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Negotiating a first contract can be a stressful experience for soon-to-be early-career physicians. Most trainees do not have extensive experience with the contract negotiation process, and this unfamiliarity often breeds a lack of confidence and anxiety. However, understanding some key points and the general mechanics of a contract will help bridge any areas of uncertainty. The following review article is designed to help explain these important points so that early-career physicians can feel prepared during the contract negotiation process. Additionally, seeking the help of a contract lawyer can further prepare a physician for successful contract negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last 20 years, scholars have closely examined the political and social conditions that promote peaceful conflict resolution and those that exacerbate violence. Accordingly, there is much greater understanding of violence and peace processes. Mostly lacking from this scholarship, however, is a role for private firms. International firms are often present in societies prone to conflict. Recent research suggests firms can play an important role in conflict prevention and resolution, and business scholars suggest these actors can reduce tensions in conflict zones. Yet, little is known about how multinational corporations impact conflict resolution dynamics. This project explores how the private sector affects conflict. Using new data, the authors show the effects of an active private sector on the occurrence and outcomes of civil war negotiations. The findings show that corporate calls for peace are effective at encouraging states and rebels in democracies to negotiate, but only increase the likelihood of reaching a peace agreement in nondemocracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The negotiations of the Russian mission in Vienna, headed by the clerk of the Ambassadorial Prikaz K.N. Nefimonov, are analyzed. The embassy was sent to conclude a written agreement with the Holy Roman Empire within the framework of the Holy League, which opposed the Ottoman Empire and the Crimean Khanate. The result of almost a year's stay in the Austrian capital and more than two dozen meetings and "conversations" with nobles and diplomats of the two countries was the conclusion of the Vienna Agreement between Austria, Russia, and Venice for a three-year period. Among the causes of the delay in the negotiations, one can single out the diplomatic "tightrope walking" of the Austrians; the lack of a clear understanding by the Russian envoy of the tasks set before him; and the complicated logistics of correspondence between the clerk, the Ambassadorial Prikaz, and Peter the Great. The latter even led sometimes to the loss of diplomatic mail. Overall, it seems that the events described were Russia's first experience in signing multilateral treaties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peace negotiations reduce violence and facilitate a roadmap to prosperity and stability. This study assesses the immediate effects of four significant events during the Afghan peace talks on the 7-day district-level averages of violent incidents and fatalities during 2018-2020. I use a regression discontinuity in time design to test game-theoretic predictions and an event study analysis to highlight the districts with concentrated effects. The initiation of US – Taliban talks escalated violence, particularly that between the Taliban and Afghan forces in highly violent districts. Conversely, the cancellation of talks and US – Taliban deal agreement substantially reduced violent incidents, specifically those between Afghan forces and the Taliban, in highly violent regions. The meeting between the Afghan government and Taliban reduced the possibility of Afghan forces attacking the Taliban. To indicate their good faith, the Taliban became less violent following certain events; however, this reduction in violence was short-lived. Furthermore, the Afghan government actively engaged in military responses, despite its absence during the US – Taliban talks. After the US – Taliban deal agreement, the Taliban's aggression increases, whereas Afghan forces' offense against the Taliban remained below the historical average. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Internationale Beziehungen (ZIB) is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Algerian Historical Journal is the property of Algerian Historical Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on event ethnography conducted at the UNFCCC COP27 in Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt, this article examines the contradictory ways in which China, as a key actor in global climate negotiations, has shaped climate (in)justice, as well as how the spatiality of the COP reinforces inequity. Despite the important role China has played in promoting equity for developing countries through advocating for the principles of common but differentiated responsibilities (CBDR) and of national sovereignty throughout the UNFCCC process, China's discursive deployment of both principles in negotiations exacerbates existing injustices between countries and at scales below the nation-state. Both principles were useful in achieving unity to successfully press for the establishment of the Loss and Damage fund. Nevertheless, the ways in which they are deployed also compromise the interests of marginalized peoples, especially those residing in countries that belong to the Least Developed Countries and Small Island Developing States. This is particularly the case when principles of CBDR and national sovereignty are combined with procedural arguments and apparently technical discussions. These limited the scales and manifestations of injustice that could be addressed through the UNFCCC process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting in 2018, the MARIPOLDATAbase has systematically cataloged observations covering the entire Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction (BBNJ) negotiations until their conclusion in June 2023. By providing primary data on the whole negotiation process, the MARIPOLDATAbase supports