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Presents notes and memoranda on several issues concerning statistics and currency. Comments of Professor Young on the making of index numbers; Statistics of the old americans in 1920; Elimination of the paper mark as a standard of value in Germany.

The article explores the effect of currency reforms on German publishers. During first three post-World War II years, German publishers in the American Zone operated in an environment dominated by three factors. First, money was plentiful but goods were scarce, and publications were one of the few unrationed categories of available goods. Second, the war had left the public with a pent-up desire for reading material. Third, military government exercised considerable guidance and supervision over publications. A survey undertaken by Military Government in the spring of 1949 showed that the publishing industry reacted violently to various changed conditions, and provides a graphic illustration of the influence of economic factors on the content of mass communications. The institution of a free paper economy was effected within two weeks of the currency reform. While the post-currency reform rise in paper production provided periodicals with opportunities for greatly increased circulations, it did not lighten problems of the book publishing industry.

The article discusses the decline in German foreign exchange. According to the author, the paper currency in Germany may have increased, as well as the prices, and that the value in foreign currency of the German mark decreased. He explains that paper currency indicates the poverty of a country. The movement and changes in the foreign exchange in New York and in Great Britain illustrated the changed state of affairs in exchange. Because there were only few commodities coming to Germany and cotton shipments were being paid for, the exchange in New York decreased.

The aim of this study is to determine the criteria according to which world news presented in the Soviet Union-controlled press of Berlin, Germany is selected. Berlin of today, with its four sectors under U.S., British, Russian and French control respectively, offers a fertile field for the application of content analysis techniques developed in this country during the war. From the start of the quadripartite occupation Berliners have been aware that the press in the Soviet sector of Berlin differs radically from that in the sectors controlled by the Western Powers. Differences have not been confined to the editorial pages but have extended to the news columns. It is of particular importance to attempt to isolate criteria of selection at this time, since a critical news-print shortage limits nearly all German papers to one page or less of world news, and only a small percentage of available dispatches can be given space.

The article comments on the paper "Waiting and the Period of Production," by Robert Dofman in the August 1959 issue of the "Quarterly Journal of Economics." Just as postwar West Germany has been a leading example of a comparatively unregulated economy, so it has been a principal source of academic literature extolling the virtues of competitive markets and economic co-ordination via unregulated prices. A flood of crusading books, pamphlets and papers attests to the numbers and energies of economists whose social theories and policy recommendations differ radically from those for which their homeland was earlier famous. Neoliberal teachings do not constitute a completely standardized product; disagreement on matters of detail is common and that on more important questions is not rare. But, on the whole, agreement--and repetition--is impressive. The West German crusade is perhaps the outstanding example of non-socialist academicians banding together to fight for and against economic programs.

The article offers news briefs including one on the annual meeting of the Verein für Socialpolitik that was to take place at Frankfurt on September 28-29, 1888 where prominent professors would present papers on usury in agricultural districts. The volume of cotton produced in the U.S. for the year 1887-1888 exceeded 7,000,000 bales, the largest ever produced in the U.S. Professor Lujo Brentano assumed the chair of political economy at the University of Vienna.

Presents several books about the economic policy of Germany. "Geldversorgung, Preisniveau und reales wirtschaftswachstum bei alternativen Grundprinzipien der geldwirtschaftlichen Ordnung," by Friedrich H.; "Bibliography: Concentration Policy, 1960—1966," edited by Huffschmid J., Michaelis J. and Plan W. F.; "Das japanische Kartellrecht: FIW-Schriftenreihe No. 41," by Iyori J. H.; Others.

The article summarizes views of various economists about neoliberalism in West Germany. Forty years ago several young economists were emphasizing the casual employment relationship characteristic of the new and growing manufacturing industries of the United States. Their studies disclosed an average annual labor turnover in manufacturing of about 100 per cent, and rates of 200-400 per cent were not uncommon. The commitment, which a freshly hired worker and his employer felt toward each other, was usually very limited. There was an employment contract in the sense that the parties had an on-going relationship so long as both remained satisfied. However, the relationship was "casual" in that one of the two usually terminated it fairly quickly. Yet Indian workers have been slow to sever their village attachments, and as a result absenteeism remains high. Current absenteeism rates run about 6-8 per cent in major textile centers; 13-18 per cent in the minor ones; and 10-14 in iron and steel, engineering, cement, matches, leather, and ordnance factories.

