system are identified: 1800-1849---educational criteria irrelevant; 1849-I 870-partial educational selectivity; 1870-1939-examination-dominated selection; 1941 onwards- `scientific' selection. In the light of this historical pattern, it was anticipated that the officer corps would show a heavy dependence on the elite sector of education, although also, over time, a reduction in this dependence. Examination of figures for membership of Woolwich (1855-1939), of Sandhurst (1890-1967), of the army elite (1870-1971), and of the officer corps as a whole (1969) verified these predictions. Officership proves to have been a virtual monopoly of the public schools-amongst whom the major boarding schools were predominant at least up to the Second World War, and even since then public school boys have predominated at every level of the army until quite recently. However, it is also clear that an irreversible decline in the role of the public schools has now set in, and that state sector schools are now taking over the major role in the supply of new officers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper begins by examining the typology of educational systems outlined by Earl Hopper m Sociology (vol. 2, no. I, 1968) and argues against the attempt to reduce the comparative study of education to varieties of occupational selection. On the other hand, accepting that a central part of the sociology of education must be with ideology and the generation and transmission of learning, it outlines a framework for examining this in Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents an informal account of an approach to the construction of stochastic models for the duration of a class of social or economic events that has proved to be useful in describing the duration of strikes in Great Britain. Consider the duration of disputes which are resolved by a process of bargaining, for example, a dispute between "Union" and "Management" over a claim for a pay increase. To fix ideas suppose the union is claiming an increase of 25p an hour and the management's initial response is to make an offer of, say, 10p. It seems not unreasonable to say that the dispute ceases at the first point of time at which the management are making an offer which the union finds acceptable or, equivalently, when the union demand is one which the management finds acceptable. Furthermore, casual observation suggests that typically during the course of a dispute the union demand and the management offer change, often in a rather unpredictable and irregular manner, presumably as both parties reassess in the light of the latest information, demands and offers that it is optimal for them to make.

The article discusses the institutional pressures and constraints faced by mass communication. Mass media communicators live in a climate of intense competitive pressures. These are personal, situational, social, institutional. The purpose of this paper is to look at some of these systems of pressures and inhibitions from the communicators' point of view. The basic data are interviews conducted with mass communicators involved in the reporting of schools and education in the United States, Great Britain, France, and the Soviet Union. Beyond citing representative or authoritative views of these specialized communicators, the article has attempted to illuminate the nature of institutional relationships in mass communication about another social institution and something of the flavor and climate of mass communicator decision-making in different social systems. The more distant goal of these studies is the development of a scheme and terminology for the more systematic analysis of communicator decisions within the framework of a theory of mass communication.

The article discusses the control and conduct of educational broadcasting. Entertainment, education and information has a formal place in the preamble to successive British Broadcasting Corp. (BBC) Charters, in the Independent Television Acts of 1954 and 1964 and in instruments of government of public service broadcasting organizations scattered throughout the world. The BBC has always held with justice that the educative duty imposed upon it by its charter is discharged through its whole program output. It has at the same time accepted an obligation to make a contribution through specifically educational programs to the work of those institutions which carry on the formal business of teaching and together constitute the national system of education. The major companies working under the aegis of the Independent Television Authority have followed suit. The present paper deals with some of the organizational problems raised in Great Britain by the increasing demand for programs in this latter category, including programs for the serious home student as well as for schools and colleges, universities and industrial training schemes.

The article discusses problems of creativity and control related to television. Television in Great Britain seems to have developed a resistance towards sustained social enquiry from outside, while producing few professionals to attempt to diagnose the medium from within. The standpoint of this paper, written from experience both as a producer and as an executive, is exploratory. It aims to identify and describe some of the main forces which influence decisions in television. The British Broadcasting Corp. and television station Independent Television are sometimes discussed together because, although there are differences between these two systems, similarities in organization and creative impulses are close enough to allow a general discussion of creativity and control in television. The conflict between creativity and control can only be reconciled in television as in so many other forms of human activity, by going back to the idea of responsibility itself. The better way is to look on responsibility in the broadcasting organization as multiple that is a number of people exercising different functions, each with a wide and overlapping responsibility.