empirical, scholarly work on diverse aspects of international marine biodiversity politics. This research note presents the database, its key features, and how it can be used to trace and map the BBNJ process. Drawing on examples from our own research, we show how we used these data—on actors and alliances, statement length, agreement text, positions, networks, statements, concepts, and meeting formats—to analyze various aspects of agreement-making. We note that our database has specific value for researchers who, in the past, struggled to access the BBNJ negotiations as well as for scholars who wish to follow marine biodiversity negotiations in the future. By facilitating the use of primary negotiation data, the MARIPOLDATAbase structure and content support both broad research areas and specific research questions. We conclude by proposing a methodological shift in the study of global environmental negotiations echoing recent attempts to elevate the ethical standards, data quality, political stakes, and critical reflection on the future of global environmental meetings and their role in global environmental politics (GEP) research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Community empowerment movements challenge local government administrators and planners to emphasize people instead of development profits in the planning process. Community Benefits Agreements (CBAs) are popular tools to advance this objective. Executed by and between local governments, communities, and project developers, CBAs detail how economic benefits from new development are shared with residents. One question understudied in the literature is how does a community know if it received an equitable distribution in a CBA? In this case study of a new $1.6 billion satellite campus for the University of California, documents in and out of the public domain are analyzed to determine what economic benefits could be shared with the community, what portion was disclosed to the community, and what portion of the benefits were included in the CBA. A key recommendation from the findings is to build a CBA metric that local governments and communities can use to establish an early target value for benefits before negotiations with project proponents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the mid 2010s discussions about the pertinence of negotiating with criminal groups increased in Latin America. Although controversial, such negotiations are more common than often thought. This article asks: can negotiations reduce violence and generate peace? I argue that the homicide reduction potential of negotiations depends on the cohesion of the state and on the cohesion and hierarchical control of criminal groups. This in turn generates two challenges for peacebuilding: the challenge of scaling up and down security gains beyond homicide reduction, and the challenge of creating three-way arrangements that include civilians and navigate the blurry boundaries between states, civilians, and criminal actors. To conceptualize these challenges, I also distinguish top-down and bottom-up negotiations and argue that addressing these challenges requires bridging a divide between peace building principles emphasizing the importance of local contexts, and peace processes literature focusing on objective power considerations. I substantiate the theory using evidence from long term fieldwork, archival analysis, and forty-three interviews conducted for this project in Medellín-Colombia and extend the insights to assess the potential for peace negotiations in Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The economics of health care and payment policy are complex and continually evolving. Breast imaging radiologists may not feel equipped to understand the financial aspect of their practice, but this is a critical competency from residency to senior leadership, especially for breast imaging radiologists. From conducting effective negotiations for new equipment as technology evolves to understanding how insurance benefit design affects patient access to care, breast imaging radiologists need to grasp the financial structures that underpins their practice. Fortunately, resources exist that are appropriate for each career stage, and this article directs the breast imaging radiologist to those resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International assistance in ceasefire negotiations is an important and necessary phase preceding the political settlement of an international conflict. At the same time, as the experience of the conflict on the Korean Peninsula shows, achieving a truce does not yet guarantee a settlement of the conflict. In the form of political confrontation between the parties, the conflict may continue for further decades. However, the very fact of ending the active phase of confrontation at the battlefield undoubtedly has a positive impact on the state of international relations and creates the prospect of peaceful development for the subsequent countries and their peoples.In the case of a ceasefire the development of events within the post-conflict phase depends both on the goals and intentions of the direct participants involved in the conflict and on the participation and influence of external actors. Of course, constructive efforts by external actors can significantly contribute to the resolution of the contradictions that led to the war. However, given the experience of the RussianUkrainian war ongoing since February 2022 it seems appropriate to separate the phase of cessation of hostilities in the sense of achieving a sustainable truce and the phase of political settlement. From the author’s viewpoint at the stage of promoting an armistice different mediation efforts of the states whose governments are interested in ending the Russian-Ukrainian war may prove more effective than in the context of the search of solutions that eliminate initial causes that led to the military confrontation between the parties to the conflict. In this context, creating conditions for ending the active phase of military actions seems to be an important and urgent task ensuring the end of a dangerous military crisis that has destroyed the foundations of European security.

