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Aim: We investigated the dose--response relationship between acute physical activity (PA) intensity during physical education (PE) lessons (dose), and task behaviour and learning experiences in the classroom after PE (response), and mediation effects of acute PA on-task behaviour via learning experiences. Method: A total of 78 children (M[subscript age] = 9.30 years; 43 females) took part. Participants reported learning experiences (tiredness, positive and negative affect) during one afternoon per week for 6 weeks. Their task behaviour was observed (on-task, active off-task and passive off-task) during two classroom lessons. Between the classroom lessons, they took part in a PE lesson, with experimentally induced PA intensity (low, medium and high). Accelerometers were worn for 24 h leading up to and during every intervention afternoon. Participants completed self-reports three times per classroom lesson, both before and after PE. Intra- and interindividual differences in PA, task behaviour and learning experiences were analysed with multilevel structural equation models. Results: Moderate PA directly increased on-task behaviour and reduced passive off-task behaviour, whereas light PA increased active off-task behaviour and reduced on-task behaviour. We found no direct effects of vigorous PA or mediated effects of any PA intensity on-task-related behaviour. However, a greater positive affect during PE indirectly led to more on-task and less passive off-task behaviour. Regularly active children reported less tiredness in the classroom. Conclusion: PE lessons can increase on-task behaviour and reduce both passive and active off-task behaviours. Positive affect and tiredness are indirectly involved in the impact of PA on task-related behaviour. The greatest benefits were found for moderate PA and for PE lessons, which left children feeling positive. Moreover, regular participation in moderate-to-vigorous PA leads children to feel less tired during school lessons.

We compared two tools that have been used to capture the linguistic heterogeneity and achievement of students in England: the exposure-based distinction between English as an additional language (EAL) and monolingual learners, and the 2017--2018 five level teacher rating of proficiency in English (from "New to English" to "Fluent"). Based on a nationally representative sample of 140,000 students aged 5 to 16 years, we assessed the explanatory power of the proficiency in English rating in relation to educational achievement and compared it directly to EAL status. Our results demonstrate that proficiency in English is a significantly better predictor of student achievement than EAL status and that it accounts for up to six times more variance than other student background variables (ethnicity, gender and socio-economic disadvantage) combined. Proficiency in English was particularly (but certainly not solely) predictive for student performance in subjects such as English and reading vis-à-vis mathematics. Our findings are clear in demonstrating the value of a proficiency in English rating for assessing linguistic heterogeneity and student achievement, in contrast to the exposure-based EAL measure. We recommend the (re)introduction of proficiency in English ratings to monitor and support student progress and discuss the value of classroom-based language assessments.

Being entered for exams and reaching key educational thresholds, for example 5 A* to C grades (including English and Mathematics) at GCSE, are important markers of participation and success in secondary education. However, little is known about the prevalence and make-up of children in care reaching these thresholds. Using secondary data analysis, we compared the proportions of children in care, children 'in need' and children in the general population who achieved four key thresholds, including exam entry and 5 A* to C grades, including English and Mathematics. We then focused on children in care and examined factors that predicted exam entry and achieving 5 A* to C grades, including English and Mathematics. Children receiving social care interventions were less likely than children in the general population to be entered for exams or to reach important educational thresholds. For children in care, several socio-demographic, care and educational factors predicted their likelihood of success. No children with an autistic spectrum disorder or who had ever been permanently excluded were recorded to have achieved 5 A* to C grades, including English and Mathematics. Children with poor attainment at Key Stage 2 were also at significant risk of not achieving this threshold. Practitioners and policymakers should consider the modifiable risk factors for poor educational performance and be aware of groups of children in care who are at significant risk of not achieving a minimum standard which could open doors for their future.

