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A district headquarters town In India is, virtually by definition, the seat of a whole complex of law courts. The personnel whose activities contribute to the patterning of social life in such towns includes as an essential feature a small brotherhood of local legal practitioners. This article describes one such brotherhood: the advocates who practice in a district headquarters town in Haryana, India. It is mainly concerned with isolating and describing the system of social relations, the inter-connected set of behavioral patterns, that occurs in the daily interactions among a hundred or more professionals in the district courts. For the litigants of an Indian district, the courts are an important occasional social arena. For even the busiest of chronic litigants, however, they are only an occasional arena. The professional and administrative personnel of the legal system are necessarily somewhat marginal figures in the litigant's world, of not as much concern to him as the allies and opposite parties of his numerous lawsuits. For a vast majority of district legal practitioners in India, on the other hand, the courts are the arena, the physical and social setting, for a lifetime's work.

The article presents an insight to the colleague relationships among Indian lawyers. For the litigants of an Indian district, the court is an important occasional social arena. In the lives of lawyers outside the courts, caste is significant. In general, however, caste does not have the role- summation significance for city professionals that it has in village life. For almost everything that goes on in the courtroom, there exists somewhere a set of written rules namely government manuals on court upkeep and organization, textbooks on advocacy, codes and case law. Colleague interactions here are highly legalistic in content. The constant struggles of lawyers to prevent conflicting hearings from getting on their appointment books suggest that there is scope for some division of labor even if not amounting to formal specialization in fields of law. Unlike, the linkages of an action set, the alliance does not have a variety of possible bases. All the ties that are used in alliances are those created by mutual involvement in the day to day working of the courts.

This paper attempts to assess, by assuming the sex of a live birth to be a binomial event, the contribution of desires for specific sex compositions to the level of birth rate. Data from India are utilized to quantify the contribution. It is found that the birth rate in India could be greatly reduced by an effective campaign of limiting family size to three, even if the campaign were accepted by only those couples who had achieved their desired family composition. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Examines the influence of railroad development on the welfare of farmers in India. Market for agricultural products; Reduction in the domestic food supply; Alterations in price behavior.

The data of Pakrasi & Halder (1971) have been further analysed. No evidence was found to refute the hypothesis that there is no correlation between the sex of consecutive births except in families of four or more. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

There can be no doubt that parties to a lawsuit in ancient Hindu law had a right to be represented by other persons. The question arises whether or not the representatives referred to in the ancient texts correspond to the pleaders, advocates, or attorneys of modern India. From the first translated Sanskrit text onward, scholars were confronted with a picture according to which ancient Hindu law had a system of pleaders similar to the one they were so familiar with in contemporary India. Such an eminent authority as Julius Jolly went one step further, and drew the conclusion that instead of appearing in person, each party has a right to be represented at the trial. Thus, even today the advocates, constitute an unusually numerous professional group in India. Nothing was more natural than that the ideas of the greatest European specialist on Hindu law were drawn upon by other legal historians who had no direct access to the Sanskrit sources and who used Jolly as their main authority. The principal reason for raising the question of the existence of lawyers in ancient India was the awareness of the existence of such a professional class in modern Indian law, and in Western law as well.

This article presents a list of all of the published English-language materials on the Indian legal profession which are known to the author. Some general works which contain substantial treatment of lawyers have been included in this bibliography. It is hoped that this list will provide a useful starting point for further research. Some of the published materials include: "Indian Judges, British and Native," "The Bar and Bench in India," "The Legal Profession in India," by Walter Buchler, "From Indian Status to British Contract," by Bernard Samuel Cohn, "The First Century of British Justice in India," by Charles Fawcett, "Hindu Law and the Development of the Modern Indian Legal System," by the author, "A Century Completed: A History of the Madras High Court 1862-1962," by V.C. Gopalratnam, "The High Court at Calcutta: Centenary Souvenir 1862-1962," "Legal Profession and Perjury in Law Courts," by K.N. Katju, and "Judiciary and Public Life in India in the Nineteenth Century," by Bimanbehari Majumdar.