It has long been observed by social scientists and, more intuitively, by those who are concerned with the practical politics of public opinion, that one function of the mass media is to confer recognition on individuals or groups. Public recognition, in turn, when it comes from a "significant other" or an important reference group, may exercise an influence on the opinions and behavior of those who receive it. The purpose of this paper is to examine the role that recognition, as expressed through the mass media, played by influencing politically-significant behavior in one crisis situation—the Berlin blockade of 1948-49. Following the end of the Second World War, the city of Berlin in Germany was divided into four sectors, each of which was occupied by one of the four major powers. A full blockade of the land and water routes leading to the sectors occupied by the Western Allies was imposed by the Soviet Union in June 1948. Moscow's objective in doing this was apparently either to force the United States, Great Britain, and France to relinquish their position in Berlin, or else to obtain major concessions from them in West Germany.

The article focuses on the home-owning farmers and factory workers in the little country towns of Germany. They and their families are around four-fifths of all the German people and how they feel about things is a fact and a factor of importance. The peasant farmers are rich and getting richer every day. No matter who may be poor in Germany the home-owning farmers and factory operatives are rolling in wealth, such wealth as they never before enjoyed in all their lives. They are holders of the fluid capital accumulated in Germany in the long centuries since the Hanse towns began to create such wealth in Central Europe. They are the owners of bank account savings, stocks, bonds, notes, mortgages and other forms of bankable paper. When delay has wrought its deadliest damage, then it will be the owners of farm lands, water powers, mines, quarries and industrial plants, the owners of the producing properties in Germany, who must rebuild German civilization. According to the author, the peasant farmers like all untutored people in every land are opposed to taxes of any sort for any purpose whatsoever, but they will pay taxes to the last mark if only they can see a settled, certain way ahead. But no matter what taxes they pay into a Reparations fund they will pay them with no thought of revolution.

The article focuses on various papers which discuss railway management in Prussia, Germany. From one source and another the administration of the state railways of Prussia has been attacked on various points--as to the mechanical condition of the railways, as to the organization of the working force and the efficiency of the administrative machinery, and, finally, as to the training of the higher officials. The whole discussion seems to have begun with some articles published in the journal "National Zeitung" of Berlin in the summer and autumn of 1891. These articles attacked the state railways for inferiority in mechanical matters, and for a supposedly detrimental predominance, in the general management, of administrators having only a legal training. The general impression left on the outsider is that there have been some engineering and mechanical mistakes in the Prussian administration. But, doubtless, they have been exaggerated; and doubtless it would be difficult to make out any clear connection between them.

The study of mass communications can be divided into three parts: intent analysis, content analysis and effect analysis. This order not only reflects chronology. By placing content analysis in the middle position, it also highlights the contribution of that procedure to the other two, namely, to support inferences about intent on the one hand and effect or response on the other. This paper reports a number of special attempts to discern the intentions of enemy propaganda during World War II by means of rigorous analysis of the manifest content of the communications under control. Among the many other problems in the area of intent analysis is the problem of discovering whether two communications-controlling groups, formally related or not, actually collaborate in their propaganda output; and if so, under what conditions, in what ways, and to what extent. This is the general context of this study. Specifically, the subject of investigation was the nature of collaboration between the German and Italian propaganda ministries in their short-wave radio output beamed to North America just before and after the entry of the United States into the war.

The article focuses on German press after the freedom and refounding of democratic German newspapers, as of December 1, 1944. When German dictator Adolf Hitler took power in 1933, 2,243 of Germany's newspapers were directly connected with political parties. But Nazis could claim only about 100 party newspapers, and, of these, few had a circulation over 10,000. The two Catholic groups with less than half the number of votes, were represented by about six times as many newspapers. The Social Democratic Party, with a little more than half the number of votes, owned outright 148 newspapers and eighteen periodicals. The weakness of the labor press contributed to Hitler's rise in a passive but nevertheless in an important manner. Even under the Emperor and the Weimar Republic, four-fifths of these voters for labor parties subscribed to Nationalist newspapers, because these were cheaper, more sensational, had more news and, above all, appealed to women through more advertisements.