We used pupil-level data from the National Pupil Database in England to conduct a longitudinal analysis of the identification of moderate learning difficulties (MLD) and social, emotional, and mental health difficulties (SEMH) among 550,000 pupils ages 5 to 11 years. Survival analysis was used to determine the hazard ratios (HRs) for time to first identification, controlling for prior attainment and social-emotional development at age 5 as well as socioeconomic variables. For MLD, the overrepresentation of Black Caribbean and Pakistani pupils compared with White British pupils was eliminated following age 5 controls, and the predominant picture was of ethnic-minority underrepresentation. For SEMH, Black Caribbean and mixed White and Black Caribbean (MWBC) pupils continued to be overrepresented even after age 5 controls (HR = 1.36 and 1.44, respectively), although this was not true for the larger group of Black African pupils, who were underrepresented in the adjusted analyses (HR = 0.62), as were most other ethnic-minority groups. The results indicate most ethnic-minority groups are underrepresented for special educational needs after adjusting for pupil characteristics on entry to school, though this varies by ethnic group and type of need.

Relatively little research has explored whether schools differ in their effectiveness for different group of pupils (e.g. by ethnicity, poverty or gender), for different curriculum subjects (e.g. English, mathematics or science) or over time (different cohorts). This paper uses multilevel modelling to analyse the national test results at age 7 and age 11 of over 6,000 pupils attending 57 mainstream primary schools over three successive years in a socially and ethnically diverse inner London borough. The pupil groups with the poorest progress were White British pupils on Free School Meals (FSM) and Black Caribbean pupils, both those entitled and those not entitled to FSM. Differences between schools in average pupil progress were large, but there was no evidence of differential school effectiveness in relation to FSM, ethnicity or gender, all pupil groupings benefitted from attending the more effective schools and to a broadly similar extent. More effective schools "raised the bar" but did not "close the gap" suggesting that differences between schools in "quality" plays little role in equity gaps. While school residuals for different pupil groups were extremely highly correlated, school residuals were only moderately correlated across subjects (English, mathematics and science) and over time, with particularly poor stability for English.

The goal of Sea Camp is to teach inner-city and under-represented youth, many of whom have never been to the beach, about the plants and animals living in Santa Monica Bay. Through hands-on activities, students learn about the many kinds of interactions between people and coastal ecosystems. These day-long summer programs complement the UCLA Ocean Discovery Center’s school-year programs for students.

In England, students with immigrant background exhibit lower educational attainment than those without immigrant background. Family socioeconomic status (SES) helps explain differences in educational attainment, but a gap remains that differs in size for students with different immigrant backgrounds. While the explanatory repertoire for the remaining gap is broad, it has been neglected to comprehensively investigate whether family SES constructs are equivalent across students with different immigrant backgrounds. Using data from the first wave of the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Survey in Four European Countries (CILS4EU) for England (n = 4,315), the paper applies exploratory structural equation modelling (ESEM) to evaluate measurement invariance of family background constructs across students without and with immigrant background, specifically Pakistani/Bangladeshi immigrant background. Results suggest differences in the structure of family SES indicators across groups and in their association with educational attainment. Complementary variables are suggested to enhance family SES indicators. Findings are relevant to researchers investigating educational inequalities related to immigrant background.

Perhaps the most prevailing inequalities in educational achievement in England are those associated with socio-economic status (SES), ethnicity and gender. However, little research has sought to compare the relative size of these gaps or to explore interactions between these factors. This paper analyses the educational achievement at age 11, 14 and 16 of over 15,000 students from the nationally representative longitudinal study of young people in England. At age 16, the achievement gap associated with social class was twice as large as the biggest ethnic gap and six times as large as the gender gap. However, the results indicate that ethnicity, gender and SES do not combine in a simple additive fashion; rather, there are substantial interactions particularly between ethnicity and SES and between ethnicity and gender. At age 16 among low SES students, all ethnic minority groups achieve significantly better than White British students (except Black Caribbean boys who do not differ from White British boys), but at high SES only Indian students outperform White British students. A similar pattern of results was apparent in terms of progress age 11-16, with White British low SES students and Black Caribbean boys (particularly the more able) making the least progress. Parents' educational aspirations for their child and students' own educational aspirations, academic self-concept, frequency of completing homework, truancy and exclusion could account for the minority ethnic advantage at low SES, but conditioning on such factors simultaneously indicates substantial ethnic underachievement at average and high SES. Accounts of educational achievement framed exclusively in terms of social class, ethnicity or gender are insufficient, and the results challenge educational researchers to develop more nuanced accounts of educational success or failure.