This article presents a report of the conference on the comparative study of the legal profession with special reference to India. The conference was held at the Moraine-on-the-Lake Hotel, Highland Park, Illinois, during August 10-12, 1967. Discussion in the first session focused particularly on a number of issues raised by Ludo Rocher and Bernard S. Cohn in their introductory remarks. Rocher's conclusion that ancient India lacked any group identifiable as a legal profession was followed by Cohn's highlighting of the remarkable changes of the 19th and 20th centuries, which included the accelerating flood of litigation from the rural population, the stunning rise to prominence of Indian lawyers, and their loss of prestige following independence. Much of the discussion revolved around the issue of continuity between the ancient practices described by Rocher, the traditional Indian culture as it had developed before the arrival of the British, and the changes of the British period as described by Cohn. Citing evidence of extensive resort to violence in dispute settlement before the imposition of British rule, Cohn suggested that the resort to courtroom settlement was simply a nonviolent substitute for a well-established pattern of shifting rivalries.

Thirty six men served on the Supreme Court of India from its inception in 1950 through 1967. Examination of their background attributes reveals that the prototypic judge was the product of a socially prestigeful and economically advantaged family, was a Hindu, was educated at one of the better Indian universities or in England, spent twenty years in private law practice before the High Court in his home state, refrained from participation in the nationalist movement before 1947 and in postindependence politics thereafter, and was appointed to the High Court before which he practiced when he was forty-seven. He spent ten years as a High Court judge by which time he was the Chief Justice or seniormost puisne judge of that Court, and then was promoted to the Supreme Court when he was 57 years of age. Appointments to the Supreme Court are made by the President of India after consultation with such judges of the Supreme Court and of the High Courts in the States as the President may deem necessary. In an attempt to assure that only the most suitable individuals be even considered for a Supreme Court judgeship, the constitution-makers established some minimum qualifications.

The legal profession as it exists in India today had its beginnings in the first years of British rule. At first, the prestige of the legal profession was very low. From this low state and disrepute the profession developed into the most highly respected and influential one in Indian society. However, after independence the relative prestige and public influence of the profession declined. This article attempts to sketch the rise of the profession from its low state during the first hundred years, to explain the sources of its respect and influence, to recount its accomplishments and contributions to the national life and, finally, to suggest some factors leading to its decline. The history of the legal profession in India begins with the establishment of the first British court in Bombay, India, in 1672 by Governor Gerald Aungier. The first barristers appear in India after the opening of the Supreme Court in Calcutta in 1774. As barristers began to come into the courts and work as advocates, the attorneys gave up pleading and worked as solicitors and the two grades of legal practice gradually became distinct and separate as they were in England.

Lawyers had a profound influence upon the legislative history of the Hindu Code Bill. Enacted as a series of separate acts between 1954-1956 by India's First Parliament, this bill was Intended to modernize, unify, democratize, and secularize Hindu family law and Hindu society, and especially to emancipate Hindu women. This article outlines the general influence of lawyers in India's national legislature during 1921-1956. It also describes their influence on the pivotal events of this particular legislative history. In the British Indian Central Legislature, lawyers usually formed the largest single occupational group. Even when landlords achieved numerical supremacy, lawyers maintained actual legislative leadership. After independence, in the Provisional Parliament and in the subsequent First Parliament, lawyers constituted the largest and most influential occupational group. Lawyers supplied the majority of members and most of the leadership of the Congress Party, which controlled these Parliaments, and of other parliamentary parties which took an interest in the bill.

The departure of the British opened new, competing, career alternatives, and a widening net of education undercut the advantages of wealth, family and caste. New social conditions have not only required the advocate to rely upon different sources for his legal income, they have begun to transform the nature of the profession itself. The purpose of this article is to examine the environment of legal education in Bihar, India, to assess the pressures and demands for its reorientation, and to explore the changing complexion of the legal profession by an appraisal of the law college students. There are ten law colleges in Bihar, attached to the five degree-granting universities in the state. Patna Law College, the premier law college in Bihar, conducts law classes for the bachelor and master degrees in law granted by Patna University, and the remaining nine colleges are spilt up amongst the other universities. Though the enrollment totals in the colleges are misleading as an index of the number of students receiving legal education, because up to one-third may not obtain their degree for one reason or another, they do supply some indication of interest in law studies.

