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Climate change is dramatically altering the environmental context in which marine resources are harvested and managed. A growing field of academic literature has begun to explore the adaptive capacity of fishers and managers to respond to this change, but much of this field is abstract and theory-driven. Therefore, it is unclear whether this literature accurately reflects the adaptation priorities of fishery management practitioners, or whether there are gaps in the literature that these practitioners could fill with on-the-ground knowledge. Second, even if these principles of adaptive capacity are perfectly aligned with management practitioners’ priorities, it is unclear to what extent these principles are actively considered in the decision making process, and if not, why. This study seeks to address these questions by confronting fisheries professionals with academic ideas around adaptive capacity through a series of semi-structured interviews with federal fishery managers and scientists whose work informs decision making in the United States regional fishery management system. The study then uses these interviews to identify three low-cost, high-impact action items that could make concepts from the academic literature more accessible and useful to these practitioners and expand the literature by incorporating practitioners’ expertise. These action items are: 1) distinguish adaptive capacity from adaptive management, 2) use practitioner insights to contextualize the elements of adaptive capacity within the constraints and opportunities of governance systems, and 3) expand academic research to explicitly consider the capacity to adapt on appropriate timelines given the scale and pace of systemic change.

For over a century, Los Angeles (LA) has been the site for the extraction, refining, and consumption of vast quantities of petroleum. Yet as active drilling wanes, as land becomes increasingly scarce, and as affordable housing shortages reach record levels, cities must confront the legacies of oil production.  In Vista Hermosa, a neighborhood a mile north of downtown LA, residents have sought to decommission hundreds of wells in one oil reservoir, the “LA City Field.” According to residents, the wells buried alongside their homes, schools, and parks are dangerous despite not producing oil for decades. Law co-produces urban infrastructures like oil wells, and with those infrastructures, new kinds of uncertainty and risk. This article analyzes the foundational role of law in creating this legacy of deserted urban oil wells; the work of residents to make visible Vista Hermosa’s petroleum past; and the effects of rapid real estate development in the neighborhood.

The Human Genome Project was an enormous accomplishment, providing a foundation for countless explorations into the genetics and genomics of the human species. Yet for many years, the human genome reference sequence remained incomplete and lacked representation of human genetic diversity. Recently, two major advances have emerged to address these shortcomings: complete gap-free human genome sequences, such as the one developed by the Telomere-to-Telomere Consortium, and high-quality pangenomes, such as the one developed by the Human Pangenome Reference Consortium. Facilitated by advances in long-read DNA sequencing and genome assembly algorithms, complete human genome sequences resolve regions that have been historically difficult to sequence, including centromeres, telomeres, and segmental duplications. In parallel, pangenomes capture the extensive genetic diversity across populations worldwide. Together, these advances usher in a new era of genomics research, enhancing the accuracy of genomic analysis, paving the path for precision medicine, and contributing to deeper insights into human biology.

Abstract: The International Criminal Court (ICC) is a legal institution embedded in international politics. Politics shaped the Rome Statute of the ICC, which is rooted in norms and rules of European lineage and security interests of party states. Politics constrains and influences the operation of the Court, which has adapted in response to oversight and governance of the Assembly of States Parties, and to political actions extrinsic to institutional rules. The ICC also has political effects in situation states. A brief history shows that application of Rome Statute triggers across state parties with different social conditions skewed geographic distribution of its investigations and prosecutions towards Africa, a structural bias that catalysed a legitimation crisis for the ICC. Subsequent exercises of expansive jurisdiction aimed at nationals of non-African, non-party states – including Israel and some of the world's great powers – have dampened African complaints and advanced the ICC agenda, but intensified non-legitimacy claims by powerful non-party states. To survive, Court organs must follow legal mandates, yet be responsive to pressing international political demands, continuously risking the legitimacy of the ICC as a legal institution and adverse political reactions by antagonised governments. Careful management of the tension between law and politics at the ICC may modestly reduce antagonism towards the Court, but that tension cannot be resolved, and confrontations over the ICC's legitimacy are certain to recur.