There are long-standing achievement gaps in England associated with socio-economic status (SES), ethnicity and gender, but relatively little research has evaluated interactions between these variables or explored school effects on such gaps. This paper analyses the national test results at age 7 and age 11 of 2,836 pupils attending 68 mainstream primary schools in an ethnically diverse inner London borough. The groups with the lowest educational achievement and poorest progress were both Black Caribbean "and" White British low SES pupils. White British middle and high SES pupils made substantially more progress than White British low SES pupils, significantly increasing the SES gap over time. However low and high SES Black pupils made equally poor progress age 7-11. School effects on pupil progress were large, but there was no evidence of differential school effectiveness in relation to SES, ethnicity or gender. Low SES pupils in the more effective schools performed significantly better than high SES pupils in the less effective schools, but all pupils (both low and high SES) benefit from attending the more effective schools and so these schools do not eliminate the SES gap. The limits to change that may be achieved by schools alone are discussed.

Family policy was a key component of the "New" Labour government's family, social and education policy, and a wide range of family focused initiatives and interventions designed to "support" families and improve individual, family and social outcomes were introduced. The post-May 2010 coalition government's family policy exhibits key elements of policy continuity. There have been strong, class-based critiques of this approach to social policy, which have argued that policies were informed by a project to recreate the working class. A key English family policy initiative, the Parenting Early Intervention Programme (PEIP) ran from September 2006-March 2011. The national evaluation of the PEIP was a large scale combined methods study of the implementation of parenting programmes in all local authorities in England, and forms the evidential base of this article which was built upon the completion, by participating parents, of three standardised pre and post parenting course questionnaires (N = 4446). A sample of 133 participating parents was also interviewed using semi-structured interview schedules. The evidence from the PEIP evaluation showed the heterogeneous class nature of the PEIP cohorts, which over the roll-out of the initiative, incorporated a larger number of middle class parents. In addition, the qualitative data indicated that parents had strongly positive participant perceptions of PEIP courses, characterised by "mutual reach", and did not experience the courses in classed terms. The evidence from the quantitative and qualitative data collected for the national evaluation suggests that it is difficult to conceptualise the PEIP, as an example of the Labour government's family policy, in class terms--such an approach requires, at the least, major qualification.

This article is based upon research into a participatory Theatre in Education (TiE) programme that toured the West Midlands in 2009, funded by the UK's PREVENT initiative intended to counter the radicalisation of young British nationals by extremist political groups. The article provides a summary of the TiE programme and then presents quantitative data to demonstrate its success in terms of its ability to both provoke and entertain the young audiences whom it engaged with. The article then goes on to examine qualitative data gathered from two contrasting schools in an attempt to theorise why and in what ways it was successful as both a social exchange and an aesthetic event. In this the authors draw heavily from a recent work by Richard Sennett and propose that the programme constitutes the kind of dialogic encounter and civil exchange that he suggests we need in order to foster forms of cooperation and dialogue within the social and cultural complexities of the modern world. At the heart of this dialogue, we suggest, is the playful charm of actor-teachers and the productively cool dynamic they can bring to bear when working with highly emotive and politically charged issues. (Contains 2 tables and 11 notes.)

