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regular faculty of the Gymnasium; a special German teacher has been retained for the teaching of the more advanced English courses that are needed to meet the requirements of the American curriculum. Other courses in which students of the program are enrolled include History, Chemistry, Civics, Biology, Art, Geography, and Physics, as regularly offered by the Gymnasium. One or two students are studying additional languages such as Italian and French and all students participate in the regular sports program of the school.

DR. KOHNKE is an assistant professor, Division of Nurse Education, New York University, New York. Her experience in nursing has been equally divided between education and service and she is one of three nurses who operate a group nursing practice in Stuyvesant Town-Peter Cooper Village, New York City. She is a graduateof Mound Park Hospital School of Nursing, St. Petersburg, Fla. and holds two master's degrees, one in counseling and guidance from the University of Florida and one in nursing from Teachers College, Columbia University, New York, N.Y., where she also received her Ed.D. A year later the American Nurses' Association published a position paper on nursing education (2). This paper defined the minimum preparation for beginning professional nursing practice and for beginning technical nursing practice. Many distinguished nursing educators, such as Lulu Wolf Hassenplug, Dorothy E. Johnson, Ruth V. Matheney, and Fay Carol Reed have written about the differences in educational preparation and practice for the nursing technician and the professional nurse (3-6). Martha Rogers in 1965 and Marjorie Ramphal in 1968 were particularly clear in delineating these differences (7,8). The years passed and the controversy continued to rage. Although educators said there were differences in the graduates of various types of programs, little difference was seen in their utilization in the service agencies. And, no great strides were being made to accommodate differences in practice. Therefore, in late 1971, I determined to investigate whether educators were producing, in fact, two different products. The study was completed in early Spring 1972 (9). It examined what the literature stated was the knowledge base, responsibility, and role in the curricular preparation of the nurse technician and the professional nurse. The nurse technician was defined as a graduate of an associate degree program and the professional nurse was defined as a graduate of a baccalaureate program. Lists were developed, stating what the literature review of each type of curriculum revealed. Interview guides were then developed, and 22 deans, 11 from each of the two types of programs, were interviewed. The interview was intended

I shall make no attempt, within the limits of this short paper,' to draft a plan for a specialized curriculum, nor even to answer dogmatically the question-should the law curriculum be specialized or should it not? The subject is a very large one, and it has not yet been debated to the point where either attempt can usefully be made. I shall rather confine myself to an effort to define the problem and to suggest the considerations upon which it seems to me the solution must depend.2 "The Law of the State or of any organized body of men is composed of the rules which the courts, that is, the judicial organs of that body, lay down for the determination of legal rights and duties." So said John Chipman Gray in his now classic lectures, "The Nature and Sources of the Law".3 It is possible to formulate a still more pragmatic definition, i. e., that law is that system of ideas about man's relation to his neighbor and to government by which any person exercising judicial power over another is, at any given moment, actually controlled. Whatever may be the faults of this definition-and we shall come to them in a moment-it is, I think, the only definition which corresponds to any discoverable fact. To the practical trial lawyer the law is whatever his honor can be induced to make it; to the office lawyer the law is whatever the latest decision of the court of last resort lays down. It is evident, however, that this definition of law is self-destructive, for no two men ever have quite the same system of ideas about man's relations to his neighbor and to government, nor does one man ever have precisely the same ideas about these matters on any two successive days. For a community to base its conduct on the assumption that law is whatever anyone with power enough sees fit to make it is to end either in tyranny or anarchy, and the abandonment of the very concepts of government and of judicial power. Why is it that a definition which correctly states the fact is unworkable in practice? How reconcile the fact that our legal rights and wrongs are actually determined by the variable judgments of individuals with the necessity of conducting ourselves as if this were not the case? The answer seems to be that law is not merely a state of facts, but is also an ideal; and

There has been tremendous and worldwide interest during the last decade in the teaching of population dynamics and family planning in medical colleges. There have been many surveys of the need for such teaching and a great many conferences have been convened for example in India Columbia Italy the United Kingdom as well as in the U.S.. This paper paper presents suggestions on how teaching of family planning and population dynamics may be incorporated in current curriculums of Indian medical colleges. Most of the suggestions would require little additional teaching time only greater coordination between departments and a variety of teaching aids that either already available or in the process of being produced. Details are included on how family planning teaching can be introduced in the various departments of medical schools. Coordinated teaching is recommended during preclinical clinical and internship periods. The author concludes that physicians must be trained in medical knowledge and skills as well as guided in formation of mental and social attitudes that will help them meet and alleviate Indian communities pressing problems of overpopulation. This can be achieved by teaching them family planning while they are students in medical schools.

I recall that my original purpose in preparing the article appearing in Curriculum Theory Network to was to stimulate discussion at a symposium at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at least two years ago. What I tried to do in the paper was to outline what I think to be the basic components of something we might call a curriculum theory. I am very glad that Posner and Martin took time to criticize certain dimensions of the paper because their comments will stimulate my thinking and cause me to be more careful of my phrasing in the future. Let me take the criticisms individually. I am unsympathetic to Martin's contention that a curriculum and a curriculum system would operate external to schools. Throughout most of the history of education during which the concept of curriculum has been productively used, curriculum has been associated with schools. It is true that the word curriculum is a very old word, but curriculum as a problem of professional education had its most serious origins in the last decade of the nineteenth century and developed mostly during the present century. Martin puts a great deal of emphasis upon the search for the question in curriculum. In my judgment, there is no search involved here. It is axiomatic to me that the question of what ought to be taught in the school must be answered. I would not argue very much whether taught or studied should be the verb in the question. The answer to the question is, however, essential. Presumably, out of teaching and studying learning will emerge. The goals and culture content selected for a curriculum are predictive of what may be learned, but ordinarily teaching will take place between the time of planning a curriculum and the time when pupils learn.

References Brown, W. I. 1967 'First thoughts on I.D.E.' Duplicated paper. Burston, W. H. 1967 The study of the curriculum. Bull. Univ. Lond., Inst. Ed. No. 13. Graves, N. J., and M. Simons 1966 Geography and philosophy. Bull. Univ. London., Inst. Ed. No. 9. Lawton, D. 1967 Social Studies and the Social Sciences. Ideas, No. 4. Tucker, M. S. M. Ferguson and J. Dunne 1967 'Curriculum development at Norwood Girls' School.* Duplicated paper. Schools Council 1967 Society and the young school leaver. H.M.S.O. -1967 Curriculum development. H.M.S.O. 1967 Forward from Newsom. Manchester School of Education. 'Social Studies in the middle years of schooling?the 8-13 age group.' Annexe A to S.C.A. Paper No. 50, G.P.C. Paper No. 185 (duplicated). -Curriculum development proposals in Social Sciences at 'O' and 'A' levels. Annexe B to S.C. 68/90 (duplicated).

