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The article takes a look at the American attitudes toward Japan and China in 1937-38. The Chinese Cultural Society of New York published in October 1937 a reprint of 39 editorials from American papers on the Far Eastern crisis. The editor, M. Hsitien Lin wrote in the foreword "Of some 5,000 editorials which have been examined, there is none that justifies Japanese aggression or condemns Chinese resistance. In the American press Japan is almost universally treated as the aggressor and China as the victim in the undeclared war. As to American policy, the press generally favors neither extreme isolationism nor political entanglements or alliances, but a golden mean, whereby world peace, it is hoped, may be maintained." The present study is designed to test the validity of this impression as well as to test the utility of a method of attitude measurement by press sampling. It is impossible here to enter into a discussion of the relationship between beliefs as to facts and emotional attitudes such as are measured by the indices used, except to suggest that attitudes, which are at first accompanied by emotions, may in time become beliefs regarding "facts" which are taken for granted.

This paper discusses the Chinese indoctrination methods for prisoners of war (POW). In the wars of the last 50 to 100 years, American soldiers who fell into enemy hands experienced a variety of physical and emotional hardships, but the Chinese have made the first major attempt to produce defectors and collaborators among American POWs and to indoctrinate them in an alien political ideology. The article does not propose to consider the Chinese aims in conducting this enterprise, nor does it discuss in any detail how the indoctrination program affected men. Instead, this paper will present a brief account of the specific experiences of the POWs from the time they were captured until the time they were repatriated. To some extent, it will be possible to present a chronological account. It should be pointed out, however, that most of the significant experiences were occurring contemporaneously. Therefore, it has been chosen to organize them into some social psychological categories rather than simply to recount them as they occurred.

The press in communist China is essentially a political instrument with which the regime conducts socialist and communist education among the masses. During the last few years the regime has developed the press into a specialized apparatus with each of its parts designed to reach a specific audience and to serve a definite function. The author says that with a regular readership comprising a majority of the vast population, the press is indeed the most important instrument used by the regime in the conduct of socialist and communist education. The performance of the press, therefore, may well determine the pace and even the success or failure of the communists' adventure in remolding the Chinese people's ideology. To ensure maximum effectiveness and absolute political reliability, the regime has found it necessary to put this giant press apparatus under rigid control and close supervision. Through organizational control the regime determines the structural setup of the press. It is the regime that decides when, where, and how many newspapers should be founded.

China's first public opinion poll was fittingly inaugurated on the her national anniversary, October 10, 1942. To Americans, accustomed to reading daily reports on the state of their opinion, this may not seem an important event, but in China it marks the first real recognition of the value of understanding public attitudes apart from their concrete expression in political activity. Even today many of China's scholars and officials do not believe in the existence of public opinion in the sense Americans have come to take for granted. According to one American-trained professor of political science and member of China's People's Political Council, public opinion in China is restricted to the articulate, educated minority. His views are entirely consistent with the Chinese historical tradition of government by scholars, but they are not consistent with the actual facts of political force in China today. Even in this restricted group of intellectuals, any opinion which differs from that of official circles must be discounted. Such is the semi-official view of public opinion in China, and so this initial step in public opinion surveys, made in spite of this attitude, is doubly encouraging.

The article focuses on various methods of news reporting in China. To report the vast area of China, with nearly a quarter of the world's population, only a few correspondents of foreign news agencies and newspapers were regularly stationed there. The larger American news agencies, and a few American daily news-papers, stationed foreign correspondents in Shanghai, China, which became news center for all of continental Asia. When Sino-Japanese War broke out anew in July 1937, Americans had only a handful of correspondents in the Orient. Conditions of work of foreign correspondents in China and those in Europe are radically different. In China, the foreigner meets a strange language, which often remains a mystery to him for life. To get news to cable home, these correspondents are forced to tap the following poisoned springs of misinformation. Natives are employed to read, translate and digest the local China press.

The article focuses on inflation in China from 1937 to 1947. A conclusive study of the development of inflation in China is impossible without more complete data pertaining to the aggregate effect of the wars on China's economy, and it can be made only after the nation has returned to normal. Although the data presented in this paper and the statistics derived there from are not all that one could wish for, they are nevertheless more complete than anything hitherto available, and on a number of critical points, are fairly adequate. The use of these provisional data may likewise find justification in the fact that more definitive figures will probably not be obtainable for many years to come. Perhaps no nation has experienced a more serious inflation than China during the war and postwar years since 1937. In order to survey the current situation, it seems appropriate to review first the manner in which inflationary pressures were set up during the war. In this section the survey is devoted to the developments up to V-J Day in August 1945. Postwar events will be dealt with in the succeeding sections. The movements of prices, as emphasized by the official indices furnish an appropriate starting point.

