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The number of Northern Ireland women obtaining abortions in England has risen sharply from 36 for April–December 1968 to 775 in 1972. The figure for 1973 when it becomes available will probably be about 1000.The sample on which this paper is based consisted of 522 women who between January 1971 and August 1973 sought an abortion through the Ulster Pregnancy Advisory Association. The sample amounted to about one-quarter of all residents of Northern Ireland obtaining an abortion in England over the same period and was therefore not a random one. It was, however, fully representative for age and marital status and was thought to be generally reliable.The 522 women included 108 Roman Catholics, who were therefore under-represented in the sample compared with the general population at risk.The 108 Roman Catholics included 72.2% of single women, compared with 65.1% of single Protestants; they were also younger, 42.6% coming with the age group 20–24 years compared with 33.4% of the Protestants, and a higher proportion, 46.3% compared with 30.9%, had stayed at school to the age of 17 or 18 years. Only 15.7% of the Catholics had been told of the UPAA by their own doctors, compared with 45.7% of the Protestants. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on the tragedy of the chroniclers of violence in Northern Ireland. The Northern Ireland Troubles become institutionalized at an intolerable level of violence. It notes that the country's politics beyond the gun remain polarized. The most reputable journalistic endeavor of the count is the most detailed and depressing accounting of the arbitrary murders in 1972. Evidence shows that Protestant assassination squads kill victims to intimidate the Catholic community.

The article offers a discussion on the chroniclers of violence in Northern Ireland. The article outlines the evolvement of violence and wars in the said region beginning from revolutionary years up to the contemporary era as accounted by such writers. It is also supplemented with information about Northern Ireland's political and sociological status during the first wave years as seen in the country's narratives and reports.

The article discusses the historical aspects of Ireland and its implications in the present day Ulster. It describe and discuss the discriminatory practices of the government and the Protestant majority towards Catholics. It presents analysis regarding the status and future prospects of the Catholic minority and the general Ulster situation. It identifies the provisions of the Northern Ireland Special Powers Acts that explicitly shows discriminations towards Catholics.