Background: It is an unfortunate truth that Emergency Medicine (EM) physicians will, at some point, have contact with the medicolegal system. However, most EM residency training programs lack education on the legal system in their curriculum, leaving EM physicians unprepared for litigation. To fill this gap, we designed a high-yield and succinct medical legal workshop highlighting legal issues commonly encountered by EM physicians. We aimed to determine the effectiveness of this curriculum by measuring pre and post knowledge questions.Methods: A two-hour session included a case-based discussion of common misconceptions held by physicians about the legal system, proper steps when interacting with the legal system and review of legal documents. This session was developed with the involvement of our hospital legal counsel and discussed real encounters. The effectiveness of the session was determined using pre- and post-session surveys assessing participant knowledge and comfort approaching the scenarios.Results: A total of 34 EM residents had the opportunity to complete this workshop as a part of their conference curriculum. A total of 26 participants completed the pre-survey and 19 participants completed the post-survey. No participants had previous training in the legal aspects of medicine, including handling a subpoena, serving as a witness, or giving a deposition.    The pre-survey demonstrated that there was significant uncertainty surrounding the processes, definitions, and the legal system interaction. Many participants stated they would not know what to do if they received a subpoena (85.71%), were called as a witness in a trial (96.43%) or receive correspondence from a lawyer (96.43%).    The post survey revealed an increased knowledge base and confidence following the session. 100% of residents reported knowing what to do after receiving a subpoena, being called as a witness and understanding the process involved in giving a deposition. All residents reported that the session was beneficial and provided crucial information.Conclusion: EM residents have limited baseline understanding of how to approach common legal scenarios. Educational materials available for this curriculum topic are limited. Based on the rapid knowledge increase observed in our residents, we believe our workshop could be adapted for use at other residency programs.

Several studies demonstrate gender and partisan differences among Americans in COVID-19 socioeconomic consequences, attitudes, and behaviors. The authors of this study use six waves of panel survey data to explore the intersection of gender and party across COVID-19 mitigation behaviors, concerns, and policy preferences. The authors observe small gender gaps on several measures; however, partisan differences are larger than gender differences when considering the interaction between gender and partisanship. Democratic women are more similar to Democratic men on these measures than to Republican women. On virtually all measures, Republican women report lower levels of mitigation behaviors, worries, and support for expansive government policies compared to Democratic women and men. Analyzing the interaction of gender and partisanship illuminates how individuals navigated the pandemic with respect to identity factors that often pull in different directions. These findings suggest that one's partisan identity is more consequential than gender when it comes to COVID behaviors, concerns, and policy preferences.

Each year, government contracting programs dole out tens of billions of dollars to businesses that meet certain racial criteria. For example, in 2023, the State of Wisconsin spent over $200 [...]

Common ground isn't always a good thing. For example, consider the growing popularity of 'predistribution.' Predistribution is an alternative to redistribution: rather than taxing people's incomes and spending the revenue [...]

Traditionally, administrative law cases don't make news. Instead, they make snooze. They can be exciting to a relatively small circle of 'ad. law nerds,' as we're affectionately called, but they're [...]

Recent political earthquakes such as the assassination attempt against former president Donald Trump and President Joe Biden's withdrawal from the 2024 campaign quickly overshadowed the various court proceedings involving the [...]

A review of DENNIS HALE AND MARC LANDY, KEEPING THE REPUBLIC: A DEFENSE OF AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONALISM (2024) Keeping the Republic: A Defense of American Constitutionalism defends the Constitution against historical [...]

The Supreme Court's 1947 incorporation of the Establishment Clause (1) through the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment in Everson v. Board of Education of Ewing (2) continues to [...]

ANIMALS IN AGRICULTURE New York Bill Would Require Establishment of a Plant-Based Agriculture Grant Program By: Michael Swistara In May, New York State Senator Jabari Brisport (D-25th Senate District) introduced [...]

ANIMALS IN AGRICULTURE Preliminary Approval Granted in Pork Price-fixing Scheme By: Leslie Shanley A federal judge in the U.S. District Court for the District of Minnesota has granted preliminary approval [...]

Fans of economist Milton Friedman--of whom I'm one--should count themselves lucky that Stanford historian Jennifer Burns has written a detailed biography of him. Based on intensive archival research that only [...]