Perhaps the most significant characteristic of "totalitarian" regimes is the elevation to the status of the Germany's political faith. State-monopolized propaganda is substituted for the competition of ideologies to be found in the established pattern of representative government. This transformation requires the "coordination" of all instruments of opinion management, particularly the press, under the guidance of a central agency of the one-party state. The primary aim of government propaganda, however, is not so much to eliminate opportunities for direct and broadly effective criticism as to conquer the minds of the people. "Popular en-lightenment" seeks to produce demonstrations of civic approval, for "one cannot sit on bayonets." The task of staging manifestations of mass identification with the elite in power calls for expert handling of public opinion. The necessity of "dosing" propaganda "prudently" accounts largely for the fact that in Germany the former liberal press has not simply been stamped out by government decree.

The article provides information on payments between states and public bodies in the 18th and early 19th centuries in Germany. In the eighteenth century and in the first years of the nineteenth century two methods of payment were used in transactions between states and public bodies such as subsidies or war levies: payment by cash and payment by bills of exchange. These two methods were used alternatively as well as simultaneously. Payments by mercantile paper between merchants were much more common in the eighteenth than in the nineteenth century, and bills had more economic functions at this time than later when other credit facilities were developed. It was therefore natural that bills were resorted to for payments between states and public bodies. But since bills were instruments of merchants it was often necessary, in order to effect the payments, to transform indebtedness between states into indebtedness of private individuals to states. The English subsidies to Prussia during the Seven Years War were paid partly by bills on Amsterdam and Hamburg, partly by gold and silver. During that war other payments were made, quite different in origin from those subsidies.

The article discusses the relationships between the foreign trade and reparation payments of Germany in 1921. The relationship between the ability of Germany to pay reparations and its foreign trade showed an economic paradox. In order for the country to pay its reparations, its export trade must expand over imports. The opposite happened in the case of Germany. The factors that contributed to this reverse condition are mentioned, including depreciating exchange, rising prices and increased demand for credit. A discussion of the composition of the exports and import of the country is presented.

The article focuses on the financial mobilization strategy in Germany. The rapid industrial and commercial progress achieved by the German empire almost continuously since the middle of the 1890s was naturally followed by severe strain on credit resources which failed to allow for the possibilities of a political crisis. When in 1905, however, the first differences arose between France and Germany over the Morocco affair, the German government became aware of the dangers of such a heavy strain upon its monetary and credit system, and the problem of a financial mobilization was at once taken up. These facts should be borne in mind in order to understand the course of German banking legislation since 1906 and the banking policy of the German Reichsbank. In 1908, when the time approached to renew the charter of the Reichsbank, an official inquiry was held with the purpose of disclosing all means and ways to help in the policy of strengthening the German monetary system. Simultaneously with this legislation, which had in view the strengthening of the Reichsbank, German banking policy was extended to the private joint stock banks. Owing to this far-sighted policy credit, conditions in Germany improved materially.

The article focuses on mortgage banking in Germany. The mortgage establishments of Germany fall into two classes, the mutual credit associations, or associations of borrowers, and the mortgage banks, or associations of lenders. The conditions under which different credit associations are operating vary somewhat, but the Posener Landschaft and the Berliner Pfandbrief Institut can be taken as instances. The former was founded in 1822, and somewhat altered in 1857, and is a mutual association of which any owner of land having an assessed value of at least 4,000 marks could, from 1857 on, become a member by joining within ten years. The management of the association is in the hands of officials appointed by the government; and it is further supervised by the minister of agriculture and his representative, the government commissioner. The Berliner Pfandbrief Institut makes loans by handing to the borrower bonds of the same amount which he can sell. These are listed on the exchanges, and have a well-known market value.

The article presents a case study of the attitude of Russian workers in Germany during World War II, towards the problem of interpreting attitude survey data. As mentioned in the article, the U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey found that the Russian workers were most anti-Germans during the war, based on responses given by French, Italian and Russian workers in Germany. However, as maintained by the authors, the same data may be interpreted, to mean that the Russian workers were actually more favorable to the Germans than were the other groups. This reinterpretation also appears to fit certain facts now available regarding foreign workers in Germany, better than does the interpretation put forward by the Bombing Survey. A possible explanation for the original interpretation is afforded by the theory that new data, including survey data, tend to be incorporated in an existing cognitive structure. Moreover, the complexity of international attitudes also contributes to the difficulty of interpreting statements of individuals as to what they think about other national groups.

