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The article reviews the relations between the federal government of the U.S. and the newsprint paper manufacturers during the years 1918 and 1919. The U.S. Federal Commission started investigations for the causes of rising prices of newsprint paper in 1916 which brought seven of the known manufacturers under the criminal provisions of the Sherman Law. After the hearing, the commission announce the award by fixing the maximum base price of $3.10 per hundred pounds or $62.00 per ton for standard roll news. But manufacturers were not content and they petitioned the Circuit Judges to review the award and an application was also filed with the Commission for a readjustment.

Focuses on the prevalence of tax discrimination in pulp and paper industry in the U.S. as of August 1907. Tax methods employed by various states for paper and pulp industry; Difficulties inherent in tracing connection between the amount of tax exaction in each state and the prevalent method of taxation; Discrepancy observed in taxation policy in Pennsylvania.

This article talks about international trade in the period between 1862-1879, or the greenback period. F.W. Taussig, a professor, concluded in 1917 that with the U.S., which was using inconvertible paper money as monetary standard, borrowing heavily and continuously from Great Britain, which was using gold as basis, there will be increased sterling supply in New York and lowered cost, in U.S. paper, of imported commodities. The author noted that when both countries are on a gold basis, there will be an influx of gold from Great Britain in the U.S. and general prices will rise, while they fall in Great Britain. He concluded that the large borrowing operations of the U.S. in the 1860s was an important factor in the disturbance of the normal course of trade.

The article focuses on the legal tender notes of the United States. The legal tender notes of the United States present now, as they always have presented, an appearance of great simplicity. There are still but two such issues, the United States notes of the Civil War and the coin notes of 1890: their legal tender power has few exceptions, and the obligation for their redemption is to be read in a few lines. Take away the confusing element introduced by the silver agitation, which is quite extraneous to the original conception of the legal tender paper. But, simple as the notes themselves may appear, it is by no simple process that the conditions under which they are now issued have been arrived at. The legislation on this subject now covers a period of thirty-five years. During that time there has been a rapid succession of important legislative acts bearing upon the legal tender paper and some administrative acts of equally serious import. The system, that is present today is a product, not of any compact declaration by the law-making power, but of a singularly complex series of laws and executive orders.

The article focuses on an investigation conducted by the U.S. Federal Trade Commission to know the reasons for the increase in the price of newsprint paper in the country during the year 1916. The results of the investigation were submitted to the U.S. Senate on March 3, 1917 and June 13, 1917. It was found that the domestic consumption of newsprint paper in the year 1915 was about 1,575,000 tons and it increased to 1,774,000 tons in the year 1916. An increase in the volume of advertising forced newspaper publishers to increase the number of printed pages of each issue. The circulation of newspapers also increased which resulted in a substantial increase in the consumption of newsprint.

The article analyzes various African American newspapers in the United States. Some misunderstanding exists as to the actual number of African American newspapers now in operation. A decade ago census reports listed many religious, fraternal and business papers as newspapers. This is no longer done only "general" newspapers are now included. The sometimes mentioned demise of "half the African American press" never occurred. What did occur was a methodological change in the bureau of census calculations. According to the latest census reports, there were some 135 African American general newspapers in the United States in 1945. Most literate African American are exposed to the influence of the African American press at least part of the time. A third of the urban African American families regularly subscribe to African American papers, the proportion is much smaller in rural areas. These readers include, however, the alert and articulate individuals who form much of African American opinion. Newspapers contents are sometimes passed by word of mouth among those who cannot read.

The article presents abstracts of various papers related to polls and the new politics. One of the paper discussed is "The Political Functions of Public Opinion Polls in the United States," by Irving Crespi. The dilemma of democratic societies that so concerned Tocqueville, how to free men from entrenched authority without subjecting them to a more arbitrary public opinion, is particularly relevant to the analysis of tile role of public opinion polls in the United States today. Another paper discussed is "The Changing Role of the American Political Parties," by Harry S. Aslimore. The upcoming election may be the one that will finally demonstrate the significance of the shifts in United States population, and most importantly the changes in communications that have affected the political process in this country. Some other papers discussed are "Polling: The Self-Fulfilling Prophecy and the Bandwagon Effect," by John L. Perry, "New Techniques for Measuring, Analyzing and Reporting Social Change," by Samuell Lubell and "Application of Q to the Assessment of Public Opinion," by William Stephenson.