This paper focuses on the analysis of the role of the negotiation process towards the conflict resolution between Kosovo and Serbia after Kosovo’s proclamation of independence. The main research question it addresses is: “To what extent has the negotiation process made an impact and offered an official solution to the conflict between Kosovo and Serbia?” The documents consulted for all rounds of negotiations completed from 2011 until the end of 2020 show that both countries have discussed mostly tangible and technical issues like free movement, economic development, minority rights, and political cooperation. During the dialogue period, Kosovo and Serbia signed numerous agreements and discussed a wide array of issues, achieving resolution on several technical matters. Despite the signing of thirty-three agreements, the pace of progress in the negotiation process has slowed in recent years. Analysis of these agreements indicates that while technical issues have been addressed, critical matters such as territoriality, sovereignty, and the recognition of Kosovo’s independence have remained unresolved since the end of 2019, continuing into 2024. The paper concludes by recommending the continuation of negotiations, even at a technical level, improving government communication and transparency to avoid usual ambiguities. The success of negotiations would significantly benefit the Balkan region’s development and progress.

Garrett Hardin’s ‘Tragedy of the Commons’ may be almost half a century old. But the centrality of the theory is still relevant for the environmental challenges associated to the management of global commons. In this article, we examine the newly adopted treaty for the conservation of marine biological diversity in areas beyond national jurisdiction (BBNJ) in the light of Hardin’s basic postulation that a tragedy eventually materializes following an indiscriminate use of resources freely available to all and used to pursue self-interests. Today, the problem transcends beyond self-seeking state actions and analogous cost-benefit inquiry. A deeper examination is absent largely from the analytical framework of commons management, leaving an important question unanswered – how far does the concept of state sovereignty hold the potential to alter the boundary of the legal framework on global commons, thinning the theoretical underpinnings of the ‘tragedy’ itself? This in effect reduces the transparency of choices and reduces the incentives of states to negotiate a strong global agreement for commons. Because the BBNJ Treaty is expected to upgrade the legal framework of the United Nations Convention on Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), it is desirable to compare the structural features of both. It is our argument that the BBNJ Treaty has failed to alter the boundary of state sovereignty or sovereign rights sufficiently to advance a novel solution towards the problems of high sea commons. The challenges that frustrated UNCLOS to cast a strong protective net over high seas, resurfaced and gridlocked BBNJ Treaty, too. As, conservation and management of common resources leaves narrow space for all nations irrespective of their positions in international politics, there is a need to revisit the pitch of negotiation to avoid any further ‘tragedy’ that already has turned up high seas a battleground for interest-negotiation.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2024 9(2), 715-728 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Resuming negotiations: common basis and new requests. – II. Non-EU Member States: an actor of its own or a loose aggregate of diverging interests? – II.1. Context, changes and ongoing developments. – II.2. Nature, aim and working methods of the NEUMs Group. – II.3. Common Statement and Key Negotiating principles. – III. Issues of particular importance to the non-EU Member States. – III.1. Basket 1. – III.2. Basket 2. – III.3. Basket 3. – III.4. Basket 4. – III.5. Decision-making by the Committee of Ministers. – IV. An overall appraisal of the revised DAA from a non-EU Member State perspective. | (Abstract) The present Article addresses the perspective from a negotiator of a multilateral treaty that has not yet been finalised. The first part sets the frame of the former negotiation exercise and the preparatory work on which it is based. A particular focus lies on the non-EU Member States group, its main features, and the negotiating principles it has endeavoured to follow. The second part addresses the substance of the revised draft agreement, drawing on the structure in four baskets proposed by the EU Commission. The final part contains a general, provisional appraisal of the negotiation exercise, bearing in mind that the final position of the 46+1 negotiating parties is outstanding.