The article focuses on efforts of a German legislator Gustav Stresemann to establish a peaceful alliance between Germany and France after the First Word War, as of June 1, 1944. Stresemann also won the Nobel Peace Prize for this initiative. The general estimate of Stresemann was that he was a sincere friend of peace, desirous of collaborating with his neighbors, the initiator of a new order. Nobel Prizeman seems to be denying French claim that the passive resistance was a government program inspired from Berlin, Germany. Modern apologists for Stresemann may say what they will, but not even they would maintain that the three verbs quoted constitute a program whose moral quality would be of the finest. The article analyzes Stresemann's diary, notes, letters and unconscious revelations, in an attempt to understand his psychology and ideas related to the initiative he took. According to the author, Stresemann was a safe, repentant sinner of the right, a good European and a safe bet for Allies.

The purpose of this present article is neither to attack nor to vindicate press control, but to furnish a systematic presentation of the ideology and mechanism of such regulation as developed by the German National Socialist Workers Party in Germany. In a totalitarian state the press bears a relation to the life of the people different from that in countries where other types of government obtain. To dismiss this differentiation by saying that press regulation is indefensible is to approach the problem with a closed mind. There is no connection between the old press laws and the new. The old law was based upon the legalistic concept of the state merely acting as policeman in the enforcement of the laws. The new role of the press is educational and its aims and activities must dovetail into those of the state, and the other cultural organizations. The person who has been born and reared amid a full freedom of the press may look upon press regulation. In spite of the strictures there are, however, compensating advantages.

This article focuses on the approach towards sociology in Europe. It lists works of several sociologists and brings out their area of study. Karl Mannheim is concerned with educational administration. He says the Germans have long speculated as to whether there is a science of sociology, while the French have placed courses and the Americans whole departments of sociology in their universities. Now Germany is convinced that there is sociology and will teach it and he offers a detailed outline of what he thinks the subject should cover. Mark Abramowitsch offers a socialist interpretation of sociology, but criticizes strongly those who do not go beyond Marx in their interpretation of society. He has much to say about the contrast between the proletarian and the bourgeois approaches to social science. Irma Goitein seeks to show Richard Hess' position between Hegelian idealism and Marxian historical materialism, and she finds that he did not seek a synthesis of these viewpoints but rather gyrated between them. Some new letters of Hess are given in the appendix.

Although the role played by public opinion in a totalitarian state is carefully controlled, this does not mean that a dictatorship ignores the opinion of its citizens or does not try, to measure their thinking. In this article, Arthur L. Smith, Jr., who is Professor of History at California State College at Los Angeles, describes the considerable effort Nazi Germany devoted to this end between 1939 and 1945. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the medical studies in Munich. It was situated near the Sendlinger Gate of the old walled city. This gate still stands and is only a short distance along the Lindwurm-strasse from the present building. Josef Lindwurm became Professor of Dermatology and Syphilology in 1859. The large building of the " Hautklinik " consists of an outpatient department with laboratories, consulting rooms and a fine library. In order to explain the teaching of dermatology in Munich it is necessary to consider the general plan of undergraduate teaching in medicine. The medical student is taught in an academic atmosphere and the main bulk of teaching consists of lectures.

The article discusses developments in the field of dermatology in Germany. In September 1953, the German Dermatological Society met in Frankfurt, and practically all fields of dermatology were considered. The problem whether morphology reveals aetiology crops up repeatedly in clinical description and histology. In a review, O. Gans, discussing connective tissue changes, denies the validity of considering the collagenoses as of a common aetiology. H. Hering and P. Scheid report two further cases and regard this disease picture, as others do, as a form, of sarcoidosis. H. Schuermann and O. Braun-Palco and B. Rathjens found eruptions closely related to cheilitis granulomatosa occurring also on the head.

The article presents a documentation about producer Douglas Sirk. It includes information on an author's encounter with Sirk, an obituary for the resignation of Sirk as the chief producer at the Bremen Schauspielhaus in Germany and the letter of Sirk to the Bavarian radio in 1969. According to the author, the theater works by Sirk have given light on the German theatre because his production featured interesting cross-currents of contemporary theatre. Sirk's choice of plays and theatrical methods provides the readers valuable information about his films and dramas.

The article focuses on Douglas Sirk's German films. It presents information on the transition from theater to cinema which is effected by directors including Sirk and Max Ophüls. It also discusses the direction of Sirk on the play and film which starred Albert Basserman. According to the author, Sirk entered the cinema on a production of Shakespeare's "Twelfth Night" in 1934. In this year, Sirk was a famous and successful theater director and the head of the Leipzig municipal theatre in Germany.