This article reports some preliminary findings on the role of lawyers in the modernization of Indian society. Lawyers in district towns were interviewed for the purpose of discovering what contribution lawyers make to political socialization appropriate to a democratic polity. The political system can be thought of as a process whereby the desires of the members of society are articulated, aggregated and converted into binding decisions. Law provides the context of relative stability within which this political interaction can occur. Constitutional law is the framework of basic rules for participating in the political process. In a country as unevenly developed economically and politically as India, only some strata of the population identify with the goals of the democratic system and the basic norms of political behavior that support it. The modern legal system in India, from this sociological standpoint, is an instrument of tutelary politics in the hands of the Western-educated elite. The constitution, the apparatus of the courts and the codified Indian common law embody values and norms which support the leadership's conception of a modern democratic welfare state.

The last two centuries have witnessed a worldwide movement toward centralized, bureaucratic, professionally-staffed legal systems, sponsored by and closely allied with nation-states. The intimate involvement of lawyers in the emergence of modern nations has been recognized, but there has been little systematic comparative study of them. This issue of the journal "Law & Society Review" contains a series of studies of one of the largest of these professional groups, Indian lawyers. These studies were prepared for a Conference on the Comparative Study of the Legal Profession with Special Reference to India, sponsored by the Committee on Southern Asia Studies of the University of Chicago, held at the Moraine-on-the-Lake Hotel in Highland Park, Illinois during August 10-12, 1967. Rather than viewing the legal system as a body of rules, it was proposed to view it as a body of men, who they are, what they do, how they interact with one another and with other social groups. It was felt that an inquiry of this kind would provide a forum for exchange among lawyers, social scientists, and Indianists whose interests converged on the Indian legal system.

The articles brought together in this issue of the journal "Law & Society Review" reveal that substantial scholarship is being directed to the study of India's lawyers. This is entirely appropriate, given the potential role of the legal profession in shaping the development of India. There are good theoretical reasons for believing that the legal profession may be crucial in determining the rate and type of development. If social order is always problematic, this is particularly true in societies reaching and moving beyond the developmental take-off point. Many societies respond to developmental disequilibrium by tipping into totalitarianism, which frequently seems a more stable state. For those that retain a multicentric nontotalitarian order, however precariously, it is a matter of some urgency to know which groups in the society can provide equilibrating balance. Theoretically, the professions are extremely significant in maintaining social equilibrium in complex societies. This being the case, it is reasonable to ask how the professions can begin to approximate the ideal-type in developing societies.

The article presents a bibliography of the Indian Legal Profession. The journal sections of the many local law reporters, which occasionally contain material on the practicing profession and the judiciary, are relatively unexploited here. Further material on legal education may be found in the scholarly journals and souvenir-type magazines published (usually annually) by many law colleges. Some of the articles are "The bar in India. In Law times"; "Indian judges and an Indian barrister"; "The legal profession in India"; "History of the office of advocate-general of Bombay" etc.

The article presents a report on the conference on the comparative study of the legal profession with special reference to India. Discussion in the first session focused particularly on a number of issues raised by Ludo Rocher and Bernard S. Cohn in their introductory remarks. Rocher's conclusion that ancient India lacked any group identifiable as a legal profession was followed by Cohn's highlighting of the remarkable changes of the 19th and 20th centuries, which included the accelerating flood of litigation from the rural population, the stunning rise to prominence of Indian lawyers (Schmitthener), and their loss of prestige following independence (Bastedo). Srinivasa Rao modified comments by others on "litigiousness" by emphasizing the breadth of factors included in the concept of dharma. Thus a village dispute might include aspects of dharma which could be only partially settled by a British-style court decision. Such a settlement might thus be seen as only a poor substitute, or partial victory, compared to the ideal settlement within the village itself.

The article focuses on the rise of the legal profession in India. The history of the legal profession in India begins with the establishment of the first British court in Bombay in 1672 by Governor Gerald Aungier. The "East India Company" tried to discourage the growth of the profession because the directors believed that more lawyers would bring an increase in lawsuits and foments more disputes in the colonies. The Company's attitude of contempt for the legal profession reflected the disreputable state of the bench and bar in England during the years of the Restoration. The first barristers appear in India after the opening of the Supreme Court in Calcutta, India in 1774. The establishment of the Supreme Court brought recognition, wealth, and prestige to the legal profession and brought a steady flow of well-trained barristers and solicitors into Calcutta, India. The expense of living as a gentleman attorney was often greater than the lucrative income of legal practice. From 1772, the British undertook to administer justice to the occupants of their territories outside the presidency towns. To regulate the profession a number of rules were laid down.