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2024 9(2), 685-694 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. – II. Basic principles in the negotiations. – III. Negotiating the issues deriving from Opinion 2/13. – III.1. EU-specific mechanisms of the procedure before the ECtHR. – III.2. Inter-state applications and advisory opinions. – III.3. Mutual trust and mutual recognition. – III.4. CJEU competence over EU acts in the field of CFSP. – IV. Other issues. | (Abstract) I. Introduction. – II. Basic principles in the negotiations. – III. Negotiating the issues deriving from Opinion 2/13. – III.1. EU-specific mechanisms of the procedure before the ECtHR. – III.2. Inter-state applications and advisory opinions. – III.3. Mutual trust and mutual recognition. – III.4. CJEU competence over EU acts in the field of CFSP. – IV. Other issues.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2024 9(2), 641-646 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. – II. Preparing the ground for another attempt? The judicial dialogue between the CJEU and ECtHR since Opinion 2/13 – III. Negotiating the Revised Draft Accession Agreement. – IV. Appraising the Revised Draft Accession Agreement. - V. Conclusion. | (Abstract) A revised Draft Agreement on the Accession of the EU to the ECHR (revised DAA) was agreed upon in Mach 2023, after three years of (re-)negotiations in the shadow of Opinion 2/13. The contributors to this Special Section of European Papers analyse and assess the revised DAA. Once the EU side has finalised the EU-internal rules that will interface with the accession agreement, the CJEU will for a third time give its opinion on whether an envisaged accession to the ECHR is compatible with the EU treaties. This Special Section opens with an analysis of the immediate context of the negotiations and the accession process: the case law of the CJEU and the ECtHR since Opinion 2/13. Then, some of the key negotiators analyse the negotiations leading up to the revised DAA. Thereafter, three key aspects of the revised DAA are assessed: the co-respondent mechanism, the effect of Opinion 1/17 on the revised agreement, and the yet unresolved Common Foreign and Security Policy issue. The final contribution concludes by interrogating the overarching issues of trust and mistrust, which permeated Opinion 2/13, the accession (re-)negotiations, and the final text of the revised DAA alike.

One of the basic elements of world order is properly functioning legal systems of individual states. The Sars-Covid pandemic and armed conflicts around the world, including those involving Europe, have strained the certainty of legal transactions in the countries of the UN system and the need to seek new supranational solutions, especially in the field of international trade. The pillar of security is therefore becoming instruments of international law, with the World Trade Organization in mind. A special tool of this organization are the dispute settlement mechanisms to which member states must adhere. In the conducted research, the thesis was put forward that one of the guarantors of the security of legal transactions is the resolution of disputes using the basic legal tools of this organization. It was proved that disputes between states themselves become solvable if they are transferred to the WTO.

Research objectives: To consider, on the basis of documentary materials of the Kazakh-Russian embassies in the 1590s, what place in bilateral relations took the issues related to Siberian and Bukhara khanate. Research materials: Materials of research: Archival and published materials of mutual Kazakh and Russian embassies, which were deposited in the Russian State Archive of the Russian Federation in the fund № 122, “Kirghiz-Kaisat affairs”, were used for the study. Results and novelty of the research: The study of the content of the documents of the Kazakh-Russian embassies quite clearly shows the priorities of each party and explains what place in the bilateral relations occupied the Bukhara Khanate headed by Abdallah II and the Siberian state headed by Kuchum. For the Kazakh khan, Tavakkul, who initiated ambassadorial contacts with the Russian kingdom, the main goal was to obtain military assistance from the tsar to fight against Bukhara. At the same time, the issue of “liberation” of the khan’s nephew, Uraz-Muhammed, was not the main one as it is often considered in historiography. For the Russian government, the pressing issue in the eastern direction of foreign policy remained the opposition to Kuchum, in which connection Moscow linked assistance to the Kazakh khanate against Bukhara with reciprocal assistance by the Kazakhs against the Siberian ruler.