The article provides information on the history and development of nitrogen fixation. Before World War I, potash was obtained entirely from Germany at a price maintained above the cost of production by a German monopoly. In 1915, exports from Germany ceased and prices in the U.S. promptly increased to about ten times normal. German scientist Wilhelm Ostwald developed a method for the conversion of ammonia into nitric acid in which ammonia and air is passed through a platinum gauze maintained at low heat.

Compares the debts, revenues and note circulation of belligerent countries after World War I. Increase in per capita debt of U.S., Germany, Great Britain and Russia; Significance of the relation of receipts from taxation to expenditures; Total note circulation of thirteen belligerent powers.

The article focuses on the involvement of leading steel manufacturers in the steel syndicate in Germany in 1904. The syndicate has created the most comprehensive combination in the iron industry and the most powerful of all cartels. Steel manufacturers became members of the Association of Steel Works Owners and became stockholders of the syndicate. With the syndicate, three possible ways of increasing market control emerged including an increase in domestic control over A-products, an extension of power to light steel and the protection of the domestic market from foreign businesses.

The article compares the book trade associations of Germany, England and the United States. Disorganization and depression in the retail book trade, due to the introduction and increase of the discount given to customers, led to combination as a means of remedying the situation. The publishers in Germany and England were at first unwilling to cooperate when urged by the booksellers to assist in maintaining prices, while the publishers in the United States took the initiative. The maintenance of the publishers' price was the aim in each country. The United States is the only country that has the copyright been utilized to enforce fixed prices. It is believed that any uniform price system will unavoidably work injustice upon consumers. Finally, there is constantly the danger in the fixed price system, thus detrimental to the public.

Presents information on the evolution of Germany-based Steel Syndicate. Reasons for the formation of Steel Syndicate; Production policy of the Syndicate during the two years since its existence; Circumstances in which the Syndicate decided to grant export bounties in 1905.

Focuses on the changes in free-trade policy in Germany in 1879. Protest of the export industry against the policy; Conflict in the interests of agrarians and working classes; Need for an extension of the exports.

Discusses four industrial representative coal and iron combinations in Germany, as of 1902. Business operations of the stock company Rhenish-Westphalian Coal Syndicate; Composition of the Berlin Structural Steel Bureau.

The article discusses the movement for the establishment of free public employment offices in the U.S. and Germany. Its motive is the welfare of the laboring classes and the various manifestations include factory legislation, tenement-house acts and a shorter working day. The agencies are designed to bring employers and unemployed into communication with one another. The movement has proceeded farther in Germany than in the U.S.

Presents memorandums related to law and legislations of several economies as of February 1900. Details of changes made in German bank laws; Discussion on national and local taxation in Great Britain; Laws enacted by Holland and Switzerland for compulsory insurance of employees.

The article discusses the workmen's compensation act of 1898 in France. An overview of the enactment of workmen compensation act in Germany, England, Norway and Austria is presented. Germany was the pioneer in the enactment of any first such laws. Efforts have been made since 1880 for the enactment of the present law for the compulsory compensation of injured workingmen in France. Around fifteen legislative bills related to the issue were proposed in French Parliament since 1880. Under the law, employers were made responsible for any accidents in industry and employees were entitled for compensation. A comparison of the French law with German and Austrian law is also presented.

The article presents information on the German Exchange Act of 1896. An act of 1870 on chambers of commerce had brought the exchanges of Berlin, Danzig, Elbing, Konigsberg, Magdeburg, Memel, and Stettin in Germany, under the special supervision of the presiding body of merchants. The possibility of regulating the exchange transactions by central authority arose as business methods became more and more uniform, and as a result of the more international character of exchange transactions. The immediate impulse to legislation came from disastrous failures of certain banking houses in the autumn of 1891, which were connected with misuse of their deposits. On December 25, 1895, a bill for regulating the exchanges, as well as another in regard to the duties of merchants having the custody of securities, was laid. The Exchange Act went into effect on January 1, 1897. The act compels no general change in the organization of exchanges. It does not compel exchanges to assume corporate form.

Explores the way in which towns acquired their characteristic population. Basis of classification of towns in France by economist M. Flach; Difference between theories of Flasch and economist Willi Varges on the origin of towns; Examination of French and German elements in the articles of economist M. Pirenne.

