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An unexamined problem in the history of American sociology is how to understand cross-societal transference of theoretical structures. The case study considered here is that of the cultural migration of refugee scholars from Nazi Germany to the United States. This paper treats this event as a problem in the sociology of theory structures. Habermas' work on the social character of scientific knowledge aids in conceptualizing our frame- work. A major substantive contribution concerns the use for the first time of data sources previously unknown or ignored in the existent literature on refugee scholars. The analysis focuses particularly on the comparative depletions of theoretical structures from German universities. Sociology emerges as one of the early disciplines to feel the impact of the Third Reich in terms of depletion rates and losses of senior faculty. It also ranks very high in the percentage of refugee scholars already in the United States by 1937. Two other aspects of this problem are considered in less detail: the character of sociology remaining in the Third Reich and the examination of a `deviant' case in the cross-societal transference of theory structure in sociology from Germany to the United States. The paper ends with additional reflections on the study of theory structures and general issues in the history of sociology in the context of examining theory structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main object of this paper is to separate several strands in the relationship between the works of Marx and Max Weber. Max Weber has rightly been regarded as Marx's most profound intellectual critic. But there has been much confusion in subsequent literature over the nature and validity of Weber's critique of Marx. This perhaps stems, in part at least, from a failure to distinguish a number of different, although interrelated, themes in Weber's writings. Weber wrote not simply as a critic of Marx, but also in response to the writings and political involvements of the prominent Marxists of his day. Three partially separable aspects of Weber's views thus may be isolated: (a) His attitude towards Marxism in the shape of the main Marxist political agency in Germany, the Social Democratic Party. (b) His views upon the academic contributions of Marxist authors to history and sociology. (c) His views upon what he considered to be Man's own original ideas. These three aspects of Weber's thought may in turn be distinguished from the analytic problem of how far Weber's own understanding of Marx's theory of historical materialism was in fact a valid one. Some of Marx's posthumously published writings, unavailable to Weber, allow us to form a clear judgement on this question. The historical changes in the social and political structure of Germany from the middle to the latter part of the nineteenth century form an essential background to the whole of the paper: Weber's attitudes toward Marx and Marxism cannot be understood out of this context. Weber's work was written not solely in response to a wraith-like "ghost of Marx", but also in response to a force--Marxism--which played a vital political and intellectual role in Imperial Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present of political elections in Schleswig-Holstein during the years paper is based on a study movements, parties, and the German region of which was carried out 1932 to 1934. Since the people's delegates to legislative bodies are elected for definite areas, the ecological approach to the analysis of election results is so to speak suggested by the very nature of the data. This would not be the case if elections were conducted by occupational or other non-territorial units. Besides, the political behavior of most people is to a large extent conditioned by the opinions and actions of other persons with whom they live in close proximity, particularly in rural society. The student of political movements in pre-Nazi Germany had the advantage that a multiple party system lends itself better than a two party system to this kind of analysis, and furthermore that the system of proportional representation favored the organization of political parties around definite social interest groups, and therefore emphasized the correspondence between social classes and political parties. Consequently the party constellation in any area came very close to an expression of the class structure of that area.

When political rulers are greedy for power, when they wish to maximize their autonomy in the face of feudal, bureaucratic and other impediments, they tend to avail themselves of the services of alien groups of men who have no roots in the country they rule. The rootless alien is an ideal servant of power who can easily be bent to the ruler's purposes because he is totally dependent and cannot accumulate autonomous power. Which particular alien groups can be used for these purposes depends on availability and historical circumstances. This paper deals with two historical cases: The Court Jews of Baroque Germany and the Christian renegades who served the Ottoman Empire at its height. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the training procedures for teachers in the public schools of Germany. The responsibility of maintaining the public school system and the preparation of teachers rests with the individual state wherein each state has to develop an educational system that reflects its particular needs and capabilities. A prerequisite for entry into any university or teacher-training institution is the certificate received upon completion of the secondary school, called Gymnasium. Traditional role of this Gymnasium, which is characterized as a combination of junior high school, senior high school and junior college, has been to prepare young people for entrance into the university.