International cooperation occurs after long periods of negotiation, but not every negotiation ends in cooperation outcomes. To date, International Political Economy (IPE) literature has not fully explored these negotiation variations. I suggest that researchers take a process-centered approach to better understand (non-)cooperation rather than look only at the cooperation outcomes. A process-centered approach enables researchers to examine the determinants of the negotiation process and alternative outcomes. This approach also helps uncover how the process may change domestic and international politics. I use trade negotiations to demonstrate negotiation variations and draw on relevant literature to discuss the strengths and weaknesses of process-centered and outcome-centered approaches. Relevant lessons from trade negotiations may shed light on other bargaining processes that bring about (non-)cooperation. While opening the black box of negotiations can be challenging, a process-centered approach advances our knowledge of international cooperation and bridges the gap between IPE research and the real world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When countries are confronted with a crisis and have no alternative but to turn to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), speed is of the essence. Why do some countries negotiate IMF loans more quickly than others? We introduce an original dataset on the timing and intensity of negotiations between the borrowing government and IMF staff for more than 700 IMF loans agreed between 1985 and 2020. Applying concepts from this special issue on the "Power of the Weak" (Snidal et al., 2024), we argue that although borrowing countries are in a weak position when they approach the IMF, they nonetheless sometimes achieve more rapid negotiations. In particular, we argue that borrowers can obtain speedier negotiations on the basis of their ties to major IMF shareholder states, specifically through shared membership in other international organizations and financial exposure. Importantly, we suggest that well-placed borrowers can hasten the conclusion of negotiations without compromising on the conditions attached to IMF programs. We use our original data and an illustrative case study of Côte d'Ivoire to support our claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigated politeness types constructed between doctors and patients during medical consultations in private hospitals in Akure, Nigeria. While the earlier studies on doctor-patient interactions in the Nigerian context employed Brown and Levinson’s politeness theory and Leech’s politeness maxims, this study adopted Akio Yabuuchi’s hierarchy politeness. Yabuchi’s model of hierarchy politeness was employed as a framework to identify the types of politeness. It investigates how politeness type influences linguistic choices and hierarchical behavior in doctor-patient interactions. The politeness types constructed are institutional politeness, symmetrical politeness, and quasi-institutional politeness. Common strategies used by doctors and patients to negotiate hierarchy within the politeness’ constructions include veneration and comprehension strategies. Asymmetry is customary between doctors and patients in Nigerian private hospitals; although patients pay for the consultations, doctors seem to act as the superior participant by constructing desired politeness type. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Power comes not only as conventional Compulsory Power but also as Institutional, Structural, or Productive Power. We focus on under-explored Productive Power (the ability to produce and give meaning to social identities and capacities through discursive processes and practices) and the related strategy of rhetorical framing (using particular words or terms to characterise an issue and imply appropriate actions in line with that characterisation). Spotlighting the strategy's dual offensive/defensive utility and relatively low resource requirements, we expect the strategy of rhetorical framing (and counter-framing) to be: (1) prevalent in inter-governmental negotiations, and (2) used even by conventionally 'very weak' states. Employing text analysis on over 5000 observations from the World Trade Organization's (WTO) negotiation transcripts between 1995 and 2020, we confirm that states 'weak' in Compulsory Power are nevertheless wielding Productive Power and its related strategy of rhetorical framing. Whilst conventionally strong states emphasise a Reciprocation Frame (mutual concessions between states), conventionally weak states emphasise a Redistribution Frame (one-way concessions from some states to other states). Such findings make two important contributions: we exhibit the mechanics of an under-explored type of power and show what happens in international institutions when no single rhetorical frame dominates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigate the firms' and unions' incentives to engage in socially responsibility activities in a unionized differentiated goods' duopoly market. The socially responsible attributes attached to products are considered as credence goods, with consumers forming expectations about their existence and level. We show that a Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) bargaining scheme, in which firms and unions bargain over not only the wage rate but also the level of the firms' CSR activities, always arises in equilibrium. Incorporating CSR activities into the union–firm bargaining agenda acts as a commitment device that credibly signals to consumers the level of CSR activities undertaken by firms. The market equilibrium leads to the highest social welfare; thus, market and societal incentives are aligned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Currently trade sanctions are drastically affecting world commerce, economies, industries, companies, and potentially the well-being of individuals around the world. Even global peace is threatened by the growing frictions among major countries. The question we explore is how politically motivated economic sanctions affect commercial interactions within targeted countries. We focus on the case of American economic sanctions of the last half century. To the task we apply findings regarding negotiation processes and outcomes between more than 1200 experienced businesspeople in twenty-one cultural regions and countries around the world. Economic outcomes in intracultural buyer-seller negotiation simulations were found to be lower in the six cultural regions on which the United States has applied broadly comprehensive sanctions. We conclude that this “hidden” damage done can hurt international cooperation well beyond the period of the sanctions. The scope and relevance of the work is very broad, connecting concepts and theories from political science, economics, trade, anthropology, marketing science, negotiation, and, of course, business ethics. Our findings are useful for theorists, policy makers and managers of firms considering market entry to recently sanctioned countries. Specific guidance for amelioration of the negative and largely unintended consequences of sanctions on target countries are provided.