The child support collection process in the United States has largely failed. According to a 2020 Census Bureau report, only 62 percent of the more than $30 billion in authorized [...]

Boeing has been in the news a lot lately, for all the wrong reasons. The iconic aviation company has been struggling through a series of high-profile quality-control problems, including a [...]

In the US wireless communications market, antitrust regulators blocked so-called four-to-three mergers-mergers of two of the four largest competitors--in 2011 and 2014. But authorities did allow then-No. 3 carrier T-Mobile [...]

Many are well-acquainted with Justice Brandeis's metaphor that states serve as laboratories of democracy. While dicta in the 1932 decision, New State Ice Co. v. Liebmann, (J) Brandeis's words have [...]

This study examines the remaining options for sport managers to balance the interests of college athletes and the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) in regulating college athlete name, image, and likeness (NIL). The paper is divided into six substantive sections. The first section, "Background: The NCAA's Defense of NIL Restrictions," provides a brief history of the NCAA's legal defense to challenges against its NIL regulations. The second section, "U.S. Congress Is Unlikely to Regulate College Athletes' NIL Rights," addresses proposed federal legislation and Congress' willingness to regulate the use of NIL by college athletes. The third section, "The Impact of O'Bannon and Alston on NCAA's NIL Restraints," examines controlling case law, specifically O'Bannon v. NCAA and NCAA v. Alston, and how current antitrust law precedent shapes the scope by which the NCAA can regulate college athletes' NIL. The fourth section, "State Laws Regulating the NIL Marketplace," addresses state legislation regulating college athlete NIL use. The fifth section, "The Applicability of Labor Law to Regulating College Athletes' NIL," discusses the current college athlete NIL marketplace and analyzes whether labor law presents an optimal way forward for the NCAA to regulate NIL post-Alston. The sixth section, "College Athletes' Employee Status as a Pathway to Redefine the NCAA's Amateurism," concludes by examining the law's role in regulating NIL and discussing stakeholder implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the arrival of name, image, and likeness (NIL), the college sports labor market has distinctly taken on similar characteristics to the gig economy, with athletes able to earn extra compensation through external NIL-based independent contractor "gigs." But with this comparison comes comparable issues, and scholarship and litigation examining and challenging gig economy structures have identified several legal and ethical concerns both individual to each worker and more broadly affecting labor markets. Building off this literature, we conceptualize the NIL phenomenon within the gig economy space, exploring the legal and ethical concerns that have plagued companies like Uber and applying those same concerns to the brave new world of NIL-fueled college sports. We not only find similar issues in college sports but also find even deeper concerns based on new and existing challenges unique to the novel space of college sports, particularly given the increased proliferation of NIL collectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tal Gross and Matthew Notowidigdo have been collaborating since they were in graduate school together at MIT. Today, they are economists specializing in healthcare, Gross at Boston University and Notowidigdo [...]

ContextTo facilitate the manufacturing of COVID-19 medical products, in October 2020 India and South Africa proposed a waiver of certain intellectual property (IP) provisions of a World Trade Organization (WTO) agreement. After nearly two years, a narrow waiver agreement that did little for vaccine access passed the ministerial despite the pandemic's impact on global trade, which the WTO is mandated to safeguard.MethodsThe authors conducted a content analysis of WTO legal texts, key-actor statements, media reporting, and the WTO's procedural framework to explore legal, institutional, and ideational explanations for the delay.FindingsIP waivers are neither legally complex nor unprecedented within WTO law, yet these waiver negotiations exceeded their mandated 90-day negotiation period by approximately 18 months. Waiver opponents and supporters engaged in escalating strategic framing that justified and eventually secured political attention at head-of-state level, sidelining other pandemic solutions. The frames deployed discouraged consensus on a meaningful waiver, which ultimately favored the status quo that opponents preferred. WTO institutional design encouraged drawn-out negotiation while limiting legitimate players in the debate to trade ministers, empowering narrow interest group politics.ConclusionsDespite global political attention, the WTO process contributed little to emergency vaccine production, suggesting a pressing need for reforms aimed at more efficient and equitable multilateral processes.