The article provides information on various journals related to economics and sociology. The "Economic Journal" contains papers by economist R.L. Wedgwood that discusses the statistics of railway costs. He analyses the recent returns of traffic and receipts, and contends that a more scientific statistical system should be introduced. Economist H.W. Macrosty submits proposals for an economic survey of Great Britain and physician Jacques Dumas discusses the present state of the land system in France. The "International Journal of Ethics" shares the views of economists. Professor J.S. Mackensie gives his opinion that late Edward Cuird has built up a solid treasure-house of wisdom that will outlast many erections in breadth of knowledge, balance and judgment, maturity of insight and power of luminous expression. Professor F. Tidily figures out the late Friedrich Paulsen, as child of a hardy, frugal, clear-headed and warm-hearted seafaring race who gave philosophical expression to the ideals of a stock from which so many intellectual leaders of the old fatherland had sprung, and upon the integrity of which the future glory of Germany depends.

In almost every country where coal is mined, labor protest among the workers in this industry has been frequent and intense in comparison with industrial workers generally. Yet, as this article demonstrates, there are significantly wide differences between countries in the strike propensity of coal miners. These differences are set forth here for Germany. France, Great Britain, and the United States. and also the Saar Territory. The author then traces the historical development of the mining work force and labor relations in each of these countries and analyzes their respective strike experiences in the light of the particular sociocultural setting as well as the mining environment. This analysis leads to the conclusion that the strike propensity inherent in the immediate environment of mining may be either activated or dampened, depending on the nature and impact of the larger sociocultural situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article traces codetermination in German industry from the Weimar and Nazi periods to the postwar British occupation. Codetermination was offered in 1946-1947 in successor companies to Vereinigte Stahlwerke. Thus, the labor unions had barely organized. In the passage of law in 1952 for all industries other than coal, iron and steel. The labor unions failed to achieve parity on the board of directors. The functions of the works councils in the German Revolution of 1918 include the representation of labor committees under the Auxiliary Service Act of 1916.

An important aspect of the reconstruction of Germany has been the rebuilding of the free trade union movement that had been smashed by the Nazi government. In the October 1951 issue of the Review, William McPherson discussed the political effort of German unions to gain a greater share of control in industrial life via "codetermination." Now, Clark Kerr, director of the institute of Industrial Relations, University of California (Berkeley)—after preparing this article he was named chancellor of the University of California (Berkeley)—describes the postwar development of collective bargaining in Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history and development of management-labor committees. In England, The Whitley Councils were founded for negotiation of wages, hours and working conditions. Following the World war I in Germany, work councils were organized by the Weimar Republic to address the demand and grievances of workers. In 1945, labor-management committees in France were established aimed to promote cooperation between workers and management. Meanwhile, work committees were created in Austria in 1947. In Mexico, the Labor Industry Pact was approved in April 7, 1945 by the Mexican Confederation of Industrial Chambers.

The article examines the political philosophy of Karl Marx by considering the relationship of Marx to Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel and the Young Hegelian movement. The author proposes that Marxism has derived some of it social perspectives from the conservative and reactionary thinking of German society and there are some affinities between Marxism and Romanticism. He also suggests that Marxism does not follow as a logical development or extension of the radical tradition of the Enlightenment.

The article discusses the difference in the family value and family structures in rural and urban areas in Germany. Data indicates that in Germany also the urban way of life increasingly extends its influence, and that the rural-urban differentials are vanishing. The trend in birth rates in Germany shows a sharp decline in the past hundred years. The rates of natural increase of Germany's population serve as a first reference point of the urban-rural differences. In 1959 the increase per 1,000 inhabitants was 88 for communities under 2,000, 6.4 for communities up to 100,000, and 3.6 for communities of 100,000 and over. In Germany, the process of urbanization is accompanied by a shift from a traditional patriarchal type of family to a more equalitarian partnership-type family. The article argues that if the change of norms pertaining to the role structure of the family system is still more dynamic in urban areas than in rural areas, then the leveling of the difference between country and city is actually not progressing as rapidly as it is commonly assumed.

The article focuses on sociologist Max Weber, whose name is closely associated with the idea of the objectivity of the social sciences and their neutrality or freedom from value-judgments. Although the centenary of Weber's birth has provoked a whole torrent of writing in English about him, his achievements and their influence today, one cannot find in it any definitive description of how the discussion of the problem of facts-and-values began, how Weber got mixed up in it, or how it changed its course from a dispute about the formulation of social policy in Germany, to an excursion into the logic of scientific discovery. As Weber left things at the end of his life, the weight of opinion was behind the idea that fact and value were separate ideas, and this superficial conclusion has only been re-examined very recently. Not only have the sociologist's values to determine what be studies and why and how he studies it, but it is also at least unlikely that a sociologist will understand the social behavior of any person, unless his own life is motivated by a sense of purpose and he is able to rely on a sympathetic understanding of other people's conduct.