We compared two tools that have been used to capture the linguistic heterogeneity and achievement of students in England: the exposure-based distinction between English as an additional language (EAL) and monolingual learners, and the 2017–2018 five level teacher rating of proficiency in English (from "New to English" to "Fluent"). Based on a nationally representative sample of 140,000 students aged 5 to 16 years, we assessed the explanatory power of the proficiency in English rating in relation to educational achievement and compared it directly to EAL status. Our results demonstrate that proficiency in English is a significantly better predictor of student achievement than EAL status and that it accounts for up to six times more variance than other student background variables (ethnicity, gender and socio-economic disadvantage) combined. Proficiency in English was particularly (but certainly not solely) predictive for student performance in subjects such as English and reading vis-à-vis mathematics. Our findings are clear in demonstrating the value of a proficiency in English rating for assessing linguistic heterogeneity and student achievement, in contrast to the exposure-based EAL measure. We recommend the (re)introduction of proficiency in English ratings to monitor and support student progress and discuss the value of classroom-based language assessments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: We investigated the dose–response relationship between acute physical activity (PA) intensity during physical education (PE) lessons (dose), and task behaviour and learning experiences in the classroom after PE (response), and mediation effects of acute PA on‐task behaviour via learning experiences. Method: A total of 78 children (Mage = 9.30 years; 43 females) took part. Participants reported learning experiences (tiredness, positive and negative affect) during one afternoon per week for 6 weeks. Their task behaviour was observed (on‐task, active off‐task and passive off‐task) during two classroom lessons. Between the classroom lessons, they took part in a PE lesson, with experimentally induced PA intensity (low, medium and high). Accelerometers were worn for 24 h leading up to and during every intervention afternoon. Participants completed self‐reports three times per classroom lesson, both before and after PE. Intra‐ and interindividual differences in PA, task behaviour and learning experiences were analysed with multilevel structural equation models. Results: Moderate PA directly increased on‐task behaviour and reduced passive off‐task behaviour, whereas light PA increased active off‐task behaviour and reduced on‐task behaviour. We found no direct effects of vigorous PA or mediated effects of any PA intensity on‐task‐related behaviour. However, a greater positive affect during PE indirectly led to more on‐task and less passive off‐task behaviour. Regularly active children reported less tiredness in the classroom. Conclusion: PE lessons can increase on‐task behaviour and reduce both passive and active off‐task behaviours. Positive affect and tiredness are indirectly involved in the impact of PA on task‐related behaviour. The greatest benefits were found for moderate PA and for PE lessons, which left children feeling positive. Moreover, regular participation in moderate‐to‐vigorous PA leads children to feel less tired during school lessons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A recent analysis of the Longitudinal Study of Young People in England (LSYPE) indicates a White British-Black Caribbean achievement gap at age 14 which cannot be accounted for by socio-economic variables or a wide range of contextual factors. This article uses the LSYPE to analyse patterns of entry to the different tiers of national mathematics and science tests at age 14. Each tier gives access to a limited range of outcomes with the highest test outcomes achievable only if students are entered by their teachers to the higher tiers. The results indicate that Black Caribbean students are systematically under-represented in entry to the higher tiers relative to their White British peers. This gap persists after controls for prior attainment, socio-economic variables and a wide range of pupil, family, school and neighbourhood factors. Differential entry to test tiers provides a window on teacher expectation effects which may contribute to the achievement gap. (Contains 6 tables and 10 notes.)

This paper reports an analysis of the educational attainment and progress between age 11 and age 14 of over 14,500 students from the nationally representative Longitudinal Study of Young People in England. The mean attainment gap in national tests at age 14 between White British and several ethnic minority groups was large, more than three times the size of the gender gap, but at the same time only about one-third of the size of the social class gap. Socioeconomic variables could account for the attainment gaps for Black African, Pakistani and Bangladeshi students, but not for Black Caribbean students. Further controls for parental and student attitudes, expectations and behaviours indicated minority ethnic groups were on average more advantaged on these measures than White British students, but this was not reflected proportionately in their levels of attainment. Black Caribbean students were distinctive as the only group making less "progress" than White British students between age 11 and 14 and this could not be accounted for by any of the measured contextual variables. Possible explanations for the White British-Black Caribbean gap are considered. (Contains 3 tables and 1 figure.)

