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This paper is a commutative algebra introduction to the homological theory of quasi-coherent sheaves and contraherent cosheaves over quasi-compact semi-separated schemes. Antilocality is an alternative way in which global properties are locally controlled in a finite affine open covering. For example, injectivity of modules over non-Noetherian commutative rings is not preserved by localizations, while homotopy injectivity of complexes of modules is not preserved by localizations even for Noetherian rings. The latter also applies to the contraadjustedness and cotorsion properties. All the mentioned properties of modules or complexes over commutative rings are actually antilocal. They are also colocal, if one presumes contraadjustedness. Generally, if the left class in a (hereditary complete) cotorsion theory for modules or complexes of modules over commutative rings is local and preserved by direct images with respect to affine open immersions, then the right class is antilocal. If the right class in a cotorsion theory for contraadjusted modules or complexes of contraadjusted modules is colocal and preserved by such direct images, then the left class is antilocal. As further examples, the class of flat contraadjusted modules is antilocal, and so are the classes of acyclic, Becker-coacyclic, or Becker-contraacyclic complexes of contraadjusted modules. The same applies to the classes of homotopy flat complexes of flat contraadjusted modules and acyclic complexes of flat contraadjusted modules with flat modules of cocycles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Applicatives of unaccusatives provide a crucial test case for the inherent-case view of ergativity. If ergative is assigned only to external arguments, in their θ-positions, there can be no “raising to ergative” in applicative unaccusatives; an internal argument subject can never receive ergative case. In this article, I present evidence from Nez Perce (Sahaptian) that this prediction is false. In Nez Perce applicative unaccusatives, the theme argument raises over the applicative argument and is accordingly marked with ergative case. Nez Perce thus demonstrates raising to ergative. Departing from Baker’s (2014) conclusions for similar phenomena in Shipibo (Panoan), I argue that apparently nonlocal movement of the theme in the raising-to-ergative pattern involves not a covert adpositional structure, but rather a response to independently motivated constraints on antilocal movement and remnant movement.

This article discusses what happens when locality requirements—which favor short dependencies—come into conflict with antilocality requirements—which rule out dependencies that are too short. It is argued that in such circumstances, certain locality requirements may be minimally violated so that the antilocality requirement is satisfied. A theory along these lines is shown to derive a pervasive pattern of noniterative symmetry in A-movement—found in Haya and Luganda (Bantu), Tongan (Austronesian), and Japanese—in which the highest two arguments in a domain may undergo A-movement, but A-movement of lower arguments is systematically banned. The article concludes with some discussion of how interactions of this sort might be modeled in the grammar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the distribution of V2 in Yiddish and its effects on extraction. Specifically, we show that both Spec-to-Spec antilocality (Erlewine 2020) and minimality (Rizzi 2006) constrain wh-extractions from embedded clauses in Yiddish. This explains the pattern of that-trace effects in Yiddish, as well as the apparent absence of an escape hatch in certain constructions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extraction and subextraction tend to receive separate attention in syntax, which leads to the assumption that they should be analyzed independently, even though they both illustrate an asymmetry between subjects and objects. By looking at various phenomena in English, German, Spanish and Norwegian I propose that this parallel behavior is not accidental, but that there is a previously unnoticed generalization: subextraction is allowed iff extraction is possible and the target of subextraction is not an indirect object. I propose that a revised version of Spec-to-Spec antilocality (Erlewine 2016) is necessary: movement of and out of an XP must cross a Projection Line (PL) (Brody 1998), i.e. the set of all projections of a head. This version of antilocality can derive Freezing effects, Huang's (1982) CED, and their exceptions; and Comp-trace effects and their neutralization, extending them to subextraction. However, antilocality on its own cannot derive the extraction-subextraction asymmetry in indirect objects. I propose that the Principle of Minimal Compliance (PMC) (Richards 1998) can suspend antilocality if agree between a probe and a goal has happened. The version adopted here will allow extraction of the whole XP, but disallow extraction of its specifier due to the lack of an agree relation. Antilocality and the PMC combined also make the right predictions in other domains such as the lack of do-support in matrix subject questions and A-movement of the subject in declarative clauses, providing evidence that antilocality is a constraint that should apply to (at least) both A and A′-movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a description and account of the patterns of ex-situ focus in Dagbani. We show that there are two syntactic strategies for creating ex-situ focus in the language, one involving A’-movement to the left periphery, and the second involving base generation in the left periphery combined with coreference to a resumptive pronoun. Furthermore, we argue that subjects are difficult to move from Spec,TP to Spec,CP in the left-periphery because of anti-locality, which creates a tension when trying to focus subjects, which are required to derivationally fill the specifier of both positions. We further show that what looks to be a two-way distinction between the behaviour of subjects and non-subjects in the language is in fact a three-way distinction between subjects that are focussed to a local left-periphery, subjects that are focussed to a non-local left-periphery, and non-subjects. These distinctions arise due to there being two methods for Dagbani to resolve the antilocality problem of subject movement, and so local subjects solve the problem differently to non-local subjects.

