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This article approaches the matter of institutional reform of the United Nations Human Rights Council from an international relations perspective. A well-known tension exists between State representatives acting for their governments in international organisations, but whose decisions are presented as UN policies. The latter should be guided primarily by the UN Charter and public international law. However, in reality, different worldviews and foreign policy considerations play a more significant role. In a comprehensive stock-take, the article looks at four major dimensions of the Council, starting with structure and dynamics and major trends, followed by its country and thematic activities, and the role of key actors. Council reform proposals from both States and civil society are explored. Whilst the intergovernmental body remains the most important authority responsible for the protection of human rights in the international sphere, it has also been the subject of considerable criticism. Although it has made considerable progress towards enlarging its coverage and taking on more challenging human rights crises, among some of its major weaknesses are the election of human rights-unfriendly countries into its ranks, the failure to apply stronger sanctions on large, politically influential countries in the South and North, and lack of influence on human rights crises and chronic human rights problems in certain countries. Whilst various reform proposals have emerged from States and NGOs, other more far reaching propositions are under sometimes difficult negotiations. In the mid- to long-term, the UN human rights machinery can only have a stronger and more lasting impact if support from national/local actors and coalitions in politics and society can be strengthened.

Fur das Thema Frieden und Einsatz von Gewalt zwischen Staaten ist die Erorterung von Rechtstraditionen von besonderem Interesse, geht es doch hier um den historischen Kontext der Entstehung nationaler Rechtstraditionen und -positionen. Dies muss nicht auf eine vereinfachte Verursachungsthese verkurzt werden, nach der ein bestimmter historischer Kontext automatisch zu einer bestimmten Rechtskonzeption fuhrt, fragt aber schon nach Strukturfaktoren, wie zum Beispiel dem Einfluss von Geographie, politischem System und Moglichkeiten eines eher freien Diskurses in der Volkerrechtswissenschaft (ein Uberblick zum Begriff Rechtstraditionen bei Duve 2018). Und naturlich steht auch die Frage nach der Steuerung zwischen Politik und internationalem Recht im Raum (vgl. Niederberger 2011).

Starting in 1964 in Brazil, military governments took power in most Latin American countries. This chapter explores the perceptions and attitudes of military officers in Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Uruguay countries when reflecting on the course of their national histories, guerrilla groups and the responses chosen by both civilian and military governments in the seventies to counter "subversion" as it is usually called in military circles. Every country had historical experience with some violence used by the armed forces and/or police in strikes or during a dictatorship. Unconventional warfare changes the organizational weight of intelligence organizations within the military and police vis-a-vis other units. In Uruguay in 1985-1986, a major debate on whether or not to prosecute human rights violations during the military dictatorship took place. To analyze root causes of gross human rights violations, the subjective perspective of political participants is of crucial importance.

Das Verhaltnis zwischen humanitarem Volkerrecht (HVR) und internationalem Menschenrechtsschutz hat in den letzten Jahren zunehmend Aufmerksamkeit auf sich gezogen. Dies ist aus mindestens drei Grunden wissenschaftlich wie politisch von wachsender Bedeutung. Die Hauptfrage, wie weit Normen des Menschenrechtsschutzes und des HVR ubereinstimmen, scheint zunachst einfach zu beantworten zu sein, da es unbestrittenermasen einen gemeinsamen Kernbestand gibt.

Friedrich Lohmann fragt nach der Relevanz eines theoretischen oder praktischen Rekurses auf die Menschenrechte im Kontext von politischen Konflikten und Friedensverantwortung. Ihm ist zuzustimmen, dass in den letzten Jahrzehnten die Menschenrechtsdimension in der UN-Bearbeitung von Gewaltkonflikten erheblich zugenommen hat, insbesondere im UN Sicherheitsrat als Folge der Burgerkriege in Ex-Jugoslawien (dieser ist kein Menschenrechtsgremium der UN). Im Unterschied zu fast allen traditionellen UN-Friedensmissionen seit den 1950er-Jahren sahen sich die Vereinten Nationen auf einmal nicht mehr Grenzkonflikten gegenuber, bei denen die Einhaltung von Waffenstillstandsabkommen zu beobachten waren, sondern Kriegen im Inneren eines Landes, zwischen nichtstaatlichen Gewaltakteuren und Regierungseinheiten mit einer stark betroffenen Zivilbevolkerung.

Police forces in European countries face more and more diverse challenges in their work, including fighting ordinary crime, organized crime, human trafficking, terrorism, and other problem areas. In another vain, they encounter protest movements, demonstrations, and sometimes violent action, which need to be managed. At the same time, in many countries, high expectations in the population about proper conduct and responsible action by police officers prevail, notably respect for human rights. Therefore, transparency, accountability, and action against illegal action by police officers is paramount for creating and strengthening trust in a police force, and a state, respectful of the rule of law. The European Committee on the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment (CPT) of the Council of Europe visits for 28 years, among other institutions, establishments of Ministries of the Interior. The contribution offers a brief overview on legal standards and working methods used by the CPT. It looks at issues of CPT’s practical work regarding the police. Another section tentatively addresses the impact of the Committee’s work, a particular challenging issue since there exists very little of what could be called an evaluation of the impact of its work on the European or national level. A concluding section brings together some key issues.

The issue of gender in armed conflict covers a wide range of topics such as the role of women and men in conflict parties (as fighters), in peace processes and as victims of rights violations. This paper focuses on sexual violence in armed conflict.

IBEROAMERICANA, Vol. 3, Núm. 12 (2003)

The article looks at the motives of military governments in Argentina, Chile and Uruguay to introduce ‘disappearances’ as a new method to fight ‘subversion’ and thereby commit human rights violations. Five variables are taken as a point of departure, the country's previous experience with use of state violence, the selection of victims, the role of international public opinion, the selection of methods within the state and ideological factors. Among the key elements were in two countries the shift of responsibility for the use of violence to the military before the coup (except Chile), a lack of civilian control and influence in the formulation and control of internal security policies and an overwhelming, confused ideological definition in Argentina and in Chile (to a lesser degree in Uruguay) of the armed conflict as a war between good and evil and against World Communism which endangered the survival of the nation.

Zum Verhaltnis von „Frieden und Menschenrechten“ liegen in der Forschung bisher nur wenige Beitrage und kein zusammenhangendes Konzept vor. So wurde das Thema Menschenrechte, insbesondere deren Schutzfunktion, im Kontext bewaffneter Konflikte diskutiert (vgl. Forsythe 1993). „Frieden und Menschenrechte“ ist zudem der Titel einer Reihe von Resolutionen der UN-Generalversammlung und des UN-Menschenrechtsrates, die eine umfangreiche Liste von Vorschlagen enthalten, wie Staaten eine friedlichere und gerechte Weltordnung fordern sollten. In Bezug auf das Spektrum von Gewaltkonflikten wird von der „Menschenrechts-Community“ zugleich die Forderung erhoben, Menschenrechte wahrend aller Phasen von Gewaltkonflikten zu beachten, die Praxis zu beobachten und wirkungsvolle Beschwerdemechanismen einzurichten.