The article focuses on various laws related to the denomination of greenbacks in the U.S. The U.S. Congress has repealed the provisions which limited the issue of national bank currency to denominations of $5 or more. A legislation passed on February 12, 1873 authorized the coinage of trade dollars. Another law had been passed on February 12, 1862 which authorized the issue of $150,000,000 in currency notes in the country. A legislation passed on July 11, 1862 authorized the secretary of the U.S. Department of the Treasury to determine the denomination of paper currency.

This article evaluates relationship between the U.S. press and U.S. elections. U.S. people often find the way U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt won elections with a majority of the press against him as something unprecedented. The author brings out the detail analysis of press right from its initial days to the present scenario. He reports that in the early days there was federalist domination in newspaper activity. The reasons for federalist dominance in the press are clear. The early papers were published chiefly in the seaports and commercial towns, and they generally stood for and expressed those patriotic aims characteristic of the politics to promote commerce with Great Britain and to establish a sound U.S. financial system. There were six Presidential elections during the period of federalist domination of the press, and in half of them the winner was elected without the help of a newspaper majority. In the next four Presidential campaigns, parties tended to divide on sectional lines rather than upon the old and familiar questions of policy, while new issues made other new groupings.

The article analyzes the factors that helped Canada escape from the effect of prolonged silver agitation in the U.S. despite a strong commercial dependence of the nation on the U.S. The silver agitation was aimed at abolishing the silver certificate currency notes to save money on paper. Financial causes like solidarity of the banking system is held responsible for the reproduction of the same commercial and financial conditions in the two countries. Emergence of local branches of the banks in Canada has not only ensured security to the community, but also resulted risk management at local level.

The article criticizes the U.S. banking system for its failure to adapt to the present requirements of the country. The banking system failed to provide uniform bank note currency throughout the country. The banking system failed to provide a return flow of notes under the effective plan of redemption due to circumstances under which the laws pertaining to the national banks were passed. The lack of investments in U.S. bonds and confining capital in a non-banking security are serious problems in the functioning of the banking system.

The article presents several abstracts of various studies related to black communities. The analysis is based on personal interviews dealing with the social problems perceived by black residents of Indianapolis, Indiana. In this survey, unexpected difficulties in retaining black interviewers necessitated using white interviewers to meet project deadlines. Anticipating that the data would reflect the operation of interviewer effect, subsequent analysis paid careful attention to the phenomenon. Ethical issues surrounding research with humans are of concern not only to researchers and professional associations but also to government agencies and the Congress. Another report describes the changing attitudes of executives toward the corporate advancement of women and nonwhites as well as their election to boards of directors, and examines the ways in which executives believe that women and minorities are now discriminated against in opportunities to grow into positions in top and middle management.

Focuses on the supposed necessity of the issue of legal tender notes during the U.S. civil war of 1861-1865. Views of member of Ways and Means Committee of the U.S. Samuel Hooper on the issue of legal tender notes; Passage of the Legal Tender Act in the U.S. Congress in February 1862; Arguments in favor of Legal Tender Act over the plan offered by the minority of the U.S. Ways and Means ommittee.

This section presents abstracts of several public opinion research published in the U.S. in the 1970s.

The article presents information on the psychology of newspapers along with an exhaustive study of the treatment, which Boston newspapers accorded to revision of the Neutrality Act that gripped the attention of the U.S. in the fall of 1939. This investigation is based upon a complete sample of weekday and Sunday editions of English-language newspapers published in Boston, Massachusetts. The extent to which this simplification of the story took place in the Boston papers was estimated as carefully as possible. The evidence indicates that editors and newswriters attempt to give as comprehensive and adequate a representation of events as they dare; while the readers insist upon selecting, sharpening, and pointing the issue still further to suit their desire for simplification and definiteness. Newspapers must dramatize and select in order to produce in their readers the emotional integration required for a good fight. A newspaper's pattern of influence is built around its editorial policy. Most papers do to a certain extent select news items favoring the editorial policy of the paper, and reject those that are opposed. In summary, the evidence reported in this study is interpreted as supporting five generalizations which are offered here as tentative laws in the new field of the psychology of newspapers: (1) issues are skeletonized; (2) any given newspaper's field of influence is well-patterned; (3) readers are more emotional than editors; (4)public interest as reflected in newspapers is variable in time; (5) public interest rapidly fatigues and presses for an early closure.