Changes in the relative "productivity" of the medical sciences in France, Germany, Britain, and the United States from 1800 to about 1925 may be explained as a result of the various degrees of competitiveness of the academic systems of these countries. The German and the American systems were competitive (because they were decentralized); the French and the British were not. Academic competition forced upon the German system, and later the American system as well, decisions which, according to contemporary expert opinion, were premature or unnecessary. These decisions, concerning the recognition of specialized disciplines, creation of research facilities, and expansion of scientific training, led to the emergence of regular scientific careers, and proved eventually to be decisive for the acceleration of scientific research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The experience of two world wars, the revolutions in Soviet Union and Germany thirty years ago, the Civil War in China, the expansion of the Soviet sphere of influence into the very heart of Europe and the ensuing tensions between the partisans of capitalism, socialism and communism have aroused an intensified interest in the study of those forces and factors which have contributed to the present crisis of Western society. Among these are, of foremost importance, those patterns of concerted social action and more or less organized groups which are commonly referred to as social and political "movements." The conventional approach to the study of these phenomena has been a historical and philosophical study of the ideas or "theories." These were interpreted and analyzed as if they were systems of philosophy. They were submitted to critical evaluation in terms of empirical truth, logical consistency, and ethical standards. Not much attention was paid to the meaning of these ideas to the masses of people who made up the movement or party, or to the social structure of these groups, or to related problems of sociological relevance.

The article studies the bio-social struggle as the basis of thought under the Third Reich by examining dictator Adolf Hitler's rule in Germany. The defeat and the economic and territorial reduction of Hitler's Germany are only too likely to lessen inquiry of the world conception which accompanied rationalized, and encouraged the activities of the Third Reich. In this study the record of Nazi economic, political, and military moves is being carefully examined. Nazi ideology and moral philosophy, on the other hand, are too often dismissed as "racism" or "ridiculous self-glorification," though racism was only a part of the outlook, and the unity and logic of the world view that spurred the Nazis on has been largely disregarded. The endless biological struggle which Hitler described for all other forms of life, he gladly welcomed in the human realm as well. Since mental and moral traits were considered simply the mechanical fulfillment of bodily predispositions, the physically heterogeneous Jews of Germany had to be ruled a unified biological type in order to make reasonable their blanket condemnation.

The war has brought new realization of the terrible consequences of international anarchy. The bankruptcy of nationalism as a system of world organization is proclaimed on every side. People are exhorted to adopt internationalism as a way of life, as though by an act of will we might create a master for the monster, rampant nationalism, which has perhaps reached its climax in modem Germany and Japan. The long, slow processes of cultural growth are disregarded, and people turn with high hope to the magic of conversion as a solution to their problems. With techniques of control developed by modem research people perhaps can increase somewhat the tempo of change but cultural growth is much more an organic than a mechanical process. They are likely to find the obstetrician's techniques are more effective than those of the inventor. They can do much to guarantee the health of the society which is giving birth to a new one, relieve somewhat the pain and anxiety which accompanies it, and prevent birth trauma but if they hurry the process too much we may produce abortion or those very traumatic experiences we seek to avoid.

The article discusses educational reconstruction in Europe after World War II. Concerning the occupied countries, the first thing is to ascertain to what degree the Nazi invasion has influenced the social environment in which a child is to be educated, and especially, the two most important groups, the family and the school. In Europe, particularly in the southeast great shillings of population were brought about by the Nazi policy. First the masses of war prisoners, and second, the slave workers recruited from all over Europe, were brought to Germany. Adult education is certainly undervalued in all plans for educational reconstruction. Until now, the adult education in all of Europe played a significant role, but it was never recognized as equally important, for example, to the secondary schools. However, for the workers its importance was equally as great. Adult education should come into its rightful place after the war with adequate financial support. Until now, it has been supported chiefly by membership contributions and small grants, unlike the schools which were financed by the state or municipalities.

