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In 1876, Moroccan Sultan Moulay Hasan sent a delegation to Britain to study artillery and return with a specimen of modern weaponry. This article examines Driss Jaaidi's report on the journey to Britain through the theoretical lens of Occidentalism, which offers a counter-narrative to Western Orientalism. Jaaidi's account, produced within the diplomatic context of Moroccan–British relations, diverges from traditional Orientalist texts, offering a respectful and admiring depiction of British modernity. By focusing on technological advancement, industrialization, and mass urban life, Jaaidi's travelogue emphasizes observation without condescension, contrasting the estrangement found in Western accounts of the East. This study explores how Occidentalism allows non-Western travellers to view the West through a lens of curiosity and respect, fostering a narrative that is forward-looking and temporally progressive. The observer's language, shaped by an Occidentalist perspective, reflects a register of praise and awe rather than alienation and distortion. The present text suggests that while Orientalism views the East as a relic of the past, Occidentalism, in contrast, portrays the West as a vision of the future – a futuristic artefact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whereas "orientalism" describes how the West sees the East, "occidentalism" describes how the East sees the West. This paper presents two examples of occidentalism from Vietnam in the 1920s: a pamphlet that praises American civilization through a comparison of Europe and America, and an essay that praises American heroism through the story of George Washington. Far from venerating the "West" at the expense of their own "Eastern" values, I show how the authors construct essentialist claims about America through a native lens—a lens that praises both Eastern Confucian values and Western "liberal" values—for strategic, anticolonial purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Averroes (1126 - 1198) is one of the greatest scholars in the history of Muslim thought. Lots of research has been carried out about his thoughts on theology and politics. It is said that he can bridge the dialogue between Muslim and the western civilization. His study and influence on Western political thought has been examined in this article. Averroes was in favor of religion’s role in politics. He was very fond of Rashidon Caliphate. He has given a list of required attributes of a ruler for good governance. He seems to be interested in democratic values. He talked about rights, social justice and equality in society. He was of the opinion that politics and faith have links. He did not favor sectarianism. He argued his comment through the interpretations of the Divine attributes, God Almighty’s knowledge, the hereafter life, in his theological thoughts. This article comes up with a comparison between Him and western theological and political thoughts. The Western theology is weak and hence it faced the challenge of atheism, while the Muslim scholarship especially Averroes has guided the West in the dark age and helped it in making new thoughts. This research suggests the theological and political thoughts of averroes vital for the today’s Muslim society.

Following Ziya Gökalp and Ali Shariati's assertion that Protestantism arose due to the influence of Islam in Europe in the Middle Ages, this study discusses the different discourses elaborated by the Turkish and Iranian authors based on this idea. The controversies surrounding modernity, westernization, colonialism, and Islam were a constant in their writings, despite the different geographical and historical circumstances. This paper discusses the logic of Gökalp and Shariati's claim that Protestantism was Islamized Christianity. The aim is to provide a detailed perspective on how this claim illuminates their broader thinking about civilization, culture, and religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cahiers d'Études Africaines is the property of Editions EHESS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The sources shaping a moral theory range from "reason" to "societal command" to "religious texts." The prominence and relationship between these sources is contingent upon the ethicists' approaches and inquiries. Although Kant's proposition of "pure reason" as a source of moral obligation marks a significant turning point in the field of ethics, scholars like Søren Aabye Kierkegaard argue for a divine command law of ethics, where religious texts become an inevitable source complementing individual ethical choices. This essay explores the intersection of religious texts and reasoning--the fusion between heteronomy and autonomy as sources of morality. It analyzes Muḥammad 'Abd Allāh Drāz's "Moral Obligation" as a categorical imperative within moral theories and his incorporation of Western scholars such as Immanuel Kant and Henri Bergson into his work, among others. The discussion features a significant episode