The outcome of the recent U.S. presidential election was widely construed as a repudiation of the American press, largely because of the frequently-published statement that Franklin Roosevelt won his stunning victory in the face of opposition from 80 per cent to 85 per cent of the nation's daily newspapers. Roosevelt's opposition Republican Alfred Landon was supported by 60% of the American press. No Southern daily of importance supported Landon so that the papers and the populace there were in substantial agreement. Except in New York City, where Roosevelt had a slight margin in newspaper backing, no large city outside the South had dailies predominantly supporting him. On the contrary, the preponderance was strongly in the other direction almost everywhere. It seems obvious, then, that Landon was, in general, the favorite of the press. Since he carried only two States, the implications as to newspaper influence can hardly be encouraging to journalistic practitioners.

The article offers information on the American Society of Animal Science which was founded in 1908 as the American Society of Animal Nutrition to improve the quality of investigation in animal nutrition and to promote systematic and correlated study of feeding problems. It states that in 1961, its name was changed to American Society of Animal Science because of the emphasis of interest on the scientific aspects of animal production. It mentions that the Society has attempted to serve its membership through publication of research papers presented at its annual meetings, and "Journal of Animal Science" is its major publication. It mentions that the business of the Society is transacted through an executive committee which includes the president, vice president and secretary-treasurer.

There can be no doubt of the prestige possessed by quantitative methods in the minds of social scientists of the present generation. It is the purpose of this article to point the inevitable subjectivism of a certain type of so-called measurement, and to present a partially developed technique for determining the extent of variations among separate investigators who attempt to measure the same material. This technique relates, that is, to the problem of verification, and permits the calculation of a coefficient which will throw some light on the validity of the measurements. As illustrative of the field of inquiry to which the argument relates, researchers have conducted an experiment in the measurement of newspaper content, employing the methods developed by Professor Malcolm M. Willey in his noteworthy study of the country press in Connecticut. He has made every effort to achieve objectivity and he has covered an extensive range of newspaper material. Professor Willey's method is simple in its main outlines. He classifies all printed matter exclusive of advertisements in the papers analyzed, placing each news item in a single category. The system of categories that he has developed contains ten major headings and minor or subcategories into which the content of any newspaper may presumedly be fitted.

While most of the publishing world is bemoaning its state, the trade press continues to flourish. In this article the author describes the history, distinguishing characteristics, and current activities of this rapidly expanding and specialized medium. Most people are familiar with the consumer magazines which are designed to satisfy the entertainment and educational needs of the general public. According to the United States Department of Commerce, trade journals can be defined as magazines edited to serve distinct business or professional fields. Julien Elfenbein, an articulate spokesman for the trade press, describes a "businesspaper" as a specialized periodical of editorial opinion, technical know-how, and news information, independently owned and operated. The trade press seems to be flourishing at a time when mid-Manhattan, New York City, New York, editors are shaking their heads sadly at the condition of publishing. Despite a predicted demise of book and magazine publishers, J. K. Lasser, who served as chief diagnostician to the many species of publishers, predicted continuing prosperity for trade paper publishing.

Proselytism is the sine qua non of the Roman Catholic Church. Americans, wrote minister George Higgins in the June 1944 issue of the journal "Catholic Action," the official organ of the National Catholic Welfare Conference, "would be foolish indeed, however, to think that this nation, or any other nation, can continue to escape the horrors of internal class warfare unless the full body of Catholic social teaching is given practical, concrete application as quickly as possible." In spite of an attempt to Catholicize the United States as a patriotic duty, the Catholic Church, according to the 1946 "National Catholic Almanac," is not making "satisfactory progress in winning non-members to the true faith. Though in the year 1944 almost 85,000 converts were recorded, this number is an insignificant proportion of the 110 million outside the fold." Moreover, there is a considerable Catholic "leakage." Birth control, intermarriage, the disintegrating effects of urban life on the family, about eighty per cent of American Catholics live in cities, and higher education in public schools, have been important factors in desertions from the Catholic Church.