The article focuses on the view of German economists regarding the wage-fund doctrine. Among English economists, there has been a singular neglect of the treatment of the subject by their German associates. It is the object of the article to follow the peculiar development of German thought, and to consider the significance and the value of the treatment of wages which has become a traditional part of it. To understand the views of any writer on the whole range of subjects of which the wages-fund doctrine is a part, it is needful to consider his views on the nature and functions of capital at large, and more particularly on the place in the analysis of capital of finished commodities consumed by laborers. A step in the right direction has been taken in very recent times by a German thinker, who has broken with the traditions of his predecessors in more than one part of economic theory. The thinker's brilliant analysis of the capital of a community, of social capital and of private capital, of the length of time over which the period of production is spread, of the whole possessions of the community as constituting one great subsistence fund, of the steadily issuing flow of consumable commodities which constitutes the real income of every class in the community, all is admirable, and a long step towards a better understanding of the phenomena of distribution.

The article discusses the taxation of business profits in Prussia, Germany. Many European countries have adopted a business tax, which is distinct in form and administration from the other taxes which with it make up the tax system of the country. In Prussia the business tax, or "Gewerbesteuer," has existed in addition to an income and class tax, a land tax, and a tax on buildings. The effect of recent legislation has been to make the income tax the principal state tax, and set apart the other taxes--with the exception of the class tax, which has been absorbed in the income tax --for purposes of local taxation. At the same time a state property tax has been introduced, to which the name supplementary tax is given because it is intended to supplement the income tax, and carry out the idea of imposing an additional burden on "funded" incomes. The great difficulty in the way of the assessment of a business tax is the ascertainment of the value of the business or the amount of the annual earnings which form the proper basis of taxation. The Prussian business tax, although up to the time of the latest reform it resembled the French in some features, has always placed more reliance on the discretionary judgment of the assessors.

The article presents notes and memoranda on various issues related to economics, as of April 1893. The growth of the larger cities, together with the steady increase of socialism, is forcing to the front the ugly problem of Arbeitslosigkeit or unemployment in Germany. In Parliament during the past three sittings the debates have largely turned upon this question. The government, as well as all parties except certain members of the Freisinnige group, admit the fact of wide-spread and serious want among the city laborers. At least eleven cities have been compelled to adopt extraordinary measures of relief, and the utterances of several mayors have unusual significance. In two cities, Magdeburg and Mannheim, interesting experiments have been made, which are likely to throw light upon a very threatening difficulty which is showing itself throughout Europe in sinister proportions. The annual meeting of the American Economic Association will be held this year at Chicago in the course of the week from September 11-16. As the sessions of the International Statistical Institute, in which American economists have a strong interest, are also to take place in the same week, the more precise announcement of time and place for the Economic Association has been reserved, to await a complete adjustment of the programmes of the two bodies.

This article focuses on various economic activities in different countries. The German Empire has at last grappled with the difficulties which have arisen from the sugar tax and bounty, and has put the bounty system in the way of ultimate extinction. It will be remembered that the peculiarities of the situation arose because the excise on beet sugar was in the form of a tax on the raw beets while the drawback on the export of sugar made from the beets was excessive, being virtually a bounty on exportation. The drawback, as fixed in 1869, was calculated on the assumption that it required twelve pounds of beets to make one pound of sugar. What, so far as the American continent is concerned, is a novel experiment, has been this year tried in Toronto, Ontario. The city authorities assumed for a time the management of the street railway. The steps which led to the experiment and the details of the case are interesting from an economic point of view, as indicating a secondary stage in the development of this peculiar industry. In 1861 the legislature of Ontario passed an act incorporating the Toronto Street Railway Company, which at once began operations.

The article presents notes, memoranda and views of readers on various articles published in different journals. One of the notes provides that the administration of the State railways of Prussia, stimulated by the example of Hungary and Austria, has announced a general reduction of passenger fares. While the much-lauded zone system is not adopted--the single kilometer remaining the unit of charge--the usual rate on ordinary trains i.e., much reduced, from 8 pfennigs to 6 on first-class, from 6 to 4 on second-class, and from 4 to 2 on third-class. Express-train fares are also reduced, though they still remain higher than on ordinary trains. The general reduction is offset in part, though not in great part, by certain changes in the other direction. Fourth-class is abolished; and the ordinary fare for fourth-class has been as low as the new third-class rate. Baggage is no longer to be carried free, though it is promised that the charge will be lower than that hitherto levied on excess baggage. Lower fares on return-trip tickets are done away with; and the tourist, foreign or native, is to be mulcted by the abolition of summer travel and excursion tickets.