"The German mind" was and is in many instances chameleon-like. The interval between Versailles and Hitler was marked by amazing changes of front on the part of intellectuals -- changes not only from year to year but almost from hour to hour. The social philosopher and sociologist Max Scheler, to choose one example, shifted position many times, and had the power to induce similar shifts among his followers. Failure to recognize this fluidity of German mentality led many observers to take Hitler too lightly: "The Nazis? They'll soon fade out." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a discussion on the view that American geopolitics may be able to fulfill the same mission in the U.S. as its German form has done in Germany. It could be a national pedagogical enterprise designed to awake people from a feeling of false security and to show them the interconnectedness of social and political phenomena upon this globe. The article describes the key characteristics of geopolitical theory as explained by Friedrich Ratzel, the spiritual expert of geopolitics. Geopolitics is further defined as providing "tools and guidance for political action." It remains open to discussion whether "historic forces" would not include economic motivations, but the point is that "managerial" thinking, be it of a soldierly or an engineering type, is posed as counterpart to economic reasoning both of a capitalistic and a Marxist bent. It is said that geopolitics results in a field theory of sociology. This implies a functional interrelationship of space and time. Following the discussion presented in the article, it is to be noted that the concept of "field" as employed in a Gestalt-sociology differs from the concept of "space" in as much as it includes the time aspect in addition to the space aspect.

Criminological research in Germany has not been confined solely to crimino-biological investigations. Social and environmental studies of crime and criminals have also been undertaken. But the tendency among the German students is to study particular offenses or particular classes of criminals. An outstanding series of studies under the editorship of professor Franz Exner of the University of Munich indicates the type of study referred to. The series, in which about twenty-five special monographs have already appeared, is devoted to psychological and statistical studies undertaken by lawyers. Exner feels that the legally trained student, as well as the physician and psychiatrist, should become familiar with and contribute toward the development of the fields of criminology. The titles reveal the special kinds of studies included in the series: "War and Criminality," "Forgery and Fraud During the World War," "Recidivistic Swindlers," and "Perjurers."

This article focuses on the use of the word kultur in the German war federation. It was between 1860 and 1870 that Matthew Arnold entered on his campaign to give the word culture a new virtue and power in English: the power to transform the whole social system of England. Although Arnold failed to introduce into English the moral connotation which he wished the word culture to bear, he succeeded in raising the word to a higher level by widening and strengthening its intellectual and aesthetic meaning. The word cultur, the Latin cultura, was introduced into Germany from France; and thanks to Johann Christoph Adelung, a typical German scholar of the universal type, the date of its introduction can be fixed with some precision. The immediate popularity of the word and its prompt condemnation by J. H. Campe are exactly typical of the attraction experienced by Germany for French ideas and of the constant reactions against them. One event in the history of the word cultur, has been almost forgotten at the present day, owing to later political developments. Cultur in Germany began its career nobly and with higher claims than the word culture in England or in France.

Great things have been expected from the application of the sciences to the industries, and so far as material production goes, the results have surpassed anticipation. Yet meanwhile the hopes for an accompanying age of peace and social progress have as yet not materialized; indeed, the resources of warfare have grown more formidable than ever, without any adequate certainty of being able to restrain them. Moreover, the passions of international warfare are being too largely transferred to intra-national strife. Witness the growing parties of revolutionary type in France and Germany. Of these revolutionary parties, the Communists are but the most convinced and outspoken. Observation shows how the mass of present paleotechnic industry, with its corresponding schooling, goes on producing a nation wherein two-thirds of its school children need medical aid, and its youth are correspondingly debilitated and deteriorate: whereas wherever more rural conditions, with their real education, get a chance, these devastating effects are speedily reversed, and childhood and youth thus grow towards a new efficiency, for useful and happy occupation, and even towards higher general developments. For without an element of esthetic feeling, no "good job," not even a scavenger's, is thinkable.

The article examines the formation of civic movements in pre-war Germany. There were two vast organizations in pre-war Germany which practically divided the nation in two. There was the calculated notorious military organization and there was the spontaneous Garden of Eden organization. Everywhere on the one side there was preparation for war, and everywhere on the other side there was counteracting preparation for peace. By keeping the two sides distinct it is possible to trace the beginnings of a new unified and peaceful Germany under the old national ideal long before the war began, and to follow its growth and development under a new national ideal in the future. It first appeared as part and parcel of an intelligent proposal to produce the peaceful citizen in a peaceful environment under peaceful conditions of labor. This movement worked wonder. No German city or town was without it. Science, commerce, industry, industrial and social institutions, schools, theaters, workshops, all felt its beneficial influence. There was a very great deal of evidence indeed to testify to the birth in Germany of a genuine civic pride. Germans believed that every thought and act to be nationally right should first of all be civically right. A more reference to one branch of activity of the general civic movement will be sufficient to show how earnest and far-reaching was the endeavor to make things civically right.