This article focuses on the analysis of editorials on national and international affairs published in ten newspapers in the state of Texas. The ten papers chosen appear to be the dominant metropolitan newspaper influences of Texas. The sample covers editorials published from early September through December 15, 1945, together with some fifty additional editorials published between December 11 and December 31, 1945. One paper, the Dallas Times Herald, showed greatest concern for national and international issues. The Times Herald's greatest interest was community affairs. While the Dallas Morning News and the Houston Post were primarily interested in national and international problems, they also allocated a high number of editorials to local activities. The San Antonio Light had no editorials on local or state matters, 1036 editorials covered the national scene. However, since many of these editorials discussed more than one subject, 1838 topic references were noted. Texas editorials carried 381 references to phases of organized labor and industrial strife. All except the Houston Post published a total of 60 editorials blaming labor, primarily, for the strike epidemic. The Post's editorials, while usually anti-labor, took no position in this regard. Ten papers published 103 editorials urging some form of legislation.

This article studies the image of the United States in the British Press. The author says that if the British press is accused of sensationalism or degeneration it is said to have been Americanized by a process of both good and bad general imitation. In a recent survey it was revealed that of some 520 representative and influential Britons, 410 relied upon the British press to keep them informed about the U.S. British school children's primary source was the cinema, which was apparently six times more effective than the next source, British newspapers. Student opinion was evenly divided on the statement, "British newspapers should print more news about the United States." America is more strongly represented in news-gathering agencies in Great Britain than Great Britain is in the United States. There are ten or more American papers and seven news services with offices in London, England. American crime receives more space than all the crime of all the rest of the world, and so does American sex-life.

Farmers compose one of the most important occupational groups in the U.S. Yet, in past campaigns the Farm Division at the Republican Party's headquarters has emphasized political organization in farm areas at the expense of machinery for preparing and distributing propaganda designed especially for rural voters. Going by the significance of rural voters, The Republican Party organization at Washington finally decided to set up a separate rural press section in the Publicity Division, for the 1940 presidential election in the U.S. Herman Roe, a former president of the National Editorial Association, has been appointed the head of the new section of rural press. Although he centered his hopes on publishers in the agricultural Middle West, Roe circularized a list of 6,000 papers. Of the 4,355 publishers who requested publicity releases in response to his letter, a surprisingly large number came from New York, Pennsylvania and New Jersey. A thorough knowledge of rural newspapers enabled Roe to adopt techniques that would best serve the country press.

In an attempt to discover the effect of newspapers' editorial policies on their coverage of political news, the contents of the Baltimore, Maryland press relating to the presidential campaign were analyzed for the week preceding election day. All four of the papers the morning and evening Sun papers, Hearst's News-Post, and the Negro Afro-American shared the sentiments of the press as a whole that Governor Thomas E. Dewey should and would be elected. But editors of the four, when interviewed, also maintained that newspapers should give equal space to both sides of public issues, when news values permit. The results are interesting in this light, because the two Sun papers actually gave U.S. President Harry S. Truman's campaign equal or greater space than that of the Republicans. From this fact two inferences are suggested, first, that these papers lived up to their standards of impartial political reporting, and, second, that from an objective point of view the Democrats must have provided more news material during the closing days of the campaign.

Recently there have been several denouncers of the foreign language press who have pictured it as an un-American monster that is preparing to overthrow the Government. Actually the foreign languages press in the U.S. is a typical American product that is generally conservative and loyal to American institutions. There are certainly not 85 per cent or more of the foreign language newspapers that are radical as some guessing statistician announced a short time ago. At the present time there is less than 6 per cent of the foreign language press that may be called radical. These "red" papers besides represent just about the same percentage of the total circulation of the immigrant press in this country. Another thing that annoys some of the Americans is that there are more than two foreign language newspapers in the U.S., which reach a population of nearly 10,000,000. If an immigrant wanted to find out about the U.S. and its institutions, the American press would not be a good place for him to resort. What he would find there would presuppose an elementary American education to grasp, and any way many of the American newspapers would tell him almost nothing about American institutions and ideals except perhaps prohibition.