This study analyses the educational progress of an entire national cohort of over 530,000 pupils in England between age 7 in 2000 and age 11 in 2004. The results show that Black Caribbean boys not entitled to free school meals, and particularly the more able pupils, made significantly less progress than their White British peers. There is no evidence that the gap results from Black Caribbean pupils attending less effective schools. There is also no evidence of differential effectiveness in relation to ethnic group; schools that were strong in facilitating the progress of White British pupils were equally strong in facilitating the progress of Black Caribbean pupils. There was some evidence of differential school effectiveness by pupil prior achievement, gender, and poverty, but the absolute sizes of the effects were small. The results suggest the poor progress of Black Caribbean pupils reflects a systemic issue rather than the influence of a small number of "low quality" schools. (Contains 6 tables, 5 figures, and 14 notes.)

Although handwriting is often considered a matter of presentation, a substantial body of international research suggests that the role of handwriting in children's composing has been neglected. Automaticity in handwriting is now seen as of key importance in composing but this proposition is relatively untested in the UK and the assumption has been made that by Y6, handwriting is a matter of presentation, unrelated to composition processes. This article reports the results of a study into the handwriting speed and orthographic motor integration of 198 Y6 children in relation to their composition and relates it to findings from an earlier paper about 179 Y2 children. The study suggests that handwriting is an important factor in the composition of Y6 children and that a proportion of children suffer from low levels of handwriting automaticity, which may be interfering with their composition. (Contains 5 tables and 1 figure.)

Differences in the proportions of students identified as having special educational needs (SENs) across ethnic groups have historically been of concern in the United Kingdom and the United States. However, the absence of student-level data has hindered investigation of the reasons for such disproportionality. The authors present an analysis of the 2005 Pupil Level Annual School Census for 6.5 million students aged 5 to 16 years in England. Logistic regression analyses were completed to calculate the odds ratios of having identified SENs both before and after adjusting for the influence of age, gender, and socioeconomic disadvantage (poverty). Poverty and gender had stronger associations than ethnicity with the overall prevalence of SENs. However, after controlling for these effects, significant over- and underrepresentation of some minority ethnic groups relative to White British students remained. The nature and degree of these disproportionalities varied across categories of SENs and minority ethnic groups and were not restricted to judgmental categories of SENs. (Contains 7 tables and 6 notes.)

This research aimed to assess the nature and level of pupils' educational aspirations and to elucidate the factors that influence these aspirations. A sample of five inner city comprehensive secondary schools were selected by their local authority because of poor pupil attendance, below-average examination results and low rates of continuing in full-time education after the age of 16. Schools were all ethnically mixed and coeducational. Over 800 pupils aged 12-14 completed a questionnaire assessing pupils' experience of home, school and their peers. A sub-sample of 48 pupils, selected by teachers to reflect ethnicity and ability levels in individual schools, also participated in detailed focus group interviews. There were no significant differences in aspirations by gender or year group, but differences between ethnic groups were marked. Black African, Asian Other and Pakistani groups had significantly higher educational aspirations than the White British group, who had the lowest aspirations. The results suggest the high aspirations of Black African, Asian Other and Pakistani pupils are mediated through strong academic self-concept, positive peer support, a commitment to schooling and high educational aspirations in the home. They also suggest that low educational aspirations may have different mediating influences in different ethnic groups. The low aspirations of White British pupils seem to relate most strongly to poor academic self-concept and low educational aspirations in the home, while for Black Caribbean pupils disaffection, negative peers and low commitment to schooling appear more relevant. Interviews with pupils corroborated the above findings and further illuminated the factors students described as important in their educational aspirations. The results are discussed in relation to theories of aspiration which stress its nature as a cultural capacity. (Contains 6 tables, 3 figures, and 10 notes.)

Background: The purpose of this study was to examine the stability of behavioural, emotional and social difficulties (BESD) in children with specific speech and language difficulties (SSLD), and the relationship between BESD and the language ability. Methods: A sample of children with SSLD were assessed for BESD at ages 8, 10 and 12 years by both teachers and parents. Language abilities were assessed at 8 and 10 years. Results: High levels of BESD were found at all three ages but with different patterns of trajectories for parents' and teachers' ratings. Language ability predicted teacher- but not parent-rated BESD. Conclusions: The study confirms the persistence of high levels of BESD over the period 8-12 years and the continuing comorbidity of BESD and language difficulties but also indicates a complex interaction of within-child and contextual factors over time.