The article traces the relationship between the price of silver and the Chinese purchasing power. There are several reasons why the silver movement has acquired an even greater importance in recent times. One of the most important reasons is the provisional agreement signed by India, China, Spain, Australia, Canada, Mexico, Peru, and the U.S. According to this agreement, during a four year period beginning in January 1934, the first three countries named will limit their sales of silver, and the rest guarantee to buy or withdraw from the market a minimum of 35,000,000 ounces per year. The U.S. absorbs 70 percent of that amount. The article gives a brief description of the reasons why silver interests have a considerable amount of power in the U.S. A common observation is that the recent decline in the price of silver has reduced the purchasing power of the Orient. This observation is based on the fact that the users of silver, e.g., the Chinese, purchase their imports and pay their debits not with the proceeds of their exports and their credits but proximately with gold and ultimately with silver. The supposed reduction in purchasing power can lead to dire consequences not only for the Orient but for the U.S.

Forty five cases of systemic lupus erythematosus in Hong Kong are reviewed. Of common occurrence were hyperkeratotic follicular papules, which in some cases resembled pityriasis rubra pilaris and keratosis pilans, hyper-keratosis of the palms and soles, and psoriasiform lesions. Less frequent cutaneous manifestations included chilblains, livedo reticularis, and scleroderrna-like changes. Biological false positive serological tests for syphilis were not encountered. The possible significance of these deviations from the familiar clinical and immunological picture is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the research paper "Asymptomatic Neurosyphilis in Hong Kong," by G.M. Thomson which was published in a 1955 issue of the "British Journal of Venereal Diseases." This paper describes the selection of the cases, the tests used, and the results of an examination of the cerebrospinal fluid in 1821 cases of latent syphilis. The incidence of asymptomatic neurosyphilis is also given.

A letter to the editor is presented in response to the article "The University in China," by Arthur Galston in the April 1972 issue.

The article focuses on formulation of social policies by the Chinese government. The social scientist should primarily be interested in the collection and analysis of data, and, when the data warrant it, he may propose hypotheses or draw conclusions. Chiefly on the basis of these, the government enacts laws or declares policies. The principal weakness of the Chinese government is easily seen in connection with its formulation of social policies. Any social policy, to be effective and enduring, should be in perfect harmony with the folkways of the people. This unhappily is seldom the case in modem China; and the chief reason seems to be that, prior to the making of a policy, no thorough-going investigation is made in order to see whether a proposed measure fits a particular social situation and is therefore in agreement with the traditions of the people. The legislator in China, finding that a certain policy proves its effectiveness in a western nation, copies it for application in China without first ascertaining whether it will be appropriate for the Chinese situation.

The article discusses the characteristic traits of the Chinese people. First, they had a great deal of patience. This trait was generally hailed as a noble virtue in China. Developed under economic and population pressures and in the wear and tear of family relationships, patience as a characteristic trait of the Chinese people manifested itself in the form of racial, religious, and political tolerance. Chinese were the greatest fatalists in the world. Fatalism as a characteristic trait was the most marked in matrimonial affairs. Chinese were pre-eminently frugal. As a social idea, frugality was originally concerned with the satisfaction of human needs without waste. Chinese were humble people. To them humility was a great virtue. They knew that egotism had the tendency to offend friends and alienate people and was in no way conducive to social harmony. So they made great effort to discourage its indulgence. Chinese were generally quite contented with whatever little they had. Chinese were extremely conservative. This conservatism was born of an intense feeling of satisfaction for the cultural greatness of their past. Chinese were not particular about accuracy and precision. This characteristic trait was very obvious in the field of medicine. All these characteristic traits of the Chinese people were the natural outgrowths of long centuries of application of a negativistic system of philosophy in their social and political organizations. Viewed from the standpoint of the twentieth century, they were traits of weakness responsible for the general backwardness of China.

The article presents information about regional planning in the far east. Politically and commercially China has been for the U.S., internationally speaking, a distinct region from the days of our earliest continuous intercourse. East Asia is not subject to the procession of circumpolar cyclonic storms which harass and control the winter climate of the middle northern belt of the North America, crossing southern Canada, the Great Lakes, and northern states of the U.S. Northern China, though experiencing cold weather from Arctic continental sources in the winter, does not have great winter storms and snows such as affect North America and Europe. There is nothing in the problem of future military arrangements and strategy which conflicts with the conceptions we are advocating, namely intimate neighborly collaboration on a grand scale between the two pivotal great powers, the United States and China, in their respective spheres of North America and East Asia. The only possible trans-Padfic enemies of the United States for a century to come are the Soviet Union, China, and Japan. Australia and South-eastern Asia are too weak. The United States might have disagreements with a free Philippines, but the latter could scarcely attack.

