Search

À partir d’une enquête qualitative auprès d’un panel de jeunes bénéficiaires de l’un des dispositifs de lutte contre le chômage, mis en place par l’État algérien depuis les années 1990, cette contribution tente de comprendre pourquoi les mesures de création de microentreprises et les programmes d’insertion des diplômés perpétuent la précarité chez les jeunes les plus vulnérables et quelles sont les formes de résistance adoptées par ces derniers pour y faire face. L’étude a démontré qu’en dépit de l’opportunité d’accès au monde du travail offerte aux jeunes primodemandeurs d’emploi, les dispositifs d’insertion des diplômés ne permettent pas une stabilité de l’emploi, notamment chez les femmes qui se trouvent dans une situation sociale ambiguë, où elles doivent doubler les efforts fournis et mener un double combat. Cependant, la famille joue un rôle primordial dans la réussite ou l’échec des jeunes dans la réalisation de leurs projets engagés dans le cadre de dispositif de création de microentreprises. Mais l’omniprésence de la mentalité rentière dans la pensée sociale a un effet négatif sur l’état d’esprit des jeunes créateurs d’entreprises. Enfin, nous estimons que les programmes d’insertion des diplômés et les dispositifs de création de microentreprises ne sont pas économiques, mais plutôt politiques et le gouvernement ne fait qu’acheter la paix sociale en redistribuant une partie de la rente., Based on a qualitative investigation of a panel of young beneficiaries of one of the anti-unemployment schemes set up by the Algerian State since the 1990s, this contribution attempts to understand why the creation measures of micro-enterprises and the programmes for the integration of graduates perpetuate precariousness among the most vulnerable young people and what forms of resistance they have adopted to deal with them? The study showed that despite the access opportunity to the world of work offered to young first-time job-seekers, the integration schemes for graduates do not allow job stability mainly among women, who find themselves in an ambiguous social situation, where they must double the efforts and lead a double battle. However, the family plays a key role in the success or failure of young people in carrying out their projects as part of the micro-enterprise creation scheme. But, the omnipresence of the rentier mentality in social thought has a negative effect on the mind-set of young entrepreneurs. In the end, we believe that the integration programmes of the graduates and the creation of micro-enterprises devices are not economic, but rather political and the government does nothing but buy social peace by redistributing part of the rent., A partir de una encuesta cualitativa efectuada entre un panel de jóvenes que se han beneficiado de uno de los dispositivos de lucha contra el desempleo puesta en práctica por el Estado algeriano desde los años 90’, esta contribución intenta comprender porque las medidas de creación de microempresas y los programas de inserción de diplomados perpetúan la precariedad entre los jóvenes más vulnerables y cuáles son las formas de resistencia adoptadas por estos últimos para hacerles frente. El estudio demuestra que en detrimento de la oportunidad de acceso al mundo de trabajo ofrecida a los jóvenes que ingresan al mercado de empleo, los dispositivos de inserción de diplomados no permiten la obtención de un empleo estable, particularmente entre las mujeres que se encuentran en una situación social ambigua, en donde deben multiplicar sus esfuerzos realizados y ofrecer un combate doble. A pesar de ello, la familia juega un rol fundamental en cuanto al triunfo o el fracaso de los jóvenes en la realización de los proyectos, que se encuadran dentro del dispositivo de creación de microempresas. A pesar de ello, la omnipresencia de una mentalidad rentista en el pensamiento social, tiene un efecto negativo sobre la mentalidad de los jóvenes creadores de empresas. Finalmente, estimamos que los programas de inserción de los diplomados y los dispositivos de creación de microempresas, no tienen una connotación económica, sino política y que el gobierno no hace más que comprar la paz social distribuyendo una parte de la renta.

1. IntroductionIt is now admitted that we cannot address the issue of development without mentioning the woman, her status and her role in society and in the family. She has become a central actress of human development in the various sectors of activity; education, health, media and politics . She is cons idered as a key pillar of progres s , becaus e of the important role she plays in the rais ing and education of children in the family and in society . During the last decades, the participation of women in economic activity in Algeria outside the family and domestic sphere is a relatively recent fact. W omen employment applications are being increas ing and mas s ive. The reas ons are s till tremendously economic in nature: insecurity concerning the work of the various members of the family (father, brother, husband...) acting as an indicator to seek employment, and the motivations of psycho-sociological status: financial and moral independence, an emancipation of the socio-cultural constraints, to conquer a high social status, and a global accomplishment of their personality by the application of a remunerated professional activity.Women have always worked in their families, in the family business and factories. Battagliola(2000) affirms that the women's work has never been reduced to household chores, even before the rise of massive industrialization and of wage-earning. These latter, by their development, motivated women to decide to change their situation and come out of deletion and hoping for emancipation (Boutiller and Lestrade, 2004: 19). The women's presence in the labour market was accentuated only during the two world wars, when they added to their maternal function remunerated activities outs ide the home (Dumont, 1990: 30).Many authors have dedicated works to the analys is of the work of women, s ome have focus ed on their vocational capacity, the will and the skills that women put forward to deal with the social conditions of work they face namely the unfair salary and the glass ceiling. Lunghi (2002) deals with equality in the workplace against women and put forward that women in the position of responsibility, defend and assert their ability to be mothers, and at the same time excellent managers, capable of being recognized professionally . This does not neces sarily lowers motivation for those who seek access to positions of responsibility on the basis of their abilities, energy, ingenuity and creativity they possess. Within the same line of thoughts, Maruani (2003) put focus on the women's resistance to the various forms of inequality at work. She believes that the feminization of the wage system and the progression of women's tuition will trigger a process of reduction of these inequalities that s till persist.Despite the positive developments, the work of women in Algeria remains largely marginal compared to that of men, and it is mainly focused on the sectors of health, national education and administrative sectors. Addi (1999: 137) estimates that the remunerated female work is no longer subject to an unfavourable judgment a priori. Now, it is accepted for certain professions, certain social categories and in certain circumstances. Marani (2008) found that in addition to the state of global develo pment, the patriarchate and religion are fundamental factors in the explanation of the state, of evolution and forms of women's work in Algeria. In the same stratum, Mebtoul (2010) pointed out that the whole social structure is designed to hide the economic weight of the women. Women's work in the Algerian context has yet to be hidden. In the best situations we estimate, a man or a father is proud to allow his wife or his daughter to work, this attitude makes him an open man, who allows a woman to flourish, but hide the economic usefulness of her work and its financial contribution in the family budget. Khodja (1991) found that men are still prisoners of the old representation of their relationship with women; female labour is still a hard battle, led by women, alone agains t a s eries of blockade, where the s ens e of mas culine honor occupies the central place. …

In order to diagnose to which extent do Algerian managers believe in continuing education as a means of a professional and personal progress, we opted for a qualitative method using a face to face interviews. Our sample was fourteen managers engaged in an ongoing training for their professional development working in various organizations in Bejaia, Algeria. Results demonstrated that adults’ attitudes differ from one participant to another due to a number of such factors as: willingness to progress, age, way to access to responsiblity, the training's pretext, the employer's proessional status. We concluded that a diversity of attitudes exists among adult trainees according to the analysed variables. This led to the following typology: graduate/self-taught, early career/late career, chosen/imposed training, professional/hierarchy-based.