This paper is the second of two articles arising from a study of the association between pupil mobility and attainment in national tests and examinations in an inner London borough. Our first article examined the association of pupil mobility with attainment and progress during primary school. It concluded that pupil mobility had little impact on performance in national tests at age 11, once pupils' prior attainment at age 7 and other pupil background factors such as age, sex, special educational needs, stage of fluency in English and socio-economic disadvantage were taken into account. The present paper reports the results for secondary schools (age 11-16). The results indicate that pupil mobility continues to have a significant negative association with performance in public examinations at age 16, even after including statistical controls for prior attainment at age 11 and other pupil background factors. Possible reasons for the contrasting results across school phases are explored. The implications for policy and further research are discussed. (Contains 3 figures, 4 tables and 7 notes.)

Background: Supplementary schooling broadly refers to extra schooling organized by and for particular ethnic groups outside of mainstream provision. Purpose: This is the first study to systematically explore the attitudes of pupils attending supplementary schools in England and the largest ever UK study of supplementary schools and their pupils. Sample: The sample comprised 772 pupils aged 5-16 years attending 63 supplementary schools in four major cities in England. Design and methods: Pupils completed a questionnaire to determine their attitudes to mainstream and to supplementary school; their attitudes to and self-evaluation of their achievement in reading and mathematics; their attitude to learning and learning activities; their reasons for attending supplementary school; and their likes and dislikes about supplementary school, as well as other pupil background data. Statistical analyses explored the effect of age, gender and length of attendance in relation to questionnaire responses. Results and conclusions: Pupils attending supplementary schools experience extremely high levels of educational disadvantage well above the national average. Pupils were very positive in their attitudes to supplementary school, and from age 7 upwards were significantly more positive about supplementary school than they were about mainstream school. Pupils valued gaining general support for their educational improvement, a deeper understanding of their home language or culture, specific help with learning English and mathematics, help with other mainstream school work, social activities, using computers and ICT, and the positive support of their supplementary school teachers. The pupils who had been attending a supplementary school the longest had the highest scores for attitudes to learning and learning activities, and attitudes to and evaluation of their achievement in maths. However, further research is needed to identify any causal linkage between supplementary schooling and education-related outcomes. (Contains 3 figures, 9 tables and 4 notes.)

This 5-year prospective longitudinal study of 70,000+ English children examined the association between psychometric intelligence at age 11 years and educational achievement in national examinations in 25 academic subjects at age 16. The correlation between a latent intelligence trait (Spearman's "g"from CAT2E) and a latent trait of educational achievement (GCSE scores) was 0.81. General intelligence contributed to success on all 25 subjects. Variance accounted for ranged from 58.6% in Mathematics and 48% in English to 18.1% in Art and Design. Girls showed no advantage in "g", but performed significantly better on all subjects except Physics. This was not due to their better verbal ability. At age 16, obtaining five or more GCSEs at grades A*-C is an important criterion. 61% of girls and 50% of boys achieved this. For those at the mean level of g at age 11, 58% achieved this; a standard deviation increase or decrease in g altered the values to 91% and 16%, respectively.