The large family system based upon the code of filial piety, has been the main pillar in the structure of Chinese society. Economically, the family was a unit self-contained and self-sufficient. All members therein were under obligation to put all their earnings into a common coffer from which the head of the house doled out in equal shares to the various units of the family. The large Chinese family greatly resembled a miniature society. With three or four generations living under the same roof, its size rendered inter-unit relationships involved and complicated. The position of the male was inherently superior in old Chinese families, but female members when old often enjoyed the wholehearted respect of their children. The raising of daughters was generally considered a poor investment in old Chinese society, because, after their marriage they belonged to their husband's family. Marriage was the most important occasion for ceremonies in old Chinese society. It involved various ritualistic observances extending over a considerable period, which usually ranged from a few weeks to a few months.

The article presents information on prospect of rural industry in China. According to the more recent estimates, China's population, despite the loss of Manchuria, is well over 400 million. About four-fifths of this number secure their living directly or indirectly from the land. China is, predominantly, a vast nation of small farmers. Her rural population is the largest homogeneous group in the world. To any one of China's peasants, the condition of an American farmer would be incomprehensible. To own 150 acres of land, to enrich the soil with chemical fertilizer and plough with a tractor, to harvest with a reaper and binder and store forage in a silo, to own a motor car and a radio, to have paved roads to the nearest towns and to sell one's crop in distant markets, to receive government bulletins on agriculture and even to send one's children to a consolidated school-this all is beyond imagination. About the only topics on which the farmers of the two nations would find common ground are weather, price fluctuations, and mortgages. One of these possible avenues to rural betterment which is being subjected to animated discussion at the present time is the promotion of rural industry. The aim of this article is to consider the prospects of this line of reconstruction in the light of China's total rural problem.

The article focuses on culture contact in China. The study of contemporary culture contact is concerned with the behavior of individuals and groups in any culture, toward manufactured products, customs, social institutions, ideas, and people that come from an alien culture. In his attempt to understand changes in Oriental society resulting from the impinging of such new features upon it, the investigator of these reactions believes in scrutinizing and analyzing the changes while they are going on, instead of leaving it to posterity to draw inferences on the basis of fragmentary sources and half-hidden trails. Much of the data, seems to relate to futile ventures of all sorts which spring up and die down, with little chance of leaving records for the future historian. Yet the ventures which fail, are as significant for an understanding of the process of culture contact and change as are the ventures that succeed. In general, this field of interest and study, though theoretically preempted by certain anthropologists, is being actually attacked only in the usual more or less routine-statistical, descriptive and historical, anecdotal, and preliminary manner by various practical organizations and students of contemporary history.

This article addresses the condition of workers living in slums found in factory districts in Shanghai, China. What complicates the problem is the large labor surplus in the city. With more workers than there is work to be done, the struggle for existence is so severe that there are people who will offer themselves for any wage. Five grades or classes of housing facilities are available for the working classes. The better grade of workers' homes consists of two-storied tenements built in long terraces and separated by narrow passages. The second grade of house also consists of tenements built close together in long rows and separated by a narrow passage, but flimsier in construction and without a second story. Another grade of housing facilities for laborers consists of dormitories operated by private individuals for profit who rent spaces to men without families. Another grade of living quarters consists of houses and dormitories built by industries for the use of their own employees. The worst grade of living quarters consists of mud huts which afford shelter for a large number of the poorest people in the city. A typical hut is constructed of bamboo poles, having walls covered with matting and mud and the roof with straw.

The article examines the Chinese finance under the republic system. The recent course both within China and without has given to that nation a new financial status, and one may assume that she is henceforth safe from an ever recurring deficit. The national treasury in the troubled year 1914 has been regarded solvent, and an excess of income in 1915 gave promise of revenue sufficient in the near future for long deferred projects of reform at home and defense abroad. The recent fiscal improvement has made China advance toward liberation from need of foreign aid and foreign control in matters of finance.

Discusses the system of taxation in China. Land tax; Grain tax; Diversity of weights and measures; Divergences of taxes from the nominal levies.