The article aims to analyse the transaction costs of creating Shared Services Centres (SSC) as exemplified by two private companies and the Government Administration Support Centre (COAR). Within the framework of an approach based on transaction cost economics, two hypotheses were formulated: (1) the more resources a company possesses, the more the enterprise strives to utilise these resources by establishing an SSC, and (2) the higher the strategic value of assets, the more justified a company’s focus is on maintaining and utilising them internally, concentrating them within the SSC. The qualitative analysis conducted, including partially structured interviews and contracts with the analysed entities, validated both hypotheses. Within the SSC, key issues were identified, such as ensuring high-quality services and their continuous improvement, reducing opportunism, measuring service quality, valuing the effects of the implemented contract, and establishing efektyweffective communication within the given structure. The applied solutions were diverse, and the study showed a significant impact of three factors – processes, relational mechanisms, and organisational structure – which together affect both categories of transaction costs: management, related to the adaptive decision-making process, and measurement, concerning the impact of information.

In the first main part of the article, the author researches labour provisions included in the EU–New Zealand free trade agreement (FTA) of 2022. She explains why this FTA shall be perceived as a new, fifth generation FTA and what are the key changes the document offers compared to the fourth generation FTAs, e.g. the EU–Republic of Korea FTA. In her analysis, the author focuses on the possibility of imposing sanctions in the event of a serious violation of fundamental labour rights, as well as on “trade and gender equality” issues. She also highlights areas that need to be improved in future agreements concluded by the EU. In the second main part of the article, the author refers to the EU–Australia FTA, which is still under negotiation at the time of writing. She investigates the main factors influencing the bargaining process and pays attention to some of the most contentious issues between the EU and Australia.

Abstract Background A morally sound framework for benefit-sharing is crucial to minimize research exploitation for research conducted in developing countries. However, in practice, it remains uncertain which stakeholders should be involved in the decision-making process regarding benefit-sharing and what the implications might be. Therefore the study aimed to empirically propose a framework for benefit-sharing negotiations in research by taking HIV vaccine trials as a case. Methods The study was conducted in Tanzania using a case study design and qualitative approaches. Data were collected using in-depth interviews (IDI) and focus group discussions (FGD). A total of 37 study participants were selected purposively comprising institutional review board (IRB) members, researchers, community advisory board (CAB) members, a policymaker, and HIV/AIDS advocates. Deductive and inductive thematic analysis approaches were deployed to analyze collected data with the aid of MAXQDA version 20.4.0 software. Results The findings indicate a triangular relationship between the research community, researched community and intermediaries. However, the relationship ought to take into consideration the timing of negotiations, the level of understanding between parties and the phase of the clinical trial. The proposed framework operationalize partnership interactions in community-based participatory research. Conclusion In the context of this study, the suggested framework incorporates the research community, the community being researched, and intermediary parties. The framework would guarantee well-informed and inclusive decision-making regarding benefit-sharing in HIV vaccine trials and other health-related research conducted in resource-limited settings.