The article discusses the continued existence of bank-notes as a part of United States currency and the question of rights of their issue in the 1890s. According to the author, for several years past the majority of the Americans and their political representatives have observed with great equanimity the gradual disappearance of national bank-notes, and the approach to the point where the trifling profits upon circulation and the extinction of the national bonded debt would leave no paper in use except the notes and coin certificates of the United States. A sudden change of ground like this, involving a proposed revolution in the system of paper currency and in much besides, may betoken a decisive and durable alteration in the lines on which the bank-note question is to be discussed hereafter, or it may only be one more instance of the facility with which large numbers of Amercians are ready for a brief space to seize upon the last new idea, especially in matters of finance. The author remarks that, so far as the legislation of the several states still retains its provisions for the issue of notes, there is the same variety which existed before the Civil War.

In this article the author presents various topics published in the Winter 1952-53 issue of the journal "Public Opinion Quarterly." In the first paper published in the issue, Paul F. Lazarsfeld expresses the hope of American sociologists that international communications research can help to fill certain methodological and substantive gaps which have not yet been successfully bridged in the domestic sphere. He stresses particularly the opportunities open in this new field for bringing social researchers and policy makers closer together in their endeavors in the area of social progress. The reader may look at this paper as an expression of mature speculation about the opportunities, hopes, and dangers in the new field. In the next two sections, the author moves into the work-a-day realm, encountering the people who, in spite of all the handicaps of an ill-defined field, unproven methods, and shortage of trained personnel, have gone ahead and contributed substantively to international communications research. In the section on "Techniques" some very pertinent problems of methodology are frankly stated. The issue is concluded by a short report on the first meeting of the Committee on International Communications Research, which took place during the last annual convention of the American Association for Public Opinion Research.

Industrial public relations departments have few reliable means for determining either the content of news stories on individual companies and industries or the total coverage given for such stories in the U.S. press. By classification of all relevant items appearing in a random sample of daily papers, authors determined the potential reader exposures of various types of industrial news coverage. An important function of research in public relations is the application of quantitative research methods to problems in industrial news analysis. The public relations worker generally has had to rely on relatively crude measures of the news coverage given to individual companies. The instrument still in wide use is an old rule-of-thumb handed down from the earliest days of calculated publicity efforts in this country. The Research Department of the Boston University School of Public Relations and Communications has in a recent study devised a method for measuring the potential reader exposure of news stories about individual companies and industries.

This article focuses on the British Press Inquiry. The importance of the media of mass communication for the successful functioning of democratic government has perhaps been more discussed in the U.S. than in Great Britain. The fact is that newspapers are bigger business in England than in any other country. The inter-relationship of the basic elements, circulation, advertising and revenue, is not essentially different from that in the press of the U.S., but certain conditions not existing in equal degree elsewhere have facilitated a concentration and grouping of ownership quite without precedent. The press of a nation of newspaper readers is evidently in for a thorough going-over. Between parliamentary sessions the Cabinet decided to leave the motion for an inquiry to open vote of the House of Commons. This, under the circumstances, assured an investigation, though it kept the Government skirts free in theory of the charge of interference with the press.

The aim of this study is to determine the criteria according to which world news presented in the Soviet Union-controlled press of Berlin, Germany is selected. Berlin of today, with its four sectors under U.S., British, Russian and French control respectively, offers a fertile field for the application of content analysis techniques developed in this country during the war. From the start of the quadripartite occupation Berliners have been aware that the press in the Soviet sector of Berlin differs radically from that in the sectors controlled by the Western Powers. Differences have not been confined to the editorial pages but have extended to the news columns. It is of particular importance to attempt to isolate criteria of selection at this time, since a critical news-print shortage limits nearly all German papers to one page or less of world news, and only a small percentage of available dispatches can be given space.

This article focuses on the papers presented at the conference on communication agencies at the University of Chicago on August 4, 1941. These papers may be grouped under four categories: first, effects of communications on public opinions; second, implications of communications research for social science; third, implications of communications research for public institutions and fourth, governmental control of public communications. Under the first category, the papers reported on effects of print, radio, film and forum. Under the second category, sociologists and professors examined the implications of communications research for the science and practice of politics. Under the third category, papers were presented concerning implication for public institutions. The fourth category consists of generalizations supported both by examples and by frequencies with which typical themes occur in the news content.