The article attempts to analyze conceptually a recent two-year experience in a mediating role in East and West Berlin, Germany. It discusses how two diametrically opposed belief-action systems sustain themselves respectively in adaptive response to continuing new developments and in hostile interaction with each other, and the implications of this analysis for the role of a mediatory change agent. It says that the two belief-action systems are the official positions of the East and West regarding the dispute over the divided city of Berlin and the divided German nation.

The uninterrupted growth of a scientific field depends upon the existence of a scientific community permanently devoting itself to the field. Therefore a new idea is not sufficient to start the take-off into sustained growth in a new field; a new role must be created as well. In scientific psychology, this occurred in the late nineteenth century in Germany. Using Germany as the positive case, and France, Britain and the United States as negative cases, it is shown that the new role resulted from academic career opportunities favoring the mobility of practitioners and students of physiology into other fields, and from the relatively low academic standing of speculative philosophy and its consequent receptivity to persons and ideas which promised to turn the study of the human mind into an experimental science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent critiques of Weber have come particularly from younger German writers concerned with a reassessment of their country's history. These critiques, however, fit into a general pattern of attacks that either use a sociological approach for political purposes or deny altogether the resent rationale of political sociology. The major critiques have been undertaken by Marxists, Nazis and spokesmen of natural Law. The Marxist and Nazi views have been remarkably similar, and both single out Weber and Thomas Mann as the lest great representatives of the bourgeois era. The natural law critique tends to consider Webers work, if not all of sociology, as a step toward relativism or nihilism. These attacks raise general questions as to the ideological and institutional presuppositions of political sociology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of the relation between family structure and achievement have found that parental dominance is negatively related to the desire to achieve and to scholastic progress. As a test of the effects of parental dominance on the development of achievement potential, the association between perceived parent-adolescent relations and the likelihood of reaching secondary school was investigated in a secondary analysis of data from approximately 1,000 interviewees ages 18 and over in the U.S., Great Britain, West Germany, Italy, and Mexico. Parental dominance in adolescence was negatively associated with the probability of reaching secondary school in all five nations. Size of birthplace, religion, and social class were also associated with educational achievement, but parental dominance retained its effects even when these variables were controlled, except under conditions indicating a lack of educational opportunity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The manner in which engineering, mathematics, medicine, and other subjects can help in winner a war has gained increasing attention after the Second World War. Sociology, foreign languages, and many other subjects tend to be discouraged unless they can be shown to have an immediate win-the-war value, or at least a probable value in postwar adjustments. In Germany, the study of American, English, and Russian languages is being pursued as never before. Whenever the Axis attacks a new area, or even when relations become strained, there is a rush to study the opponent's language and culture. Such study is not confined to schools; it goes on in informal classes, in factories, and in armed forces wherever possible. This interest of Germany is not new; departments of American literature and culture have existed in German universities long before Hitler. The study of a language implies not only speaking and writing skills, but also some understanding of other cultures. In the University of Berlin, an entire faculty or college, with several departments, is devoted to the study of foreign countries.

This article presents the author's reply to an invitation to become a corresponding member of the Deutsche Gesellschaft fuer Soziologie. The author says that in the attempt to build a new and sounder Germany out of the physical and moral rubble left by the Nazi regime, Deutsche Gesellschaft fuer Soziologie is apt to play a leading part. Participant observation in the convulsive rise and fall of Nazism should have given German sociologists abundant factual material on the self-defeating nature of violence and conflict. More than any other scientists they should be anxious to cultivate that science of human relationships which can teach the peoples to live together and work together in the same world, at peace. The author says he believes that Deutsche Gesellschaft fuer Soziologie is in a unique position to make a valuable contribution to the so badly needed sociology of cooperation. He says it is with the assumption that Deutsche Gesellschaft fuer Soziologie will live up to this task that he is willing to accept his part in it as a corresponding member.

The article presents information on the book "Archiv fur Kommunalwissenschaften." The book deals with problems of communities and local government of Germany. It is published by a group of German social scientists and administrators.