This article contains edited excerpts of my interviews with Joel Singer about his participation in the 1993 Oslo peace talks. Section I relates to Singer's relationships with the three other Israeli negotiators, Yair Hirschfeld, Ron Pundak and Uri Savir. Section II concerns the Palestinian delegation, its key players and those they represented. Section III discusses the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations and the drafting of the document. Singer describes a constructive division of labor between himself and Savir and the convivial atmosphere in the room where the two delegations would also relax together, joke and laugh. The last two sections, IV and V, relate to the Oslo Accords and their implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A surprising feature of Brexit has been the united front the EU-27 presented during post-referendum negotiations. This membership crisis arrived when the EU had been facing multiple overlapping political and economic crises revealing deep cleavages both between and within member states. How did negotiations prevent a widening politicisation of European integration? In this article a novel dataset is used, containing national and European newspaper Brexit coverage between 2016 and 2020 to establish how negotiating stances were formed in key EU institutions and five influential member states: Ireland, Spain, France, Germany and Poland. The results indicate that the European Commission could maintain a strong, centralised negotiating position over Brexit because the preferences of these member states were mutually inclusive, their negotiating stances aligned, and each national case was subject to generally low levels of domestic politicisation. As a result, while Brexit shocked the EU, its immediate fallout could be contained even during uncertain times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Communicating effectively, including the ability to negotiate, has been claimed to be key competencies in interprofessional practice. However, these day-to-day contributions to interprofessional teamwork are not yet sufficiently understood. The aim of this article is to explore the day-to-day interprofessional negotiations in biopsychosocial pain rehabilitation. A qualitative design with an ethnographic approach was applied to the overall study. Participant observation of interprofessional encounters and clinical encounters in a pain rehabilitation ward was undertaken in 2016 for a period of 19 weeks. Intermittent interviews with 12 professionals were conducted. Data were analyzed in an abductive process using thematic analysis. We present the results as two themes: 1) Silent conflicting interests in the office, and 2) Silent dissatisfaction with meetings. The study showed that the team members had opportunities to negotiate in interprofessional offices and meetings, while they perceived insufficient time for discussion, and their individual work being interrupted by each other in the offices. They did not discuss their dissatisfaction, but silently bargained on how to spend time together. Professionals can contribute to teamwork through silent bargains that can promote a low level of conflict and thereby preserve a good workflow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the relationship between gendered inclusion in peace processes and Track Two peacemaking. It responds to recent policy discourse that explicitly associates linking Track Two to Track One negotiations as a way to increase the inclusion of people identifying as women (United Nations Women 2015). However, the mechanisms through which Track Two leads to more “inclusive” outcomes is complex and unclear. To understand what these mechanisms are and how they can be studied, this article draws from existing theories on transfer in Track Two and inclusion literature in peace and conflict studies to present a novel conceptual model of “linkage.” This model explores the micro-dynamics of gendered inclusivity between different tracks of dialogue engagement and how transfer is facilitated between them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mendive - Revista de Educacion is the property of Universidad de Pinar del Rio and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Istorija 20. Veka is the property of Institute for Contemporary History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The overload of courts, as well as the duration of consideration of cases, necessitates the use of alternative dispute resolution measures. This indicates the relevance of improving conciliation procedures in the context of civil proceedings in Kazakhstan. The purpose of the work was to study the specifics of ensuring conciliation procedures in the resolution of civil law disputes. The article used the method of analysis, synthesis, comparison, deduction, generalisation, formal-legal. As a result, the history of the formation of the institute of peaceful settlement of disputes in civil proceedings of the Republic of Kazakhstan was revealed. The system of alternative means of dispute settlement, their advantages, and role in strengthening social relations in the country was expressed. In the work, it was established that the settlement of disputes on the basis of conciliation procedures is consistent with the conceptual approaches to the development of the national legal system in Kazakhstan. It has been established those civil proceedings in Kazakhstan are characterized by simplification and humanisation. As a result of the application of conciliation procedures not only improves the activity of the judicial system, but also increases the level of legal consciousness of the Kazakh people, their trust in the judiciary. Thus, the socio-legal significance of informal and flexible ways of conflict resolution has been proved, which is an important component of civil proceedings in Kazakhstan. In the course of the study, the content of various normative legal acts was studied to reflect the peculiarities of the regulation of the procedure for the settlement of private legal disputes on the basis of conciliation procedures. Particular attention was focused on the provisions of conceptual and strategic documents that enshrine the development of conciliation procedures as one of the key objectives of legal proceedings and the national legal system. The findings of the study can be used in the development of national strategies to enhance the role of judicial mediation in civil proceedings in Kazakhstan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prescription drug costs within oncology remain a challenge for many patients with cancer. The Mark Cuban Cost Plus Drug Company (MCCPDC) launched in 2022, aiming to provide transparently priced medications at reduced