This article presents information on economic trends affecting the newspaper as an opinion forming medium. Among current tendencies in the daily newspaper field, one stands out that has become more and more disquieting to both advocates and critics of the industry. Information related to the extend to which trend toward daily newspaper monopoly proceeded in the cities of the U.S. No effort is made here to recount again the vast multiplicity of factors, that have made for and maintained local daily paper monopolies. They include finance, labor union, personnel, wire franchise, feature rights, national and local advertising, distribution, and other considerations. The number of American cities with competing daily newspapers is diminishing by about 10 per cent a year. In short only a few dozen U.S. cities can observe freedom of the press lifted in the daily newspaper field above the realms of academic discussion and made vital. The development of the more extreme type of local monopoly, one-daily-newspaper cities, further emphasizes the change that is coming over the industry.

The article takes a look at the American attitudes toward Japan and China in 1937-38. The Chinese Cultural Society of New York published in October 1937 a reprint of 39 editorials from American papers on the Far Eastern crisis. The editor, M. Hsitien Lin wrote in the foreword "Of some 5,000 editorials which have been examined, there is none that justifies Japanese aggression or condemns Chinese resistance. In the American press Japan is almost universally treated as the aggressor and China as the victim in the undeclared war. As to American policy, the press generally favors neither extreme isolationism nor political entanglements or alliances, but a golden mean, whereby world peace, it is hoped, may be maintained." The present study is designed to test the validity of this impression as well as to test the utility of a method of attitude measurement by press sampling. It is impossible here to enter into a discussion of the relationship between beliefs as to facts and emotional attitudes such as are measured by the indices used, except to suggest that attitudes, which are at first accompanied by emotions, may in time become beliefs regarding "facts" which are taken for granted.

Editorial treatment of lynchings offers an interesting and revealing study of public attitudes toward this peculiarly American custom. Environment and not personal inclination of editors determines the tone of opinion in almost every instance. As individuals, they are unanimously opposed to mob violence but, as editors who are caught in the general atmosphere of a given trade territory, they do not reflect their own ideas but those of the people upon whose goodwill their papers depend for revenue. They find themselves in the difficult position of a rider who must sit two horses at the same time, one standing, facing backward, the other moving rapidly forward unencumbered by the harness of tradition. They must satisfy that part of the watchful public pressing in closest and upon whose approval they must rely for immediate revenue. Editors, with few exceptions, condone lynchings by offering reasons for lynchers which are in effect sympathetic excuses defending the right of citizens under provocation to take the law into their own hands and constitute themselves judge, jury, and executioner all at the same time.

The article analyzes the advertisements in certain representative African American newspapers in order to find out whether or not there is need for further research along that line. It was hoped that incidentally some light would be thrown upon the question of the status of the African American's culture in the United States. During the months of January, February, and March 1925, all advertisements in five representative African American newspapers were measured in terms of column inches. Approximately 50,000 column inches of advertising material was thus surveyed. The larger papers emphasize the advertisements that have national appeal at the expense of the local type of advertising. The smaller papers, on the other hand, being unable to command large shares of national advertising, are obliged to work the local field more diligently. Quantitative measurements, however, are merely suggestive indices of the importance to the African American of various kinds of advertisements. Very few of the advertisers of beauty preparations can afford any longer to advertise their products in a conservative way.

This paper, a historical analysis of the relation between social work and psychoanalysis in the United States, explores the reasons why social work became preoccupied with psychoanalysis at the expense of social reform and discusses the consequences of this for social work. The author suggests that the scientific and political climate of the 1920s stifled social reform and urges a more balanced historical view to avoid such a bias in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on some research papers sought by Society for the Study of Social Problems. The society in conformity with the practice of other scientific societies, solicits from its members papers to be read before its annual meeting in September 1952 at Atlantic City in New Jersey. All papers will be read by title, in digest form, or as a whole with time limitations. May 1 is the deadline for the submission of titles. Papers may deal with research findings, with theory, or with policy questions. A brief statement of the nature of the contents of the paper appended to the title will facilitate the work of the program committee.