The article discusses attributes of the Supreme Court judges in India. Technically, appointments to the Supreme Court are made by the President of India "after consultation with judges of the Supreme Court and of the High Courts in the States as the President may deem necessary. It is most unlikely that any judge reached the nation's highest tribunal from essentially humble social or economic origins. Currently, the maximum strength of the Court is fourteen judges, Including the Chief. Thirty-one are Hindu, four are Muslim, and one Vivian Bose is a Christian. Half of these men received some part of their higher education in England, and the others were educated entirely in India. Several in the former category received a baccalaureate degree first in India, and then a second one in England. Before being inducted into the Supreme Court, these men had very similar professional socialization experiences. From 1861 to 1935, at least one-third of the judges of each High Court had to be members of the elite Indian Civil Service.

The article focuses on the environment of legal education in Bihar, to assess the pressures and demands for its reorientation, and to explore the changing complexion of the legal profession by an appraisal of the law college students. The departure of the British opened new, competing, career alternatives, and a widening net of education undercut the advantages of wealth, family and castes New social conditions have not only required the advocate to rely upon different sources for his legal income-they have begun to transform the nature of the profession itself. There are ten law colleges in Bihar, attached to the five degree-granting universities in the state. Five of the colleges educate about four- fifths of the state's law students, and have enrollments ranging from 530 to 850. The technological and scientific educational base in post-independence Bihar was comparatively undeveloped and advances in these branches of education have been proportionally greater than the Indian average.

The article discusses the role of lawyers in the modernization of Indian society. The modern legal system in India, is an instrument of "tutelary politics" in the hands of the Western- educated elite. It is widely believed that Brahmins and other upper castes are pre-dominant in India's legal profession today. At the district level, advocates tended not to specialize and most worked on both the civil and criminal sides. They conformed to a pattern reported all over India and did not form partnerships or firms, although a junior advocate just out of school might be more or less apprenticed to an established advocate. Modern law has a direct impact upon village behavioral norms in the statutory village court. An alternative to enforcement by the courts of the officially constituted norms of contemporary India is the voluntary change in customary practice, which occurs within the confines of the new caste associations. The attitudes of Indian lawyers about their own profession naturally vary with the socioeconomic perspective and the personal ideology of the individual practitioner.

The article discusses characteristics of the Indian legal profession. According to the article, there are seductive parallels between the U.S. and India. Both are large and diverse societies, which combine relative institutional stability with high rates of change and high levels of conflict and violence. In both, lawyers exist in unusually large numbers and play an extraordinarily prominent role in public life. Public and profession in India concur in visualizing the lawyer in the role of courtroom advocate, rather than business adviser or negotiator, much less social planner. Lawyers see themselves this way and clients typically come to them at a relatively late stage of a dispute, already committed to go to court. They are not only instrumental in the formation of "modem" groups like labor unions, but also in the reorganization of traditional groups along modern lines, as in the formation of caste and sectarian groups along the lines of voluntary associations. The development of the modern Indian legal system represents a remarkable instance of the virtually total displacement of a major intellectual and institutional complex in a highly developed civilization with one largely of foreign origin or at least inspiration.

Analyzes the potentialities of development in the economy of Mughal, India prior to British imperialism. Weaknesses in Indian society which contributed to the failure of India to industrialize according to proponents of British rule; Role of British imperialism in the subsistence economy of India.

The article focuses on the meanings of socialism which given to the concept in Indian writings in India. Subhas Chandra Bose, leader of Indian independent movement, believes that justice, equality, freedom, discipline, and love were the essence of socialism. M.K. Gandhi, political leader, adds that equality is the essence of socialism. Herbert Morrison, political leader, the essentials of socialism are all the great industries and the land should be publicly owned.

The article discusses the two conflicts in India including the political conflict between autocracy and democracy and another one is the nationalistic conflict between White citizens and Brown citizens. The author mentions that the political conflicts in India is caused by the fact that the concept of political liberty are only introduced to India when British influenced their government. This situation, in turn, created conflicts between Indians and British in promoting democratic ideals.

Marriage distance is an important variable in human genetics. The distribution of marriage distance has been studied among the Santals, a large agricultural tribe of eastern India, in the neighbourhood of Giridih, Bihar. A Type III Pearsonian curve was fitted to the observed distribution; the fit was found to be good. Possible explanations have been suggested for the distribution pattern among the Santals and for the difference with respect to this pattern between the Santals and other populations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]