This article focuses on the educational research in the field of measurement, guidance, child development, educational psychology, group methods and social influence upon educational processes in Great Britain. The role of tests of interests in connection with choosing a grammar or a technical secondary education was examined. Work has been carried out in other fields, but more attention should be given in the future to learning and teaching problems in the classroom relating them, perhaps, to psychological results and theory.

Surveys since World War II have invariably found that, contrary to the expectations of traditional social theory, the lower classes are least, rather than most, likely to be involved in religion. The proposed explanation of these findings is that the lower classes find radical politics a more attractive outlet than religion for their status dissatisfactions, and that this propensity accounts for their greater religious apathy. This interpretation is supported by findings based on a survey of British adults. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The allocation of British youth to different secondary schools according to performance on the eleven-plus and assignment to different streams within modern and grammar schools constitutes a critical point in the lives of British youth. These sorting patterns, which separate the elite from the ordinary student, represent a change in life opportunities. The paper examines the changing roles of modern and grammar schools in the British educational system, and traces out, through secondary analysis and data drawn from completed studies, the effects of even plus streaming on the self-image, academic performance, vocational goal. and attitudes toward school and society of middle-and working-clan British youth in both types of schools. Early educational selection and stratification reinforces the influence of class background on life opportunity and results in a lowering of self- esteem, academic performance, and vocational goals for youth allocated to low-status schools and streams. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article documents the number of strikes in the four regions of Great Britain from 1921 to 1936. A fierce controversy has been raging for a number of years among economists concerned with the problem of industrial location as to whether labor in the older industrial areas of the country is more or less docile than labor in the southeast and midlands. In the course of the argument, the protagonists usually appeal to what the statistics of the number of strikes called in each area of the country would show if someone compiled them. But so far the only factual contribution which has been made are some figures of the number of man-days lost in 1934 and 1935 in strikes called in the coal-mining industry of the northeast coast and south Wales. This article is based upon particulars of certain outstanding strikes of which particulars are given each month in the Ministry of Labour Gazette, which in turn, is compiled from memoranda filed with the Ministry by employers seeking to have any of their workers who have gone on strike refused admittance to relief rolls, by trade union leaders seeking to refute the contentions of the employers, and by the local exchange officials giving information as to the cause, outcome, number of men involved in strikes in the normal course of their reports to Montague House.

This article discusses the sociological aspects of modern English architecture as of 1930. The 19th century industrialism was expressed in Great Britain by the cheapest and most unpleasant form of urbanism--developed in centers remote from the normal English traditions of culture, for example, the peasant culture represented on the social side by the Country Family, and on the intellectual, by the University of Oxford. This industrial urbanism had no tradition of city life to guide it, like the city life of the continent, and 19th century towns were, for the most part, nothing but crude miners' camps. It is interesting to note how the various political parties have contributed to the architectural problems of the day as particularly exemplified in post-war housing. After the War, when Lloyd George was in power, the Liberals attempted to solve the problem by the employment of architects, and were successful to the extent that they produced a series of model settlements, which will be a starting point for similar schemes of building for a very great while to come. These little architectural communities stand out as oases in the desert of speculative building--but, as they were provided ostensibly for the Working Classes, they have had this curious effect on the Class immediately above them, which is, that what is called a Council house, however, beautifully designed, has a distinctly detrimental effect on a Middle-Class neighborhood, so that this Class differentiation operates to the disadvantage of good architecture.