In an earlier paper, Clarence B. Lindquist outlined the major features of one teacher-training program in mathematics currently in operation in Soviet pedagogical institutes [I]. Similar outlines have appeared in works by Medlin and others [2]. Lindquist pointed out that the Ministry of Higher and Secondary Special Education exercises supervisory control over teacher education in all fields. Uniformity of programs of instruction throughout the Soviet Union is achieved through promulgation of "official" study plans and syllabi by the various Republics' ministries of education. In view of the uniformity of teacher-training programs achieved in the Soviet Union by these means, detailed analyses of curricula in specific areas are possible. The purpose of this paper is to provide such an analysis in the area of mathematics with particular attention given professional subject matter. Two official curricula are available to the Soviet pedagogical student preparing to teach mathematics-the Mathematics-Technical Drawing curriculum and the Mathematics-Physics curriculum. Both programs are of five year duration. The following mathematics and professional courses are found in both curricula. *

The central activity of the University of Illinois Arithmetic Project (financed by the Carnegie Corporation of New York) for the three years 1959-62, was the development of topics-"intermediate inventions"-that permitted children to pursue mathematics beyond the usual limits of elementary school. Prof. Page's paper sketched one topic that had been developed by him and other members of the Project for supplementary use in elementaryand secondary-school arithmetic classes. The author believes that more and better intermediate inventions are needed before really adequate mathematics programs for school can be formulated-or even before worthwhile discussions can be held-on such popular topics as discovery methods, the cognitive process, grade placement, articulation, and the objectives of mathematics curricula in our schools. People with college mathematics training too frequently assume that they are directly familiar with all that can be made to happen in an arithmetic class. Prof. Page hoped that his topic would illustrate that the possibilities of inventions are richer than has often been realized. The "lattices" of the topic are tables of numbers varying in complexity from a simple 10 X 10 square, suitable for first-graders, to squares of simple and less-simple fractions for additive and multiplicative use, and even three-dimensional tables. By use of a devised code in which the directions of arrows determine maneuvers from one number to another, the students are encouraged to progress from intuitive solutions of problems to the formulation of logical principles. Since delivering the paper at the Conference, Prof. Page has expanded and published the topic. To avoid distortion of the subject by presenting

Looking at the immense advance made in the field of chemistry, it is interesting to notice some of the contributions to this science in Kansas, and especially what has been done in the fifty years of the life of the Academy. Kansas was and is preeminently an agricultural state, and for years little was done in applied chemistry. To the colleges, such as the University of Kansas, the State Agricultural College, Emporia Normal, Washburn, Baker, Southwestern, Ottawa, McPherson and others, and to the larger high schools, was left most of the work of instructing in chemistry. All these institutions at a very early period in their history offered elementary courses in chemistry, which were soon extended to include qualitative and quantitative analysis. In the more recent years organic chemistry and physical chemistry, as well as many special courses, have been added to the curriculum in these schools. The instruction given in the various schools led to sending out a large number of scientific men and women, who have made their mark in chemistry and allied subjects. Many well-equipped men have been sent to the various departments of the national government and to state experiment stations. In addition to the work of instructing in chemistry, these institutions have found time to carry on research work. As an illustration, note the extent to which the Transactions of the Academy of Science has been used as a means of publication of papers on chemistry. The first chemistry paper was by W. H. Saunders, the first professor of chemistry in the University, on the "Comparison of Kansas Coals with Other Western Coals." Up to the year 1900 chemical papers were published as follows: By E. H. S. Bailey, twenty-five; L. E. Sayre, sixteen; J. T. Willard, eleven; G. H. Failyer, eleven; George E. Patrick, eight. That is, a total of about eighty papers of an essentially chemical nature were contributed during this period by the above men and others associated with them. That these papers had a very practical bearing on the economic development of the state is apparent from a glance at some of the titles, such as "Kansas Chalk," "The Iola Gas Well," "The Waconda Meteorite," "Ozone in Kansas Atmosphere," "Ammonia and Nitric Acid in Rain Waters Collected at Agricultural College," "Some Kansas Mineral Waters," "Chemical Composition of Kansas Coals," "The Newly Discovered Salt Beds in Ellsworth County," "Chemical Composition of Cement Plaster," "Effect of Continuous Cropping of Wheat on the Composition of the Soil," "The Sugars of Watermelons," "Variations in the Nitrogen Content of Maize and Possibilities for its Improvement." There is no necessity for going into details regarding advancement in chemistry during the last few years, since most of those present are familiar in a general way with the progress that has been made. However, it would not do to let the opportunity pass without calling atten

The natural history of organizations and institutions resembles that of living beings. Thus schools of public health have been sired at intervals since 1913, and most have survived to enter adult life. Doubts about their stage of maturity, however, fill the air of 1972. Some viewers urge, for example, that the schools are ripe to spawn a new generation of institutions with somewhat different functions; still others claim that procreation is long past and that deeline and death seem near. Such writers hold that these schools, like old soldiers of fortune, should fade away, willing their tasks and wealth to distant relatives. Resembling humans with some lasting sparks of life, however, these institutions do not rush to place themselves on the slab so that we may see how they work. Even without such information, health providers and some consumers still feel free to question the form and function of schools of public health and to doubt the sanctity of those who work in them. Some faculty members add weight to such comments; recent papers show that neither observers nor participants tiptoe round this subject like mourners at a wake (1, 2). Why then another paper about schools of public health? Mainly because they now seem to be caught in a crossfire of conflicting pressures, which should be explained to those who wonder why change is slow. Partly also because some critics have had unrealistic expectations or have stated erroneous goals for these institutions-misconceptions that should be corrected rather than oft repeated. We also need more discussion of the simplistic view that schools of public health have one major goal which should be optimized and on which we all agree. Some past descriptions

In this paper I want to discuss some aspects of Joseph Schwab's essay The Practical: A Language for Curriculum. I want to examine exegetically what Schwab is telling us there. I will do this both by exploring the particular argument of this paper in the light of the forms of argument Schwab habitually uses and also by extrapolating from the argument of the essay to the further problem of constructing a practicable curriculum for a "practice" curriculum. This act of extrapolation is, I believe (and I hope I can show), important not only practically but also theoretically. My discussion will suggest, I hope, that many of the current readings of Schwab's thesis underestimate both the significance and the power of both his analysis of and his solutions to the plight of curriculum as a field. At the same time I hope to show some of the issues that will need development before we can say that we have a new and complete paradigm for curriculum at hand.