costs. In this study, we sought to describe the potential impact of MCCPDC on Medicare Part-D oncology spending related to cancer-directed (n  = 7) and supportive care (n  = 26) drugs. We extracted data for drug-specific Part-D claims and spending for 2021. Using 90-count purchases from MCCPDC, we found potential Part-D savings of $857.8 million (91% savings) across the 7 cancer-directed drugs and $28.7 million (67% savings) across 21/26 (5/26 did not demonstrate savings) supportive care drugs. Collectively, our findings support that alternative purchasing models like MCCPDC may promote substantial health care savings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations (UN) Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee (INC) has completed its second round of negotiations on a new international legally binding instrument to 'end plastic pollution'. This paper examines the results of the second session of negotiations, which took place May 29–June 2, 2023, and analyses the trends, barriers, and themes shaping the emerging legally binding instrument. The paper considers the discussion surrounding the Options Paper as presented by the INC Secretariat and United Nations Environmental Program based upon written submissions received by UN member states prior to the second session of negotiations. These include potential elements the future treaty text may include—namely objectives, core obligations, and implementation and monitoring measures. At the second session of negotiations, progress towards consensus on these items was severely lacking. We draw on close observations via event ethnography of participants during the negotiations and document analysis. We conclude by looking towards the third round of negotiations by discussing the ongoing 'dance' of sorts as submissions are being asked of member states and like-minded groups to contribute to the zero draft treaty text. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2020, the European Parliament (ep) issued a resolution calling for all European Union (EU) Member States to adopt feminist foreign and security policies, and for a gender-transformative vision in the EU’s own external policy. Drawing on the literatures on negotiations and norm contestation, this article3 asks why the resolution was so progressive. It also asks how we can characterize and explain the nature of the negotiations leading to the resolution. The findings demonstrate a low level of contestation and negotiations mainly characterized by integrative strategies and solutions. The main opponents to the resolution, the populist radical right groups, were more or less absent from the negotiations but opposed by verbal contestation in plenum and through amendments to the text. We find that individual- and organizational level factors have high explanatory power: the gender equality-friendly institutional culture in the ep was further strengthened by the entrepreneurship of two committed rapporteurs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: A morally sound framework for benefit-sharing is crucial to minimize research exploitation for research conducted in developing countries. However, in practice, it remains uncertain which stakeholders should be involved in the decision-making process regarding benefit-sharing and what the implications might be. Therefore the study aimed to empirically propose a framework for benefit-sharing negotiations in research by taking HIV vaccine trials as a case. Methods: The study was conducted in Tanzania using a case study design and qualitative approaches. Data were collected using in-depth interviews (IDI) and focus group discussions (FGD). A total of 37 study participants were selected purposively comprising institutional review board (IRB) members, researchers, community advisory board (CAB) members, a policymaker, and HIV/AIDS advocates. Deductive and inductive thematic analysis approaches were deployed to analyze collected data with the aid of MAXQDA version 20.4.0 software. Results: The findings indicate a triangular relationship between the research community, researched community and intermediaries. However, the relationship ought to take into consideration the timing of negotiations, the level of understanding between parties and the phase of the clinical trial. The proposed framework operationalize partnership interactions in community-based participatory research. Conclusion: In the context of this study, the suggested framework incorporates the research community, the community being researched, and intermediary parties. The framework would guarantee well-informed and inclusive decision-making regarding benefit-sharing in HIV vaccine trials and other health-related research conducted in resource-limited settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today, it is no secret that alternative dispute resolution methods, such as mediation, are widely used all over the world. However, in the experience of some countries, there are still problems in the practice of applying and introducing mediation. This article is devoted to the application of alternative dispute resolution and comparative analyses between some developed countries and the Republic of Uzbekistan. The author analyzes the use of alternative dispute resolution methods in Uzbekistan and their features. The goal of this research is to discuss and develop solutions to common problems related to the application and implementation of alternative dispute resolution methods. The current work also provides answers to potential misunderstandings, identifies the problems associated with the use of the mediation procedure, and develops ways to solve them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term "care" in pastoral care means caring for others. Yet those who care for others in pastoral conversations can also be defined existentially as people who care about the world, that is, people who hold values. This article explores how caring for and caring about commence in pastoral practice, with special attention paid to conflicts of values in pastoral conversations. The article proposes a typology of subjects for value conflicts in pastoral care, and it proposes a set of strategies for navigating those conflicts. We base both proposals on an analysis of German and Norwegian verbatims, i.e., protocols of pastoral caregivers' memories of pastoral care encounters. These verbatims highlight that while pastoral caregivers and care seekers have different roles and obligations in pastoral care, an existential encounter occurs which has its own potentials and pitfalls. Thereby, we draw attention to the necessary negotiations of values that transpire in pastoral conversations in postsecular societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]