This paper describes an exploratory field study carried out to ascertain the pattern of assimilation among East Indian immigrants in California. It was found that the Hindustani immigrants, because of their small numbers and their pattern of living in individual isolation, are prevented from forming their own ethnic communities. In this paper, the term Hindustani refers to immigrants from India and includes Hindu, Sikh, and Moslem immigrants. They constitute one of the smallest Oriental groups in the U.S.— 2,405 in 1940— and are the least known of all ethnic groups in this country. Of the total Hindustani population in the U.S. in 1940, 61.4 percent resided in California. Many have lived there for over thirty years. The majority of California Hindustanis are emigrants from rural villages in the Punjab, with a handful from Gujarat, Bengal, Oudh, and Madras. This study focused on four aspects of Hindustani life— residential pattern, occupational interactions, community life, family and home life.

This article presents information regarding engagement of aliens in occupations in the U.S. Throughout the U.S. there is today a consistent attitude among business-men and law-makers alike, that has for its announced purpose the refusal to aliens of the right to engage in certain, and many, occupations. These foreigners are being denied the opportunity to work, despite the fact that they were legally admitted to this country and with the fore-knowledge by the government, in most instances, that they would seek to earn their own living. In May of this year, when the index of employment showed a slight upturn, a very large factory in the Mid-West increased its force by too per cent, but refused to re-employ former workers who were still aliens. In thousands of cases, foreigners are being dismissed because of this "all American" policy. This program has failed however to often produce the compensating factor of employing Americans in the place of these discharged aliens, in altogether too many cases, the alien having been dismissed, none is taken on in his place and as a result there have been found two persons on the breadline in place of the former one.

Discusses key issues concerning the Agricultural Credits Act of 1923 in the U.S. Key stipulations of the law; Impact on agricultural industries; Implications on economics.

The article considers some aspects of the financial history of the United States. It focuses on some of the monetary operations of the Treasury during the years of depression that followed the crisis of 1893. The article highlights the salient events of the period, including the struggle with a declining revenue, the continued drain on the gold holdings, the repeated danger of the Treasury's collapse, and the successive loans needed to save it from virtual bankruptcy. The difficulties under which the Treasury inevitably labors under the present anomalous system or lack of system are examined.

The article offers news briefs including one on the annual meeting of the Verein für Socialpolitik that was to take place at Frankfurt on September 28-29, 1888 where prominent professors would present papers on usury in agricultural districts. The volume of cotton produced in the U.S. for the year 1887-1888 exceeded 7,000,000 bales, the largest ever produced in the U.S. Professor Lujo Brentano assumed the chair of political economy at the University of Vienna.

This paper discusses the Chinese indoctrination methods for prisoners of war (POW). In the wars of the last 50 to 100 years, American soldiers who fell into enemy hands experienced a variety of physical and emotional hardships, but the Chinese have made the first major attempt to produce defectors and collaborators among American POWs and to indoctrinate them in an alien political ideology. The article does not propose to consider the Chinese aims in conducting this enterprise, nor does it discuss in any detail how the indoctrination program affected men. Instead, this paper will present a brief account of the specific experiences of the POWs from the time they were captured until the time they were repatriated. To some extent, it will be possible to present a chronological account. It should be pointed out, however, that most of the significant experiences were occurring contemporaneously. Therefore, it has been chosen to organize them into some social psychological categories rather than simply to recount them as they occurred.

This article reports on the study conducted in the United States to find out whether effective newspaper sampling is possible or not. To select the sample purposively in two equal increments of 50 newspapers each, the universe was stratified with respect to certain objective characteristics, the characteristics of an ideal 50 paper sub-sample were determined, and two sub-samples were selected deliberately with characteristics matching those of the ideal sub-sample. These were then coded for certain items of military interest, and results from the two compared. In conducting the study, the sampling universe was limited to general circulation. Then the two samples were compared with the help of correlation method. Correlation between the content of the two samples was close enough to justify the conclusion that effective newspaper sampling is possible. It is based upon the consistent, day-to-day, subject-by-subject correlation between the two sub-samples.