These remarks represent a short subjective postscript to this issue. They are a few of the many thoughts and ideas that have crossed my mind while working with the papers. It is not a formal integration of the contributions and no attempt has been made to refer to all papers. Rather, it is an exploration of why the potentiality for curriculum evaluation has not been realized in the reality of educational practice.

imminent change. The measuring rods and searchlights of the students of administration are being applied to the university. Problems of structure are beginning to be identified, the roles of the chief actors-trustee, president, dean, and faculty member-are receiving expert attention. The processes by which curriculum is devised, the student taught, the budget balanced are now proper subjects for serious study. More general problems of governance involving public bodies, executive and legislative, and their proper relationship to independent academic institutions, public and private, are in process of identification. Last and far from least it is recognized that administration requires administrators and, mirabile dictu, it is even believed in some quarters that the laws of pure chance, as the sole guarantor of administrative competence, are unreliable indeed. Training of administrative talent can be thought about and even attempted. The care and nurture of administrators is important and if we aren't careful the dean may even cease to be the subject of the annual Throttlebottom joke. The four authors whose essays follow are leaders among those who are lending the weight of their experience and prestige to this development. Their papers do not pretend to cover all the various problems and fields of interest that could and should attract the readers of the PAR. But their papers do open a number of doors through which we hope others will pass in increasing numbers. John Corson is almost uniquely qualified to write on the comparative aspects of academic, business, and governmental administration since he has been a professional participant and analyst of all three arenas. Harold Dodds reminds us forcefully that the academic administrator is not a neutral presiding over a neutral apparatus but must provide leadership in an academic community and that this function shapes his administrative task. Algo Henderson, like Dodds a man with experience in an academic presidency, describes some of the current efforts to identify and train academic administrators. Harlan Cleveland, a relative newcomer to collegiate administration, winds up the series with a lively piece on the man in the middle-the dean. These papers, let us repeat, are largely suggestive of some of the issues that should attract and excite the student of administration. This exercise will have well served its purpose if problems of academic governance and administration receive recurring attention in this journal.

The subject matter of field research in urban legal studies is as broad or as narrow as we choose to define the field. The chief concern of this paper is research strategies. What type of research is a law school capable of doing? What type of research is appropriate-for a professional school that is part of a university and for a student body that is growing increasingly bored and frustrated at what it regards as an irrelevant curriculum? In this paper, I plan to discuss three types of research strategies: (a) law-in-action; (b) the scientific study of law; and (c) action-demonstration. I realize that there are considerable difficulties with this classification. All of the approaches are empirical in the sense that the primary focus is what is actually going on in the real world. In practice, the three strategies are quite similar in that they often use the same methodological techniques and are used interchangeably for particular problems. Law-in-action and the scientific study of law, for instance, live comfortably within the field of sociology of law. Indeed, perhaps it is more accurate to consider the variations between these strategies relatively minor, as differences in degree, rather than to classify the strategies as separate approaches. For the purpose of his paper, however, I do want to treat the three strategies separately, giving polar or "pure" examples, since I believe that each possesses different strengths and weaknesses, requires different sorts of training, and raises somewhat distinct issues for legal research.

Introduction. It has become fashionable recently to argue that real and complex variables should be taught together as a unified curriculum in analysis. Now this is hardly a novel idea, as a quick perusal of Whittaker and Watson's Course of Modern Analysis or either Littlewood's or Titchmarsh's Theory of Functions (not to mention any number of cours d'analyse of the nineteenth or twentieth century) will indicate. And, while some persuasive arguments can be advanced in favor of this approach, it is by no means obvious that the advantages outweigh the disadvantages or, for that matter, that a unified treatment offers any substantial benefit to the student. What is obvious is that the two subjects do interact, and interact substantially, often in a surprising fashion. These points of tangency present an instructor the opportunity to pose (and answer) natural and important questions on basic material by applying real analysis to complex function theory, and vice versa. This article is devoted to several such applications. My own experience in teaching suggests that the subject matter discussed below is particularly well-suited for presentation in a year-long first graduate course in complex analysis. While most of this material is (perhaps by definition) well known to the experts, it is not, unfortunately, a part of the common culture of professional mathematicians. In fact, several of the examples arose in response to questions from friends and colleagues. The mathematics involved is too pretty to be the private preserve of specialists. Publicizing it is the purpose of the present paper.

In the struggle to survive in an increasingly overcrowded curriculum, history teachers oscillate wildly between tradition and fashion in justifying their subject. On the one hand, lies the Scylla of the discipline reduced to a ritual; on the other, the Charybdis of the discipline riding the coattails of the younger sciences. This paper contends that current justifications for the teaching of history, besides often being at variance with the nature of the subject, are generally

The paper examines the relationship between programme composition of school and post-secondary plans for a national sample of Canadian technical high school students. Students in solely technical high schools are found to have higher aspirations than students in schools containing university preparatory students-a reversal of the traditional compositional effects finding in education. The result is interpreted as manifesting certain reference group processes brought about by the rigid streaming characteristic of Canadian high schools. The interpretation seems to reconcile the finding with previous research. As old as civilized man himself is the categorization of individuals into various classes or strata. Plato, for example, discerned three classes: those whose hedonistic "appetites" dominated (the labouring and trading classes); those whose appetites dominated but who also possessed an altruistic concern for others and the state (citizen subjects); and those who were able to grasp the "universals" in life (the legislators of the state). In pursuing a similar line of thought, Aristotle defined man's most worthy activity as the observation and understanding of the universe; however, this meditation was feasible only if those who were not intellectually capable of participation were put to work providing sustenance for their philosophical superiors. As with Plato, then, there was an implied stratification system based on differential

This paper describes the application of remote console computing in a graduate statistics seminar entitled “Machine Aided Statistical Modeling,” which was offered at Harvard University in the spring semester 1965–1966. Three conceptually different computing systems are discussed, together with examples aimed at demonstrating the potential of on-line interactive computing in statistical research, practice, and education.

William E. B. Hall, M. D., is Director of Laboratories of the Chambersburg (Penn.) Hospital. A graduate of the Faculty of Medicine of the University of Toronto, Dr. Hall has taken post graduate training at the University of Pennsylvania and in the field of Forensic Medicine at Harvard University. Since accepting appointment to the staff of the Chambersburg Hospital, he has been actively interested and engaged in the teaching of Forensic Medicine to police and medical groups through the State of Pennsylvania. His present paper was read before the organizational meeting of the Academy of Forensic Sciences.-EDITOR.

Intemnational operations are assuming a larger and larger role in the conduct of American business. One of the significant factors in successful operation abroad is an adequate and competitive system of compensation for international employees. The present article compares the incidence and extent of employee benefits in 13 foreign countries among 236 branches of American companies. Variations in benefits between countries are very large although the incidence and extent of benefits are probably not as great as is true for domestic operations, contrary to common belief. However, four out of five firms surveyed reported their conviction that the cost of employee benefits is of moderate or great importance in selecting a country for foreign investment. As a minimum step, management will be well advised to investigate thoroughly the nature of the particular employee benefit structure which employees will expect to have provided in any country in which the firm is considering a permanent investment. The study casts doubt on the hypothesis that American firms offer superior benefits than foreign controlled competitors or that higher employee benefits offset lower wage rates abroad. Although it is not a relatively large exporting nation, the United States has become deeply involved in the field of international trade during the past two decades. This paradoxical result is due to the tremendous growth of U.S. investment abroad, while exports and imports have remained relatively constant as a percentage of total national output. Yet the growth of curriculum in the area of interMark R. Greene, Ph.D., is Professor of Insurance and Head of the Department of Marketing, Insurance and Transportation in the University of Oregon. During the academic year 1964-65, he served as acting dean of the School of Business in the University. He is author of Risk and Insurance, 1962, and of Risk and Insurance Management for Small Business, 1963. In 195960, Dr. Greene was a fellow on the Institute of Basic Mathematics for Application to Business, at Harvard University. He is first vice president of A.R.I.A. The author wishes to acknowledge the support of the Graduate School, University of Oregon, in preparing this study. Special recognition is also due Michael L. Murray who assisted in the data processing and analysis. This paper was presented at the A.R.I.A. 1967 Annual Meeting. national business management in many collegiate schools of business has been slow. Relatively few schools have well developed programs, and in most universities the teaching of international business is still at an early stage.' It appears no longer satisfactory to teach functional areas of business, such as risk and insurance, as though the United States had no important international involvement. It seems very probable that most students being graduated today will, during their careers, carry some international responsibility.2 It is very likely that this responsibility will extend to those who make their careers as risk managers, insurance brokers, home office executives, or other careers in insurance.3 1 John Fayerweather, Jean Boddewyn, and Holger Engberg, International Business Education: Curriculum Planning (New York: New York University, 1966).