Background and aims: There is uncertainty about the extent or even existence of sex differences in the mean and variability of reasoning test scores ( Jensen, 1998; Lynn, 1994, ; Mackintosh, 1996). This paper analyses the Cognitive Abilities Test (CAT) scores of a large and representative sample of UK pupils to determine the extent of any sex differences. Sample: A nationally representative UK sample of over 320,000 school pupils aged 11-12 years was assessed on the CAT (third edition) between September 2001 and August 2003. The CAT includes separate nationally standardized tests for verbal, quantitative, and non-verbal reasoning. The size and recency of the sample is unprecedented in research on this issue. Methods: The sheer size of the sample ensures that any sex difference will achieve statistical significance. Therefore, effect sizes (d) and variance ratios (VR) are employed to evaluate the magnitude of sex differences in mean scores and in score variability, respectively. Results: The mean verbal reasoning score for girls was 2.2 standard score points higher than the mean for boys, but only 0.3 standard points in favour of girls for non-verbal reasoning (NVR), and 0.7 points in favour of boys for quantitative reasoning (QR). However, for all three tests there were substantial sex differences in the standard deviation of scores, with greater variance among boys. Boys were over represented relative to girls at both the top and the bottom extremes for all tests, with the exception of the top 10% in verbal reasoning. Conclusions: Given the small differences in means, explanations for sex differences in wider domains such examination attainment at age 16 need to look beyond conceptions of "ability". Boys tend to be both the lowest and the highest performers in terms of their reasoning abilities, which warns against the danger of stereotyping boys as low achievers.

This article presents an analysis of the association between pupil mobility and educational attainment in the 2002 national end of Key Stage 2 (KS2) tests for 11-year-old pupils in an inner London education authority. The results show that pupil mobility is strongly associated with low attainment in the end of key stage tests. However, the negative association with pupil mobility is reduced by half when account is taken of other pupil background factors known to be related to educational attainment (such as special educational need and socioeconomic disadvantage), and is eliminated entirely when account is also taken of pupils' prior attainment as indicated by end of KS1 test scores at age 7. Thus there is no indication that changing school has a negative impact on educational progress during primary school. Pupils who join their school during KS2 from other schools in England are more likely to be "at risk" of low attainment due to higher levels of socioeconomic disadvantage, a greater need for support in relation to English as an additional language, a higher incidence and greater severity of special educational needs and pre-existing low attainment at the end of KS1. A key factor in understanding the relationship between mobility and attainment is the reason for mobility. One-third of mobile pupils had arrived from schools outside of England, often as refugees, asylum seekers or economic migrants, and these pupils accounted for the major part of the effect ascribed to "pupil mobility." The low attainment of these pupils is the result not of "changing school" but of a broad range of factors including substantial cultural, educational and social adjustment. (Contains 4 tables, 3 figures and 5 notes.)

There has been relatively little empirical research on the impact of stage of fluency in English of bilingual pupils. However, this issue is increasingly important given growth in the bilingual school population in England of over one-third between 1997 and 2004 to around 10% of the school population. This study evaluates the relationship between stage of English fluency and performance in public examinations at age 16 for all pupils within an inner London local education authority. Two methodological approaches are used to study the associations. The first looks at the context and the trend data for the case-study local authority (LEA) in terms of languages spoken and the performance of bilingual pupils in schools. This is followed by a detailed statistical regression analysis to isolate the unique association between level of fluency in English and pupils' performance at age 16, after controlling for the effect of a range of other pupil and school background factors. The results confirm a strong relationship between stage of fluency in English and educational attainment, with the performance of bilingual pupils increasing as measured stage of fluency in English increases. Pupils in the early stages of fluency perform at very low levels, while bilingual pupils who are fully fluent in English perform better, on average, than English-only speakers. However, the latter results are not due to bilingualism "per se" since the difference is no longer statistically significant after controlling for other measured pupil background variables. All EAL (English as an Additional Language) pupils make better than expected progress over the two years between age 14 and age 16. The final section questions the appropriateness of the Qualification and Curriculum Authority's (QCA) approach to the assessment of bilingual pupils, which contrasts with the local authority's good practice. Based on the findings of this study, we argue that there is a need to develop a national assessment strategy that better meets the needs of bilingual learners. The policy implications for national and local government and for school improvement practitioners are reviewed. (Contains 3 tables and 5 figures.)

