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This article presents the author's views on steps for attaining world peace in the face of the Cold War. He suggests for the four points. Encourage a more searching public discussion of the implications of a third world war, so that all people, realizing its shocking moral as well as physical consequences, will be more resourceful in finding means to establish world order. Recognize that total disarmament by all nations in all arms is the crux. During the interim period of discussion and negotiation armed strength should be maintained, but a constant effort made to create a better atmosphere.

The article presents some socio-political updates. It asserts that temperature of cold war has again risen in Berlin. Once again the four-power negotiations for an Austrian treaty are at a standstill and an appeal to the Russian government by the American, British, and French Ambassadors to end the deadlock appears to have been fruitless. Another cause of heightened tension between the U.S. and the Soviet bloc is the Bulgarian demand for recall of the American Minister in Sofia on the ground that he procured information from the executed traitor and former Deputy Premier of Bulgaria. The article also highlights the political dilemma faced by Great Britain's Prime Minister Winston Churchill as his British Labor Party faces voters in February 1950 elections in Great Britain.

There has been a cold war of varying intensity between Russia and the Middle West, ever since the Bolshevik Revolution; there has been, on both sides, suspicion and hostility so deep as to give a quite special character to relations between them. This cold war has been through several phases,, but it was never ended since it began--and is not likely to end for a long time to come. It is also unlikely, for reasons, in a moment, to be mere dangerous to peace in the fixture than in the past. Like the faithful everywhere, the Russian Communists, though powerfully affected by their faith, take some parts of it more seriously than others. What they take seriously depends on vast experience and present necessities.

During World War II and in the ensuing and apparently endless period of the cold war, it has become fashionable to put trust in a variety of prophylactic measures designed to identify potential criminals before they can commit their intended crimes, and to frustrate them in their supposed intentions. To meet the "legitimate need" of government to protect itself, the governmental agencies have compiled dossiers on the political beliefs. If it is efficient for any one compiler to maintain a permanent dossier on each subject, so that he need not start from scratch each time interest in the subject is renewed.

The article focuses on the frantic race of space between the Soviet Union and the U.S. amidst the persisting cold war between the two power blocs. The race since the launch of Sputnik has been mostly concerned with technical questions: how soon, how big, how successful. But now they are possessed with a technology which permits them to make practical use of satellites for communications. The U.S. are committed by both the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations to emphasizing these peaceful uses of outer space as their counter to the Russians in the cold-war race for prestige from space.

The article focuses on the book "The State of Europe," by Howard K. Smith. In the book Smith, whose broadcasts from Europe stand out among other examples of news analysis on the air, has written an earnest, provocative, and informative study of Europe from the end of the war till April 1949. Smith has reached certain basic conclusions. One is that Eastern and Western Europe have reversed their trends as a consequence of the war. Now Western Europe has fallen on a period of social contraction and Eastern Europe on one of social expansion. Smith believes the forces of this change to be profounder than current politics or the cold war.