The purpose of this paper is to explore the possible implications of the extension of professional stratification in education. The process itself will be discussed and illustrated by reference to recent trends within the educational system of England and Wales. This will be followed by a development of the hypothesis that stratification potentially generates widespread feelings of relative deprivation, and perhaps even of anomie, within education. And finally some proposals for modifying such experiences are discussed. Within the educational system of England and Wales there has been occurring during the past fifteen years an acceleration of the processes of role differentiation and professional stratification. Role differentiation refers to the tendency for the basic role of the teacher to take on more specialized forms and the tendency for completely new roles to emerge in schools and in the education system. The term professional stratification is used in the present context to refer to the tendency towards the creation of an increased number of status levels within the teaching profession. A preliminary task is to examine the nature of the relationship between these two processes. Eggleston (1969) has suggested that although there is a trend for educational organizations within the English system to become less differentiated with a consequent convergence of the teaching roles of the different institutions, there is occurring at the same time a differentiation of personnel within the single organization. This has occurred under the pressure of curriculum change and also of changing conceptions of the responsibilities of the school towards its clients. The roles of counsellor, house-master, year-tutor, head of remedial education, etc. are comparatively new in the public sector of English education. That is to say they are new as specialized roles, but these variations on the teacher's role might well be ranged along a continuum which extends from those whose functions had been previously performed as part of the diffuse role of all teachers to those roles which have been created to perform quite new educational functions. The creation of a new salary structure for teachers in 1956 was a decision which increased the stratification of teaching in England and Wales. Previous scales had included additional allowances above the basic salary for all head

The need for a program of education to supplement and strengthen the campaign of unionism became apparent early in the development of the labor movement in this country. Practically all of the studies which have been made of organized labor, as well as the proceedings of the national conventions held in the eighties and nineties of the last century contain frequent references indicating the need for education of the workers. In view of this early emphasis, it is not at all surprising to find that both major labor organizations of today-the American Federation of Labor and the Congress of Industrial Organizations -have well established educational programs as a part of their national or over-all machinery. The Workers Educational Bureau, which President Green of the A F of L calls the "Educational arm of the Federation" was formed by the Federation in 1921, and is a federation of national and international unions, state federations, central bodies, local unions and workers educational enterprises. The 'Bureau has a membership of 450 organizations, with the following purpose and activities: "To provide a national clearing house for the workers education movement in the United States; to stimulate interest in education among workers of the country; to assist in the establishment of labor institutes, industrial conferences and study classes in the different localities in cooperation with trade unions, universities, public libraries and other public institutions; to conduct educational addresses and discussions by radio; to sponsor research concerning the curriculum of workers education and the methods of adult instruction . . . and to publish through the Workers Education Bureau Press, textbooks, pamphlets, outlines and syllabi for workers educational enterprises."' Thus, there was available to the local unions affiliated with the A F of L, and holding membership in the Workers Bureau, an educational program, which covered, on paper, the whole range of educational activities to be found anywhere. The extent to which the program was translated into action, on the local level, depended almost wholly upon the type of leadership in the local, and the aggressiveness of the membership. Again, the extent to which Negroes participated in the program of these locals was conditioned by the freedom, or absence of freedom, they had to become members of the local. All of the data relating to Negro membership in the national and international organizations affiliated to the A F of L indicate that both by constitutional provisions and ritualistic restrictions, Negroes were very effectively debarred from the majority of the organizations. It

During the past few years mathematicians and statisticians have shown an increased interest in a high school course in elementary statistics. The purpose of this note is to call attention to some problems and some work which seem to have been overlooked. While there is not likely to be much opposition to the need for such a course for purposes of general education, there will be differences of opinion with regard to the particular nature and content of such a course. More important, due to the crowded condition of the high school curriculum, considerable difficulty may be encoun,tered to the introduction of such a course even as an elective. Furthermore, the heterogeneity of the high school population requires that more care be taken with regard to the content and motivation of such a course than is usually given to college courses in mathematics and statistics. A wide variety of content has been proposed for such a course: social arithmetic, descriptive statistics, social-economic mathematics, quantitative thinking, elementary probability statistics. This diversity of emphasis and content is a healthy sign and should be encouraged; at this stage any attempt to standardize the content should be avoided. At least four different ways have been proposed or used to develop and introduce such a course into the high school curriculum. One way is to put one or more chapters on statistics in elementary algebra, as was done by Mitchell and Walker.' While the statistics chapter in this book is largely graphs and averages, with no discussion of elementary probability, this approach has much to recommend it. It appears to be a feasible method and one which can be used with the minimum of opposition. The second approach is that of using a college textbook in descriptive statistics as the basis of the course, as was suggested by Dutka and Kafka.2 This practice of pushing a course down from college to high school is a familiar formula which has caused the high schools no end of trouble. While it may work in some high schools it is not likely to be very effective in high schools the country over. A statistics course which college students take largely because they have to, is not likely to succeed at the high school level as an elective. If in some schools the students have the required mathematical background, why not introduce elementary probability statistics directly? Why repeat the mistakes made at the college.level by using descriptive statistics as the basic course? The third approach is that of creating a new course based upon the social and economic roles of the individual, and weave into such content the quantitative material desired. This approach was used by Beatty and Boyce in 1936 at Bronxville, New York, in an actual experimental course offered to senior high school students.3 A large body of materials was organized and mim'eographed for the use of the students.4 A great deal of work was done on these materials to make them accurate, socially useful, and pedagogically presentable. A regular mathematics instructor, sympathetic to this approach, was in charge of the course. (The reference to School Review contains the names and publisher of other materials prepared by Beatty and Boyce.) What the Bronxville experiment seemed to indicate was that quantitative concepts can be taught at the high school level. Some of the students had no difficulty with such concepts as arithmetic mean, correlation, and sampling. This is important in view of the fact that the class represented the usual range of intelligence; it was not a picked class. It was concluded that "if these concepts (such as sampling) are properly simplified and taught in connection with a socially-useful content, they can be grasped without difficulty at the high school level."3 Most of the shortcomings observed arose from material that was too difficult, or not well presented, or not well illustrated. The writer's experience bears out this finding. Firstcourse students in college can understand certain aspects of sampling and estimation just as easily as they can grasp the more orthodox material and calculations on averages, standard deviation, index numbers, and the correlation coefficient. Some subject-matter specialists will not like this approach. It seems to smack of sugaicoating. The student does not get enough mathematics and statistics. This is hardly the point. The goal is not to maximize the quantity of mathematics absorbed by the students. The goal is to explain principles and to show the student how to apply them to everyday problems, with the emphasis on the latter. The goal is general education, not vocational training. A fourth approach is one suggested by the writer in two papers published in 1936.5 This approach is a combination of social arithmetic, quantitaitve logic, and probability statistics. Examples from life (observations, newspapers, periodicals, and books) were cited as actual subject matter which might be used.