This article describes a longitudinal analysis of a nationally representative cohort of over 80,000 pupils in England who completed both national end of Key Stage 2 (KS2) tests and the Cognitive Abilities Test (CAT) at age 11 in 1997, national end of Key Stage 3 (KS3) tests at age 14 in summer 2000 and General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE) and other public examinations at age 16 in summer 2002. The CAT had significantly higher correlations with subsequent KS3 and GCSE outcomes than did KS2 test points scores. However, multiple regression analyses indicated that a combination of CAT and KS2 test scores gave the best prediction of future KS3\GCSE outcomes. The article argues that measures of both pupils' general transferable learning abilities, and measures of specific curricular attainments at the end of primary school have unique and distinct value at the start of the secondary phase. The article discusses some practical ways in which the different types of assessment data can be used within the secondary school. (Contains 1 figure, 1 note, and 5 tables.)

This paper analyses the national key stage 2 test results for 2300 11-year-old pupils in an inner London LEA. A range of concurrent pupil background data was also collected, including whether pupils spoke English as an additional language (EAL), and if so, their stage of fluency in English. EAL pupils at the early stages (1-3) of developing fluency had significantly lower KS2 test scores in all subjects than their monolingual peers. However, EAL pupils who were fully fluent in English achieved significantly higher scores in all KS2 tests than their monolingual peers. The negative association with attainment for the early stages of fluency remained significant after controls for a range of other pupil characteristics, including age, gender, free school meal entitlement, stage of special educational need and ethnic group, although these factors effectively explained the higher attainment of the "fully fluent" group. We conclude that EAL is not itself a good guide to levels of attainment, and a measure of stage of English fluency is necessary to interpret associations with test performance. Alternative measures which focus only on the very early stages of English proficiency, such as the QCA "language in common" steps, are inadequate to assess the impact of bilingualism for all but the very earliest learners of English. Given the uneven distribution of EAL pupils across the country, those schools and local education authorities with high concentrations of pupils in the early stages of learning English are likely to be adversely affected in school achievement and attainment tables. The policy implications for national data collection and for the use of such data are considered.

Background: UK schools have a long history of using reasoning tests, most frequently of Verbal Reasoning (VR), Non-Verbal Reasoning (NVR), and to a lesser extent Quantitative Reasoning (QR). Results are used for identifying students' learning needs, for grouping students, for identifying underachievement, and for providing indicators of future academic performance. Despite this widespread use there are little empirical data on the long-term consistency of VR, QR and NVR as discrete abilities. Aims: To evaluate and compare the consistency of VR, QR and NVR scores over a 3-year period, and to explore the influence of the secondary school on pupils' progress in the tests. Sample: Data were collected on a longitudinal sample of over 10,000 pupils who completed the Cognitive Abilities Test Second Edition in year 6 (age 10+) and year 9 (age 13+), and GCSE public examinations in year 11 (age 15+). Methods: Correlation coefficients and change scores for individual pupils are calculated. Multilevel modelling is used to determine school effects on reasoning scores and GCSE public examination results. Results: The results reveal high correlations in scores over time, ranging from .87 for VR to .76 for NVR, but also show around one-sixth of pupils on the VR test and one-fifth of pupils on the QR and NVR tests change their scores by 10 or more standard score points. Schools account for only a small part of the total variation in reasoning score, although they account for a much greater proportion of the variation in measures of attainment such as GCSE. School effects on pupils' progress in the reasoning tests between age 10 and age 13 are relatively modest. Conclusions: Reasoning tests make excellent baseline assessments for secondary schools. Some practical and policy implications for schools are discussed.

Explores association between pupil mobility and attainment in national end of Key Stage 1 tests for 6000+ pupils in an English urban education authority. Indicates pupil mobility during the early years is associated with significantly lower levels of pupil attainment in reading, writing, and mathematics tests at age seven. (BT)

Examines the educational progress made by students between Baseline assessment at age 4 and national end of Key Stage 1 tests at age 7. Focuses on the effects background factors have on students' progress, the interactions between ethnic group, sex, and economic disadvantage on progress, and evidence of school effectiveness. Discusses the findings. (CMK)