The so-called normal condition of things in Great Britain is clearly believed in as something which must necessarily re-establish itself. The problem of credit is not so much!the problem of its reconstruction, as of its organization, and on the best discoverable basis. The object of this article is to suggest that the time has come to recognise that sound finance can only exist where attention is focused not on the accumulation of capital, nor even on the discovery of outlets, but on the objects and method of its employment. Not all forms of capital being transmutable at any given moment, this fact has led to the system of exchange which we know as the credit system, and credit may be defined as the loan of liquid, convertible, or usable capital in exchange for or on the security of other less readily convertible resources. Security can be judged from this standpoint of survival value. The time has come to put an end to the long neglect from which so many social initiatives in this country are suffering for lack of their just share of financial support.

The article focuses on the response of the author on the comments made on his speech given at the meeting of the Sociological Society in London, England on May 2, 1911. In none of the criticisms is it denied that the material condition of the society has greatly improved as a result, and in consequence, of the much closer connection of all the countries of the world with each other through the invention and introduction of the steamship and of the railway. Nor is it denied that the savings of the British people, the employment of a portion of them in the construction of railways everywhere and the resultant strides towards economic unity have been powerful factors in bringing about the improvement in social conditions. The author said that his reference to the increase in real wages in Great Britain in the last sixty years was merely for the purpose of proving beyond the shadow of doubt that the mass of the people of Great Britain have largely participated in world movement, and have derived great advantage from the development and production of the good things with which nature has supplied the world wherever they could be found.

Presents information on a study which examined the foreign relations of France in terms of interaction. The purpose of this paper is to describe a collectivity whose members are nations, in much the same way that might be described a primary group composed of individuals. One of the authors has proposed a simple analytical model, based on four variables, for the description of situations in which two or more actors, having some common goals and some disparate goals, engage in joint action. The four variables are denoted as S, I, V, A. The S variable refers to some aspect of the relative strength of the parties, the I variable refers to the degree of their mutual influence within the relevant action system, the V variable refers to the volitional component of the situation, and the A variable is a measure of their joint achievement. When this scheme is used with reference to paired relationships in an informally organized group, the four variables are called status, involvement, valence, and activity. The United Kingdom stands closer to Western Europe than the United States in trade relationships but still must be characterized as marginal. Its total involvement is much less than any of the continental countries, and it does not loom large in their trading patterns, however they are analyzed.

Present a list of book received by the editorial staff of the British journal “The Sociological Review,” as of publication of the July 1968 issue. “Studies in Sociology,” edited by M. C. Albrecht; “Magazines Teenagers Read,” by C. Alderson.

The article discusses changes in use of ethnographic field data in social anthropological analyses in Great Britain. The author regards anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski as the father of modern British anthropology even if it was anthropologist A.R. Radcliffe-Brown that supplied the more fruitful theoretical approach in the subject. Theory is but one side of a science, the other equally important side is the type of data, which are subjected to theoretical analysis. Here Malinowski produced a revolutionary change in the subject, though scholars in other countries were working on the same lines as he. Malinowski's long residence in the Trobriands and the fact that he worked through the Trobriands language enabled him to make observations on social life which were quite different in quality from the observations made by the casual travelers who had passed through colonial countries. The change in the nature of his data had a profound effect on his own thinking, and hence on the subject. This can be illustrated briefly by comparing two of his books with a work that is still a classic of ethnography.

The article estimates the part played by the Ministry of Labor in Great Britain, through its local offices, in placing men and women who are entering, or changing, employment. A "placement" is defined as a vacancy filled by an applicant submitted by the ministry. Separate estimates are made for all industries and industry groups for which there is published information on both placements and engagements. A comparison is made between the year October 1950 to September 1951, soon after the Control of Engagements Order was revoked, and the year October 1953 to September 1954, reflecting recent experience under the Notification of Vacancies Order. The result of the Order was that a much higher proportion of people changing employment passed through the local offices of the Ministry. In these circumstances it was to be expected that the number of placements would rise. In fact, in the first four weeks after the introduction of the Order 274,030 placements were made, compared with 171,000 in the previous four weeks.