To make sense of a sentence, a reader must keep track of dependent relationships between words, such as between a verb and its particle (e.g. turn the music down). In languages such as German, verb-particle dependencies often span long distances, with the particle only appearing at the end of the clause. This means that it may be necessary to process a large amount of intervening sentence material before the full verb of the sentence is known. To facilitate processing, previous studies have shown that readers can preactivate the lexical information of neighbouring upcoming words, but less is known about whether such preactivation can be sustained over longer distances. We asked the question, do readers preactivate lexical information about long-distance verb particles? In one self-paced reading and one eye tracking experiment, we delayed the appearance of an obligatory verb particle that varied only in the predictability of its lexical identity. We additionally manipulated the length of the delay in order to test two contrasting accounts of dependency processing: that increased distance between dependent elements may sharpen expectation of the distant word and facilitate its processing (an antilocality effect), or that it may slow processing via temporal activation decay (a locality effect). We isolated decay by delaying the particle with a neutral noun modifier containing no information about the identity of the upcoming particle, and no known sources of interference or working memory load. Under the assumption that readers would preactivate the lexical representations of plausible verb particles, we hypothesised that a smaller number of plausible particles would lead to stronger preactivation of each particle, and thus higher predictability of the target. This in turn should have made predictable target particles more resistant to the effects of decay than less predictable target particles. The eye tracking experiment provided evidence that higher predictability did facilitate reading times, but found evidence against any effect of decay or its interaction with predictability. The self-paced reading study provided evidence against any effect of predictability or temporal decay, or their interaction. In sum, we provide evidence from eye movements that readers preactivate long-distance lexical content and that adding neutral sentence information does not induce detectable decay of this activation. The findings are consistent with accounts suggesting that delaying dependency resolution may only affect processing if the intervening information either confirms expectations or adds to working memory load, and that temporal activation decay alone may not be a major predictor of processing time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses recomplementation (i.e. double-complementizer constructions) in Spanish, comparing Latin American Spanish (LAS) and European Spanish (ES). I make the novel observation that in spite of a superficial difference whereby a lower que after a left dislocate (LD) surfaces in ES but not in LAS, LAS does have recomplementation. In fact, LAS patterns with ES in that there are two constructions in each variety, i.e. a construction in which an intonational break following the LD is present and a construction in which the break is absent. I argue that the constructions with the break differ from the constructions without it with regard to reconstruction effects, no insertion and the position of high adverbs, which arise due to a locality violation in the former but not in the latter. I propose a syntactic analysis in terms of phases and argue that the locality violation is circumvented in the constructions with no break via verb movement, which is not possible in the constructions with the break. I further propose a mapping from the syntactic structures of recomplementation into prosody that correlates with the presence/absence of the intonational break in these constructions, hence providing prosodic evidence for phasal structure more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the acceptability of several types of extraction out of the nominal domain (Left Branch Extraction - LBE, deep LBE, extraordinary LBE, double AP LBE, extraction of NP-complements, extraction across a numeral) in Polish and its relevance for the current views on the nominal structure of the "NP"/"DP"- languages. The point of departure is an overview of the abovementioned extraction types. Next, a succinct summary of an acceptability study of these constructions conducted on a population of 183 native speakers of Polish is provided. While the results confirm the cross-linguistic observation that the extractions in question are generally 'discourse-triggered', their acceptability in Polish seems to be relatively low and reveals fairly interesting differences between the specific constructions (e.g., LBE-wh vs. LBE-demonstratives). These may have broader implications for the ongoing debate concerning the optimal shape of the nominal structure in (languages like) Polish, as they seem to provide (at least circumstantial) arguments for a more elaborate sequence of projections on top of the NP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides a uniform account of a number of locality effects, in particular, the Subject Condition, the Adjunct Condition, Richards's () tucking in effect, and the full Comp-trace paradigm, including (in addition to the basic cases) relative and extraposed clauses, the impossibility of short subject topicalization, French que-qui alternation, and the effect of wh-movement on agreement in languages like Kinande. The account is based on a proposal that there is a difference in the timing of labeling between the basic case where a head and a phrase merge and the case where two phrases merge, as well as a particular labeling-based approach to antilocality, which has rather different empirical effects from the previous approaches to antilocality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a wealth of evidence showing that increasing the distance between an argument and its head leads to more processing effort, namely, locality effects; these are usually associated with constraints in working memory (DLT: Gibson, 2000; activation-based model: Lewis and Vasishth, 2005). In SOV languages, however, the opposite effect has been found: antilocality (see discussion in Levy et al., 2013). Antilocality effects can be explained by the expectation-based approach as proposed by Levy (2008) or by the activation-based model of sentence processing as proposed by Lewis and Vasishth (2005). We report an eye-tracking and a self-paced reading study with sentences in Spanish together with measures of individual differences to examine the distinction between expectation- and memory-based accounts, and within memory-based accounts the further distinction between DLT and the activation-based model. The experiments show that (i) antilocality effects as predicted by the expectation account appear only for high-capacity readers; (ii) increasing dependency length by interposing material that modifies the head of the dependency (the verb) produces stronger facilitation than increasing dependency length with material that does not modify the head; this is in agreement with the activation-based model but not with the expectation account; and (iii) a possible outcome of memory load on low-capacity readers is the increase in regressive saccades (locality effects as predicted by memory-based accounts) or, surprisingly, a speedup in the self-paced reading task; the latter consistent with good-enough parsing (Ferreira et al., 2002). In sum, the study suggests that individual differences in working memory capacity play a role in dependency resolution, and that some of the aspects of dependency resolution can be best explained with the activation-based model together with a prediction component. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The crosslinguistic distribution of preposition stranding by A movement in pseudopassive constructions matches that of a marked A' phenomenon, namely extraction from Bare Present Participial Adjuncts. Moreover, both constructions show sensitivity to external factors of a sort that reanalysis-based theories of P-stranding are designed to capture, but which is not immediately predicted by P-stranding theories based on parametrisation of PP’s status as a bounding node or phase. However, an expanded version of Abels’ (2003) phase-based account of P-stranding, according to which the sensitivity of P-stranding under A- and A'-movement to PP-external factors is due to general constraints on movement and passivisation, captures the relevant data without resorting to a reanalysis operation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]