Democratic education in America recognizes as its enduring purpose the fullest possible development of the individual within the framework of society. There is a continual interaction between the individual and society. "The school as one of the institutions of our society has a responsibility for furthering and preserving the democratic spirit and process in all phases of human relationships and group living.... To accomplish this, the school must be characterized in spirit and in practice by the principles of democratic living."1 Such a result is possible only through a school curriculum which recognizes the needs of the society and the nature and needs of all of the children being served. To the latter consideration this paper is dedicated.

Several developments of recent years make the title of this paper more than a cliche. The first of these is, of course, PL 89-749, the Comprehensive Health Planning Act. As we know, the essence of that law is to require planning by the states as a condition of federal support of health and health-related activities, instead of providing such support in arbitrary categories in amounts determined by formula. Like most revolutions, the Comprehensive Health Planning Act is a formalization of the changes which have actually been evolving, behind the scene as it were, for some time. This formalization makes it possible for us in turn to formalize the new functions which statisticians will perform, although the state of development of comprehensive health planning has not as yet enabled us, in most states, to do this with a great degree of specificity. It is abundantly clear that the statistician must have a major role in planning and evaluation. A second development is the appearance of programs such as those of the Model Cities and OEO, which are not themselves health programs, but which have a crucial health element. This element will usually be a new kind of service, under nev management, for new groups, with a need and an opportunity for meaningful evTaluation, in the face of current budgetary pressures. Yet a third factor is the expansion of what might be called conventional public health activity into inew areas, as a result of our expanding technology and our exploding population. Among these certain crucial environmental problems such as radiation protection, elimination of industrial hazards arising from new processes, and disposal of solid waste, offer new opportunities, new approaches and make new demands upon statisticians. In all these cases, our measurement and analysis techniques are less well developed than in the more traditional areas. We also have an increasing application of program budgeting to the health field, with its emphasis on evaluation from a cost-benefit or cost-utility basis. This began with the federal government and (in California at least) is now in the process of development in all state agencies, including the State Health Department. Although program budgeting does not in itself constitute a change in health activities, it does represent a new approach to planning and evaluation, and as such has implicatioiis for the health statistician. Finally, our economy is such that we know there are not infinite dollars to be spent for health services, research and training. Priorities must be established balancin, old against new programs, and making difficult choices among, activities. New personnel disciplines, computers, operations research theories, to say nothing of significant new knowledge in medicine and allied fields, all contribute to the changing scene. These developments are mutually interdependent. The health components of an OEO program are properly part of a comprehensive health plan, as are the new public health activities in environmental health. In all of these, the justification of a comprehensive state plan for health services is impossible without an evaluation plan, which in turn is dependent on the lucid statement of measurable obj ectives required by program budg:eting. We propose here to indulge in a brief review of the developmental history of the role of the health statistician and his education and training. We shall use the term "education" to mean an academic curriculum in some well-defined discipline, and "training" to mean courses or exercises designed to impart a specific skill or facility. In this sense, for example, the NIH training program is really an "educational" prog,ram. We shall attempt to char-actei ize the kinds of skills required to respond to the new developments to which wATe have referred, and to speculate on future resources for training in these skills.

Before proceeding, the definition of black studies to be used in this paper is in order. Black studies are designed to include 'Negroes in textbooks and other curriculum materials, to place the Negro in proper perspctive in history and to present information about Negro contributions of the present and past. This essentially corresponds to what Larry CubaanI would consider Negro History as compared to Black History in that it emphasizes the integrational content of history rather than the segregational. This definition is also extremely pragmatic for elementary school black studies programs since almost all current programs fit this description.

Articulation as used in this paper means integration.* A surprisingly large number of high-school transfers have been unable to do successfully the work required in their first college course, and the integration of the high-schoolcollege Spanish sequence is therefore of vital concern to both the high-school and the college teacher. Although some colleges have made changes in their curriculum in order to improve this relationship, a few to the extent of offering courses especially designed for high-school transfers, the tendency to blame the highschool teacher for the existing faulty articulation has been far too prevalent. She is accused of being inadequately prepared to teach her subject, lazy, lacking in enthusiasm for her work, and satisfied with mediocre results from her students. I want to examine briefly some of the problems involved in the high-schoolcollege sequence with the hope of stimulating the thinking of both the colleges and the high schools on this issue. Some of the facts and figures included have been compiled from questionnaires answered by twenty-five college and university Spanish teachers. How do the high-school transfer students fare in their first college courses? Our questionnaire shows that only about 50 % are able to do satisfactory work in conversation courses while about 70%

1968, AFTER THE ASSASSINATION OP MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR., the AfroAmerican Association and an ad hoc group of graduate studen-ts, working independently, pressed the faculty and chancellor of a major Southern university for a number of meaningful reforms to ensure racial justice both inside and outside of the classroom. High among the priorities of both groups was the request that the university offer an undergraduate course and a graduate area in the history of black people in the United States. When talking with the graduate students, the chancellor was at least receptive to further discussion of the possibility of introducing Negro history into the curriculum, but he observed that the students needed to justify Negro history as an academic field. It is in response to the challenge of the chancellor and to those of similar persuasion at other universities that we write this paper.

This paper seeks to perform a twofold purpose: (1) to provide a quantitative description of the education of Negroes in Arkansas; and (2) to furnish comparative data on educational opportunities afforded the Negro and white groups in the state. In the main, comparative data are presented for the school years, 1929-30 and 1944-45.1 No attempt has been made to discuss special schools such as those for the handicapped, industrial schools for delinquent children, nursery and adult schools. Enrollment and cost data are incomplete for higher institutions, both Negro and white. In particular it was not possible to secure figures for 1929-30 and 1944-45 on the number of students enrolled by curriculum or comparative data on Graduates from the higher institutions included in the study. The data used in this study were collected from: (1) bulletins published by the Arkansas State Department of Education and the United States Office of Education; (2) books and periodicals; (3) college and university catalogues; and (4) correspondence.

In recent years educators and educational researchers have begun to analyze classroom interaction to determine the effects of teacher behavior on student attitudes and achievement, and to improve teaching. This field, known as interaction analysis, has become widespread, having been applied to almost every area of the curriculum. During the past five years, interest in classroom interaction has spread to all parts of the globe as teacher trainers and researchers discovered the potential value of this field. In this paper, the effects of teacher behavior on those of different cultures is discussed. A description of interaction analysis and how it helps improve teaching is given along with the results of related research conducted here and abroad.