The materials upon which this study is based are leaflets and posters collected while the writer was in residence at Peking, China from September 5, 1937, to July 25, 1938. They consist of approximately a hundred items, for the most part actual documents but in some cases official Japanese army photographs of the material. These documents and photographs were easily secured. In fact some of them were showered down by the thousands from Japanese airplanes, and others were scattered from military trucks driven through city streets. Such items as were not distributed in Peking were to be secured there from Japanese army officials. The official army propaganda agencies began functioning immediately on occupation of Peking by the Imperial Army in July 1937. Such were the Propaganda Division of the Tientsin Army and the Propaganda Division of the North China Expeditionary Force. Their efforts were directed toward three groups of people, the Chinese masses, the foreign neutrals in the occupied areas, and the Japanese on their own home front.

This article examines opinions of the Japanese population toward the relationships of their government with the United States. One must always expect some divergence of allied public opinion from American policy, owing to the very nature of the free world alliance system. The violent objections voiced by the Japanese public to the specific American-urged policies of rearmament, foreign bases, nuclear tests, and hostility to communist China do have a long-term tendency, however, to lend more popular support to Japanese socialist platform planks than to the actions of the conservative regime. Yet all evidence suggests that conservative voters, and a large group of socialists, have not yet become so annoyed by disliked American policies that they are willing to forego their relative benefits for the perceived dangers of a pro-Soviet policy or the uncertainties of a neutralist course. Survey data cited do explain why the government in Tokyo, Japan, must avoid the label of "American puppet" and sweeten its strong pro-American convictions by demanding concessions from the U.S. to meet increasing discontent among its electorate.

Operas are a traditional form of entertainment in China. They are understood and enjoyed by both the literate and illiterate and are attended by members of all classes. Spoken dramas, though newer and less accepted, have on occasion won popular sympathy. No wonder the Chinese Communist has seen the wisdom of using the stage as a medium of propaganda and indoctrination. During the last decade or so, Communists have outlawed the presentation of numerous operas with themes repugnant to them and have rewritten many opera scripts to suit their political purposes. Noted for its variety of dramatic forms, the Chinese stage first flourished during the Yuan Dynasty when the Mongols were ruling China. From that time on, local dramatic techniques developed, prospered for a time, and then fused with others. The Ching-hsi, or Peking opera, evolved about the middle of the nineteenth century and quickly became the most favored form of entertainment in the nation. The most important aspect of the opera reform work, however, was the reform of the repertoires with a view to replacing the operas' feudalistic, superstitious, and anti-labor themes.

The People's Republic of China is attempting to provide social services to its massive population through active reliance on individual and community participation, new methods of training and utilizing paraprofessionals, and a pervasive philosophy that emphasizes both self-reliance and mutual aid, This article describes some of these techniques and explores their implications for the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the ways in which Communist China has dealt with the problem of controlling and directing the agricultural sector. From the beginning of Communist control over the mainland of China the major objectives of Chinese farm policy have been to raise agricultural output and the marketed portion of that output together with the maintenance of political security and control. The regime has attempted to accomplish these aims with minimal state investment in the rural sector. The importance of obtaining a substantial and increasing marketed surplus derived first of all from the fact that agricultural and processed agricultural products have made up approximately three-quarters of all Chinese experts. Second, although the rural-urban shift in population has been small in percentage terms, the absolute number of city dwellers increased between early 1960 and the end of 1966 by over 30 million people or 66 per cent, all of whom had to be fed. The fall in the marketed portion, however, was somewhat more complex. The depressed level of average per capita farm income accounted for part of the reduction. This was further aggravated by the land reform which had been completed in the main by the end of 1952. Available data unfortunately are not adequate for the task of estimating the effect on marketing of the elimination of the landlord class.

A distinctive strain of Trichophyton rubrum has been isolated from 5 patients in Hong Kong. The infections caused by this strain were clinically more inflammatory and responded more rapidly to treatment than infections with the ordinary form of T. rubrum. The mycological characteristics of the Hong Kong strain are described in detail. It is possible that the Hong Kong and the Nigerian strains of T. rubrum are identical. The apparent differences are discussed; only further investigation will establish their significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Agricultural research has contributed significantly to increasing the food resources of China. The quantity of agricultural research to date has been limited due to lack of qualified scientists and their multiple duties of teaching, conducting research, and demonstrating research applications. The quality of most research, although lacking originality, has been good. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on agricultural research in Communist China. After 1949, the Communist Party of China (CPR) started organizing and establishing agricultural research institutes, colleges, and laboratories. Qualified agricultural scientists have now been provided with the support and facilities required to conduct research and to develop technology for increasing agricultural production. Scientific agricultural research is mainly under the jurisdiction of the Chinese Academy of Agricultural Sciences, which was established in 1957. Agricultural research in Communist China is also conducted by 30 or more agricultural colleges, and this research is coordinated with the Chinese Academy of Agricultural Sciences.