The article focuses on the book "The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, 1937-1940," compiled and collated Samuel I. Rosenman. Four volumes covering the second administration, i.e. 1937-1940, have just been published to supplement volumes of the first four years. They should be read because they refresh the memory with surprising effect, they show U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt in new moments when many of his off-the-record press conference comments are now released, and above all because they give a complete view of the President as he wants to be known instead of the spasmodic glimpses afforded by the isolated daily event. They give immediate insight to works of a President who can already be counted among the outstanding men of that office. The press conference excerpts are the most interesting items in these volumes. The informal give and take between the President and correspondents throughout these four volumes, sometimes in bad feeling and sometimes in great good feeling, is probably as revealing about American national being as anything that can ever be said by any President.

The article presents the characteristics of the press during months of July, August and September of 1940, which were strongly reminiscent of July, August, and September of 1916. Amongst the similarities it is seen that during both the periods a Democratic President was running for re-election. Fear of being involved in a European war was topmost in the minds of the voters, and the national defense and foreign policies were hotly debated issues of the campaign. Especially there is a striking similarity in the attacks upon the administration in power for "failure to adequately build up the national defense." The National Newspaper Week that began on Monday, September 30 was devoted to making the American public aware of the value of a free press. The U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Wendell L. Willkie, the Republican candidate, wrote National Newspaper Week letters emphasizing the necessity of a free press in upholding democracy, and most of the daily papers in the country published their letters. All of the straight Republican and independent Republican newspapers in the country supported Willkie's candidacy for the Presidency. Less than one-half of the newspapers which described themselves as independent Democratic were supporting Roosevelt.

Student Opinion Surveys of America, with headquarters at the University of Texas, was established in December 1938 to provide a scientific sampling referendum for the U.S. colleges. College newspapers were chosen in strategic locations from lists of top-notchers in the annual competitions sponsored by collegiate press associations. A cross-section determined from figures of the U.S. Office of Education and other sources called for an accurate geographical distribution according to student concentrations; so invitations to a selected number of key papers were sent out last fall. In six months the Surveys have conducted studies of the average college man and woman on thirty-two separate questions, many of them in related series. The Surveys definitely show that there is truth in the familiar statement that young people are more liberal in their attitudes than older persons. On social questions students would class themselves as liberal thinkers. Over three-fourths oppose the return of prohibition, only one third think collegians drink too much, and six out of every ten admit they do drink. If they had their way, a blood test before marriage to detect venereal disease would be required by law. And they would make sex education compulsory in colleges.

On November 26, 1936, the Popular Front Ministry of France, of which Leon Blum was President of the Council, submitted to the Chamber of Deputies a series of proposed laws which would have completely changed the regulations regarding the press. With only slight modifications the Chamber accepted the proposals, but Senate amendments removed the bill's teeth, and a deadlock ensued between the two houses of the French parliament. This deadlock remained unbroken until establishment of government by decree. Subsequently several attempts were made to secure passage of bills which embodied certain features of the Blum proposals, or which in some other manner suggested changes in the existing press regulations, but they too were either rejected or postponed. To a considerable extent, press susceptibility to venality results from the fact that it is very difficult for a French journal to be a paying concern by using merely ordinary channels of revenue. Low prices for daily papers have become traditional in France, but, more important than that, advertising has never developed into the gold mine for the press that it has become in the United States and in England.

This article is a content analysis of two newspapers that is designed to reveal the extent of bias in reporting the investigation of the United States Federal Communications Commission (FCC) by the House Subcommittee on Legislative Oversight has presented an opportunity to test news bias in newspapers. The investigation facilitated testable hypotheses, even at its inception, since, with one notable exception which will be dealt with later in this study, the trend of the investigation was predictable from the moment the "leaks" occurred that were attributed to the then committee counsel, Bernard Schwartz. Content analysis was employed to discover "bias" in the news presentations of a Republican and an Independent-Democratic newspaper. The Republican newspaper was disposed to favor the FCC and the Independent-Democratic newspaper to be hostile to it. A substantial amount of relative bias was found in the news presentation, in relation to both "attention-space" categories and news content.

This paper discusses some basic shifts in the color composition of cities and total metropolitan areas in the United States. Special attention is given to regional variations throughout this country. Each of the fifty largest cities in the United States evidenced large increases over the last decade in the proportion nonwhite. When considering the total SMSA, however, important regional differences are noted. Outside the South, an overwhelming majority of the metropolitan areas experienced sizeable relative gains in the number of nonwhites; in the South, over six out of every ten SMSA's had totter proportions nonwhite in 1960 than in 1950. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]