Two articles appeared in the first issue of Curriculum Network Theory (Summer, 1968) which were the products of a similar professional concern. The concern was to formulate a plan by which curricula and/or instructional materials could be examined. Stevens and Morrissett reported a system for analyzing social science curriculal and Tyler and Klein reported a set of recommendations by which curricula and/or instructional materials could be evaluated. Although each article was generated by similar motives, the end products were quite dissimilar. The editor of the Curriculum Theory Network asked the authors of the two articles to respond to the other's product. Our reply is not a detailed analysis and evaluation of the system developed by Stevens and Morrissett. This paper attempts to put these two articles and a third one with a similar concern into a general perspective to which each of the three publications seems to make a particular contribution.

ON August 28, 1844,1 the twenty-one-year-old Francis Parkman delivered a commencement oration on the occasion of his graduation from Harvard. The original manuscript, lodged among his papers in the Harvard College Library and unknown to present-day historians, is in Parkman's, handwriting, signed "F. Parkman, August '44." "Romance in America, as Parkman called the oration, reveals for us the springs from which his later work flowed, providing us with new insight into the romantic concept of history held by one of our greatest historians. Indeed, Parkman's later multivolumed masterpiece France and England in North America is, in many respects, a projection of the ideas that so, fascinated Parkman in these early undergraduate days. Certainly Parkman's, interests crystallized remarkably early in his career, so that the reading of his college days was of real value to him in his literary work. As he himself noted, in a letter written many years later, a literary career early suggested itself as combining his two boyhood loves: love of the forest and of books.2 What is known of Parkman's academic career supports, his own contention that he was a lover of books. For his scholastic record at Harvard, which was excellent though not brilliant,3 masks the fact that the prescribed curriculum was only a minor part of his program of study.4 From his, early reading lists and correspondence it is apparent that he carried. on a secondary pro; gram of reading in literature, ethnology, and history, with particular emphasis on the romantic themes of Fran;ois Rene de Chateaubriand, Jules Michelet, Sir Walter Scott, and James Fenimore Cooper, all of which readied him for his own literary works

T HE thesis of this paper is that what may appear to be and may so appear even after fairly close inspection by the casual observer-a plan of higher education which is easy of access, which operates without the usual standard controls at a very low cost so far as the individual is concerned, and at a respectable standard of accreditation, may, in fact, be a relatively high-cost institution which is under such limitations as far as expansion is concerned as to be relatively restricted in its access, is actually overcontrolled by rules and regulations, and is severely limited in its academic horizons and standards. The institution so described is the University of Puerto Rico, a complex and diverse institution enrolling some I5,000 students on three campuses and including among its programs undergraduate liberal arts, business, education, engineering, pharmacy, and agriculture, and among its professional programs law, medicine, public administration, social work, and dentistry. Let it be noted that no graduate program is included in the above listing, and that no junior college or extension program is included. The University, in existence since I903, is the absolutely indispensable educational pivot of the island. It provides most of the teacher education that is available; it provides most of the professional education that can be acquired; it supplies the education for government officials, for the entire core of management of Puerto Rican industry and agriculture; it gives basic training and generous assistance to the vast majority of all teachers in colleges and universities in Puerto Rico. In keeping with these many and diverse activities, the University is firmly based upon a concept of freedom of access at all academic levels, of low tuition, and of further amelioration of the existing low cost by subsidy in the form of scholarships at need, and by general lack of restriction and supervision insofar as programs and activities are concerned. Interestingly enough, within this very permissive pattern so far as behavior is concerned, the programs of study offered by the University are notable for their lack of elective courses. Virtually all programs and courses are required. Within this general pattern, then, which controls the University, five points may be picked out as products of this particular concept of administration. i. The undergraduate curriculum is sharply split into two different segments. One segment represents a reasonably contemporary generaleducation approach which holds true for the entire freshman year and part of the sophomore year, for a majority of the undergraduate students. This is followed by an abrupt return to a conventional or departmentalized curriculum operated by the several schools of the University in which, to all intents and purposes, a student, having completed his freshman and part of his sophomore year in the General Studies Program, begins over again in the general subject matter offered in a special area. As a consequence of this, almost no student ever has a chance to get to any of the advanced courses in any field and, in fact, is really debarred from so doing by the program requirements which must be surmounted before he can get to an advanced course. There are, in fact, very few advanced courses listed in the catalog. 2. As a result of the lack of instructional supervision, or as a result of the fact that over three-fourths of the faculty has never progressed beyond the master's degree, all or virtually all of the courses are given by the textbook-and-lecture method. This has several interesting results. (a) Student programs are heavy. They run to eighteen hours or more, and this means that a student who is following a textbook and collating it with instructors' lectures has less studying and in a sense less thinking to do about his courses than a student who is being taught by the reading-list classdiscussion method. (b) Students are notably studious and may be found deeply engrossed in their textbooks all over the campus, as well

A Conference on Research, Graduate Education, and Post-Doctoral Training in Departments of Preventive Medicine, organized by the Association of Teachers of Preventive Medicine (of the United States), was held in Saratoga Springs, New York, June 10th14th, 1963. The conference provided an opportunity for informal discussion and exchange of ideas between the Canadian delegates, who represented all but one of the departments of preventive medicine of Canadian colleges of medicine. This paper summarizes the points emerging from these discussions dealing with the teaching of preventive medicine to undergraduates. The descriptions of the individual departmental curricula are at variance in some instances with the "official" descriptions given in the respective university calendars. This point is not too unexpected. Like any other promotional literature, university calendars tend to overemphasize certain point and underplay others. Although discrepancies may be noted between what is reported here and in the university calendars, the accuracy of the information in this report

Historically, professional status has involved a specialized and well-defined body of knowledge, a professional association, a devotion to public service and a code of ethics. In examining the insurance industry, one finds that the educational curriculum, perhaps necessarily, encompasses more subjects than do the curricula of other professional fields. The trend toward all-encompassing technical and social education leads away from professional status. In addition to advocating a generalized curriculum, the insurance industry does not seem to follow the organized educational base incorporated by other professions: 1) historical developments, 2) principles or basic techniques of the profession, 3) theoretical foundations, and 4) the application of areas 1, 2 and 3 to current problems. The insurance field also seems to have a wide and diversified array of associations, no one of which is specifically designed to set standards of performance or oversee the personal conduct of all members of the insurance field, provide a tie between the members and the general public or prescribe national policy and legislation pertaining to its field. Without having fulfilled the requirements pertaining to education and a member association, it is difficult for the insurance industry to achieve the other prerequisites of professionalism. Niany speeches have been given and many articles written concerning insurance as a profession: some argue that insurance is a profession, and that the only problem is that the public does not recognize it as such; others maintain that some individuals in the field have professional status, while others do not; and still others have insisted that insurance is not a profession and should not strive to become one. Although differing in their points of view, most of these authors seem to have one thing in common-a wellmeaning, but ill-defined conceptual framePatricia P. Douglas, Ph.D., C.P.A., is Assistant Professor in the School of Business Administration of the University of Montana. Dr. Douglas is also a Research Associate in the Bureau of Business and Economic Research and the author of a 1970 Report on Self Insurance for the Legislative Subcommittee on Self Insurance, State of Montana. This paper was presented at the 1970 Annual Meeting of A.R-T-A. work for evaluating insurance as a profession. Typically an author begins by stating something to the effect that insurance educators and executives are moving toward greater appreciation for and better adherence to a "professional ethic," but few bother to define this "ethic" and an even smaller number bother to examine all phases of insurance in their search for signs of the professional ethic. Perhaps this reflects the fact that the concept of professionalism, related to any field, has changed gradually over the years. At any rate, the discussion continues without any apparent answer to the question of whether insurance is a profession and, if not, whether it can ever hope to be one. Nature of Professionalism Following a brief discussion of the historical development of professionalism