This article focuses on reform in railroad passenger fares, as of January 1, 1891. In the last four or five years a strong agitation has been going on in Germany and Austria for a change in the system of making up railroad passenger tariffs. It has resulted in a radical departure from the old methods in the case of two great systems of railways, those in Hungary and Austria. As the movement seems destined to spread, it may be worthwhile to examine certain aspects of it which may prove of interest to Americans as well as Europeans. In a pamphlet published in 1869, it was attempted to show by statistics that the then prevailing system of making up railroad tariffs (which is the one still in force in nearly all countries) rests upon false assumptions, and that, in the railway as in the postal service, distance and weight have not the importance usually attributed to them. It was proposed to abolish all existing tariffs, and to substitute in their place a simple system, very similar to that in force in the post-office. For the passenger service it was suggested a uniform rate of five groschen for the third class, ten for the second, and sixty for the first.

The story of the Free Germans of World War II is a case in point, and may offer some insights into Russian methods of psychological warfare. Moscow's wartime use of the National Committee of Free Germans and the League of German Officers is of particular interest for two reasons. First, these two bodies served as vehicles for harnessing German sentiments of nationalism to Russian policy. Second, this episode provides another instance in which Soviet policy-makers chose to abandon orthodox Marxist-Leninist doctrine when it fitted their needs. It is difficult to evaluate the effectiveness of the propaganda efforts of the Free Germans. It seems that they hoped at best to get the people to rise against Hitler and put an end to the war. The Russians were not blind to German psychology, and tended to promote rather than hinder the internal opposition against Hitler. However, as events showed, a mass rising against the Nazi government did not occur.

Discusses stereotyping of Germans in occupied Germany by American journalists following the end of World War II. Identification of the so-called Nazi type of German; Description of pre- and post-war reportage on Germans which represents this stereotype; Representations of German youth; Psychological aspects of the German defeat; Notion of the collective guilt of Germans for the atrocities committed by Germany during the war; Attitudes toward antisemitism; Policy implications of recognizing stereotyping trends.

Education has been systematically and deliberately used in both Germany and Japan to force minds of young people and adults alike into the rigid mold of Axis ideology. Since the Imperial Japanese Department of Education, through its Bureau of Thought Supervision, has dispatched "thought supervisors" to the various provinces "for inspection, for guidance and for supervision in connection with thought matters." Japan has thereby woven a net in which the intellectual powers of her people are entangled. Germany has been equally zealous. No room is left for private opinion. The life and sports of students as well as the thought and conduct of teachers are brought within the system of regimentation. The declared purpose and program it again. When this war is won, the United Nations should be able to choose whether the educational systems of the Axis countries shall be allowed to lead into another war by the continued teaching of lies and false attitudes and values, or whether they shall be compelled to mend their ways.

Propaganda presupposes definition of sound policy, based upon comprehensible knowledge of the facts and of the political, military and economic situation and also of the enemy psychology. When a line of policy has been laid down, actual propaganda operations may be begun, but not before. First of all axioms of propaganda is that only truthful statements be made. Secondly, there must be no conflicting arguments, and this can only be ensured by close cooperation of all propagandists and by strict adherence to the policy defined. The political attitude of the United Nations with respect to Germany is extremely confusing. On the one hand, threats of indiscriminate reprisals and punishment are made. On the other hand, promise after promise is given equally indiscriminately to the "German people," according to which, after the war, no reprisals will be taken by the Allies and Germany will be received as a welcomed member of the commonwealth of nations.

This article focuses on the psychological dilemma suffered by many people during World War II. Pitted against each other in the war between Germany and Great Britain are the British Ministry of Information, established in September 1939 and the German Ministry for Public Enlightenment and Propaganda, established in March 1933. The Reich Ministry for Public Enlightenment and Propaganda has been functioning at home and abroad. On the other hand, The British Ministry of Information's hectic career offers many lessons for the conduct of public relations for democracy in wartime. The Ministry of Information has been partially the result of British experiences of 1914-18. With the end of the war in 1918, the British propaganda effort subsided, and for almost twenty-one years no formal information organization disseminated British culture and political views systematically. The prevalent opinion in the British press was that younger and more liberal men coming to the front in the Ministry of Information, would bring the Ministry much closer to the press.