Curriculum revision is now in vogue in many educational institutions, both public and private. But it is erroneous to suppose that this is an innovation of the day. Indeed, ever since the Boston Latin Grammar School fell into desuetude, American schools have been striving constantly to reconstruct their programs in order to meet the demands of the contemporary social and economic forces. These endeavors at curricular reform, in turn, have given rise to the very vital issue as to whether it is the purpose of schools to perpetuate the status quo or to point the way to a new social order. While it is not the concern of this paper to suggest a solution to this controversy, the writer is inclined to believe that the latter view has more merit. Furthermore, the former view holds grave significance for the slightly over two millions of Negro children who attend the separate school maintained by sixteen Southern states and the District of Columbia. As long as such a view obtains, the dual school system and socalled "Negro" Education-progeny of the existing social order, particularly in the South-will persist. Negro Education, to the writer, is an apocryphal term. A more valid concept, in the mind of the writer, is that of the Education of Negroes. To subscribe to the thesis of a Negro Education is to submit to a subordinate brand of education-inferior largely because of inadequate finance, equipment, material, and the like. The Negro separate school is sufficient testimony to the truth of this assertion. But on the other hand, the Education of Negroes connotes an adequate education for a specific group of people, suited to their own peculiar needs, and offered under the most propitious circumstances. Here, the emphasis is shifted from a racial identity which stigmatizes to the adjustment to group and community needs. And this would then truthfully be the democratic conception in education-which our modern philosophy espouses in name more than in fact. To many the foregoing discussion may seem an academic quibble apropos an inconsequential phraseology; but, nevertheless, the relative position and emphasis accorded the words "Negro" and "Education" denote a very essential distinction. The keyword, undoubtedly, should be Education. So far as curriculum revision is concerned, Negro schools, as in other instances, have suffered immeasurably. Horace Mann Bond, writing in regard to the relationship between the Negro child and the curriculum, states

Guilford's work is an example of a model developed in a related field, which may be useful as a theoretical framework for the design and testing of curricula. Such a translation of a model from one discipline to another has certain dangers. To guard against an imprecise use of the terms, the author gives some of the background of theory from which their meaning springs. To avoid an assumption that the theory is static and final rather than changing and adaptable, the author gives some of the history of the changes through which the concepts have passed.Some portions of the original paper, particularly the explication of statistical techniques had to be omitted here. [Editor's note.]

T HOUGH teaching American history in British universities was greatly stimulated by the role of the United States during World War II, and by its unique partnership with Great Britain at that time, not until the mid-1950's did American history come into its own within university curricula. The inauguration of H. C. Allen as Commonwealth Fund Professor of American History in the University of London in 1955 marked the beginning of a new era of commitment to American history, and the next decade and a half saw a steady increase in the quantity and quality of study in American history. Since Britain itself was in the throes of university expansion, United States history undoubtedly benefited from this surge forward, yet in these same years there emerged a number of eminent Americanists who, along with their disciples, guaranteed that this instruction would be of a high order. Since 1970, however, a plateau in this growth having been reached, the British fraternity of American specialists has been forced to re-think the role and the function of American history at the universities. The purpose of this paper is to suggest that a renewed concern for superior achievement in teaching is a likely result. No school of British Americanists could be said to have existed until the close of the Second World War. Before then, from time to time an individual scholar tried his hand at American history, but no pattern of

THE FULL MEANING of the Library Education and Manpower statement does not yet seem to have been grasped, or, if it has been, perhaps a decade is needed to see its impact on library school curricula. I refer to the prescription that professional education programs at the master's degree level should be for the preparation of "librarians capable of anticipating and engineering the change and improvement required to move the profession forward." 1 If this recommendation were strictly followed, it would leave in the hands of library technicians, subject specialists, and those with general undergraduate degrees, those tasks that have been, to a great extent, the daily work of library school graduates. The Manpower statement establishes for this work the category of library associate (not librarian) . Lester Asheim makes this distinction clearly and points to the implications for library education when he says that the library associate's work is "at the level of day-to-day operation rather than that of policy making or planning or evaluation and is it heresy to say it? it is the level for which a great many of the graduates of today's library school programs are really being prepared." 2 In this paper, I place within the "day-to-day operation" of libraries, book selection, reference work, and much of the cataloging and classification now done by library school graduates as "professionals." The role of the new professional librarian is seen as policy maker, evaluator, and planner. This does not mean a mixture

Dedicated to the memory of Wm. F. Edgerton, revered teacher and friend This paper was presented as one of four contributions to a panel discussion on the topic "Aspects of Education in the Ancient Near East" during the meeting of the AOS held at Baltimore in 1970. The requirements of a highly complex governmental administration in Egypt led to the development in the mid-third millennium of methods of training youths as scribes to enter the civil service. In addition to the much later Greek descriptions of the educational system in ancient Egypt, there are scattered references to it in Egyptian biographical and literary texts. These are few in number in the early periods, but soon become more plentiful. The didactic treatises beginning in the Old Kingdom and the compositions specially designed for scribal use, together with the innumerable school texts written mostly on ostraca, afford valuable evidence for the content of the young scribe's curriculum. The nature of the elementary instruction during the first four years may be deduced, as well as the advanced training which was of a more specialized nature. The "text books" employed in the instruction of students are also known to us. Finally, the attitude of the Egyptians themselves to the efficacy of educational methods finds expression in their literature.

It is impossible to fix a definite date, but for something more than eighty years there has been developing in this country the new profession of questioned document examiner. During the last year (1942) the American Society of Questioned Document Examiners has been organized.' This formal organization has followed the slow growth of this specialty, and two main influences have been instrumental in developing it. The first of these influences was the ever increasing millions of documents in the modern world, a condition, as is well understood, greatly in contrast with earlier days. Out of this great flood of written papers many important problems inevitably arise. The second important influence that developed the Document Specialist was the fact that questioned documents, good and bad, naturally came to the office of a lawyer who, except in rare instances, was wholly unqualified to solve the problem or even consider it in a proper scientific manner. The long curriculum that led to his degree did not lead him to study, or even read, one paragraph that would assist him in solving these practical problems regarding documents.

The nature and make-up of the labor force in the United States is changing, and there are many economic problems which focus on the question of employment. Teachers from the primary grades through high school usually include a study of the role of labor in their economics units. Several economic education specialists have focused upon manpower education,' and one Center for Economic Education (the M.H. Russell Center at Henderson State College in Arkadelphia, Arkansas) is actually specializing in world of' work economic education programs.2 At a very early age children think about their future occupations, although their plans are often unrealistic and based upon impressions rather than knowledge and understanding. If the curriculum is to continue to include the world of work as a major topic, curriculum planners and the developers of materials might be helped by having data on the child's perception of the working world. The first step in this study was to draw up a list of 138 job classifications commonly found in the typical American community. A "Community Workers Test and Information List" was then prepared and printed. This instrument contains four columns: Column A simply lists the job classifications, such as taxi driver, beauty operator, teacher, barber, construction worker, physical therapist and data programmer. Column B contains words or phrases which the child may check to indicate whether or not he knows what the worker listed in column A does. For example, next to Data Programmer (column A) are the words Lamp, Clock, Computer, Camera and I Don't Know. By checking"Computer" the child shows that he has some knowledge of what a Data Programmer does. In column C the child checks "Government." "Nongovernment" or "I Don't Know." This, of course, was designed to show whether the child could tell which jobs are almost always government or civilian occupations. In column D the child may check "Met," "Never Met" or "I Don't Remember" to indicate if he has actually met the worker in question. The test was administered to 385 children in 17 fourth-grade classrooms in two New Jersey school districts. Three of the participating schools were Title I schools in New Brunswick, providing a sample of 197 children generally of low socioeconomic status. The other three schools were non-Title I schools in Westfield, giving us a sample of 188 children who could generally be classified as being in the high socioeconomic group. The test was read aloud by each test administrator, so that reading ability would have little effect on the outcome. The children were instructed to draw a circle around the word in column B "that best tells the kind of work the worker does, the tools or materials he uses, or has something to do with the way the worker earns a living." Explicit instructions were given for each of the other columns as well, and every word in every column was read by the test administrator while the children followed along on their test papers. Thus, all the child had to do was follow along and circle or check the appropriate words. The major hypothesis was that there would be no significant difference between the responses of children from the upper and lower socioeconomic groups or between the responses of boys and girls within each socioeconomic group. Raw percentages and Chi square analyses were computed, with .05 as the level of significance. The results indicated that there were significant differences between groups and between sexes within

THE drop in registration figures from the required second year of College German to the first elective literature course is popularly attributed by language teachers to the fact that "students nowadays no longer desire 'culture' and are not interested in any elective that requires effort." This is a convenient but erroneous explanation. Were it valid, foreign language literature courses would be filled with the pick of the undergraduate body, which is obviously not the case. While it is undeniable that contemporary events and current curriculum trends do affect the enrollment in language electives, the real reason why students drop foreign language work as soon as they have met the requirement is that most of them have found in it pitifully little to stimulate a longing for more-in other words, we have failed in the elementary and intermediate courses to provide for experience in richer living. Nor have the advanced courses, as enrollment figures also show, contributed much that is really vital to student development. The fact is that language teachers, in clinging stubbornly to traditions, have failed to meet changing conditions. In former papers the writer has discussed some of the problems particularly germane to the first and second years?. The purpose of this article is to examine critically the typical first elective German literature course and to suggest changes that would make the aims and methods of the course consonant with progressive principles of education. Such a revision in the near future is imperative. In the typical first literature course we find a small group of sophomores and juniors, a few of whom have gone on with their language study because of some personal interest, most of whom, however, have continued either to satisfy some special requirement or else, philosophically assuming that all beginning is hard and sanguinely anticipating the greener pastures of an "advanced" course, to sample other wares of the department. The content almost invariably is based on the theory that the classics must be served. The elementary student of literature is to read Lessing, Goethe, and

The "problem" of sex education like the poor we always have with us. There are those of course who perennially insist that there is no problem at all and that the teaching of the subject creates not solves problems and also those somewhat grudgingly would admit such instruction but surround their permission with such a maze of provisos that the final effect is tantamount to a denial of the schools right to instruct in this area. It appears however that there is an increasing though somewhat cautions recognition on the part of school officials and citizens alike that high school students need some sort of effective sex education taught by the school as part of good general education. This paper is addressed of course to this last group which is aware of the problem and is seeking the best available solution for it in the light of the practical limitations of our knowledge existing personnel and community opposition. No attempt is being made to write a treatise on sex education; instead a number of issues will be considered and evaluated and suggestions made. The authors write in a spirit of humble searching for solutions and not in one of confident assurance that the ultimate is herein being unfolded. (excerpt)

The present paper refutes the ideas that students on a given campus are a relatively homogeneous population and that socioeconomic differences disappear when a student enters college. Interviews were conducted with 282 married college students living in university housing to test the hypotheses that (1) the marriage rate of college students will vary inversely by social class background and (2) family and college adjustment patterns of married students living on a college campus will vary by social class background. Married students had a social class background slightly lower than single students, but the difference was too small to firmly support the first hypothesis. Important differences by social class background were found for the education and employment of the wives, the curriculum, career choice, employment patterns, and the trend of grades in college for the husband, and the number, planning, effect of children on adjustment, and the advising of other students to marry in college.

My primary objectives in this paper are to present an approach to language instruction for young children from disadvantaged backgrounds, and to explain how the curriculum makes use of the discipline of programed instruction. This will be done by describing a language and concept curriculum, Matrix Games (Gotkin, 1967b), which, though not programed in the conventional sense, makes ample use of the discipline. Finally, I shall examine briefly the relative contributions of research strategies for curriculum development, arguing that I find that programed instruction, my discipline, offers greater possibilities than other research approaches.

students and professors, and in order to make curricula of German studies more relevant, students need to be able to use the FL in personal and creative ways. This cannot be accomplished in the highly structured, inflexible situation characteristic of so many traditional courses. This paper presents a case history of the authors' experiences in "informalizing" a normal advanced German conversation course. The methods used, as well as the reasons for using them, will be outlined in some detail, since they are both necessary for understanding the development and the success of this new approach. I. Toward Informalizing Conversation As is well known, advanced conversation and composition courses present several problems. While the students are still struggling to achieve fluency in the FL, the problem is compounded by the complexity of the ideas they want to express. In the past, discussion topics selected for such courses seldom encompassed the full scope of student concerns. Today the instructor of such a course should open channels of communication for the free expression of ideas, no matter how controversial, without using the lectern for promoting his own ideas or for suppressing the ideas of others. In addition, the learning situation must be informalized in order to reduce inhibitions as much as possible.

This paper represents an overview of the recent movement toward career education within continuing education at the higher education level. It will not present statistical data that supplies the rationale for the existence and escalation of career or para-professional thrust at the higher level. There is in existence the presence of the "new" breed of students-minorities, older students and veterans in colleges, the Federal emphasis on "career education" from elementary school through college, and the spate of ever-expanding reading material that deals with continuing education in all of its aspects. This is proof enough, if proof is wanted, that a researched need for revitalized continuation of education programs of many kinds has been ascertained and that a response to it is being sought and in some cases implemented.