of Muslim intellectual engagement with Western scholarship and its impact on understanding morality in the Qur'ān. The study shows that Drāz's La Morale du Koran adapts certain Western ethical theories and reinterprets specific Qur'anic passages, creating a new synthesis: an integration of knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late 1980s and 1990s, a stream of Cultural Revolution memoirs written by Chinese dissident writers became bestsellers in the U.S., the U.K., and other countries in the Anglosphere. Travelling through transnational circuits of exchange made possible by a multinational publishing industry, Cultural Revolution memoirs were promoted as authentic cultural productions that documented the hardships of life under Communism. This article situates the Anglophone Cultural Revolution memoir in a global Cold War framework. Drawing on theories of Occidentalism, I discuss how English language acquisition is invoked in Anglophone Cultural Revolution memoirs as a pathway towards achieving individual freedom. Through formalist readings, I demonstrate how two emblematic Cultural Revolution memoirs - Da Chen's Colors of the Mountain and Jung Chang's Wild Swans - establish their narrators as liberal subjects through the process of learning English, thereby elevating the central figure of the dissident who crosses the Bamboo Curtain and seeks a new life in the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Marmara University Journal of Turkology / Marmara Türkiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Marmara University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Doğu ve Batı hakkında konuşmak, çoğu zaman, karşıtlık üzerinden kurulan ve birinin tercih edilmesini gerektiren oryantalizm ya da oksidentalizm paradigmasının bir parçası olmaya yol açar. Bu tercih ise düşüncelerin inşa edilmiş yapıların içine hapsedilmesiyle sonuçlanır. Yeni bir söz söyleyebilmek için bu paradigmayı aşmak ve onun ötesinde düşünmek gereklidir. Türk siyasal hayatında oldukça özgün bir yere sahip olan Nurettin Topçu da zaman zaman Oryantalizm ve Oksidentalizm paradigmasına hapsedilmektedir. Kimi yazarlar Nurettin Topçu’yu oryantalist değerlendirirken kimileri oksidentalist olarak nitelemektedir. Dahası oryantalizm ve oksidentalizmi de aşarak İslamcı, milliyetçi, muhafazakâr, sosyalist ya da anti modernist olarak tanımlayanlar da vardır. Bu çalışma, Nurettin Topçu’nun eserlerine yansıyan ‘özgünlük’ vurgusu ile oryantalizm ve oksidentalizm paradigmasının ötesine geçmenin imkanını sorgular ve alternatif bir okuma önerisi sunmayı amaçlar. Özetle, Nurettin Topçu’nun —niyet etmemiş bile olsa— hareket felsefesi, ihyacı din anlayışı, Anadoluculuk ve Müslüman Anadolu sosyalizmi üzerine inşa ettiği ahlak nizamı düşüncesi ile Oryantalizm ve oksidentalizm paradigmasının ötesine geçmenin imkanını oldukça kuvvetli bir şekilde gösterdiği sonucuna varılmıştır.

Introduction The diminished concentration of U.S. power within the international system and the ascension of emerging powers have decreased the structural pressure of international system on regional powers to limit their presence in other regions. This has accelerated the movement of governments like China towards the areas that are traditionally under the U.S. influence, such as West Asia and Latin America. Since the 1990s, China has established extensive relations with countries in West Asia. The present study aimed to explore the expansion of China–Saudi Arabia relations in light of China’s Look West policy, trying to answer the following questions: What role does Look West play in China’s foreign policy? And how does Saudi Arabia fit into China’s Look West policy? This research distinguishes itself from existing literature by offering a comprehensive analysis of China’s Look West policy, specifically focusing on the expansion of China’s relations with Saudi Arabia.Materials and MethodsThe study adopted a descriptive–analytical approach and an explanatory method to elucidate how the structure of the international system influences the behavior of states.Theoretical FrameworkNeorealism or structural realism was used to enhance the explanatory power in addressing how the structure of the international system influences foreign relations and behavioral priorities of countries. The structure of the international system is regarded as the foremost and pivotal variable in the paradigm of structural realism. This encompasses a specific conception of structure and its related components. First, structural realism considers anarchy as the enduring feature of the international system, which is even immune to shifts in power concentration. Moreover, the distribution of capabilities or the polarity of the system significantly shapes the behavior of states. Therefore, neorealism refers to the distribution of power within the international system as one of the most influential variables in shaping the behavior of states. In this light, the analysis of China’s behavior, as a prominent emerging power, requires the examination of the role of America as a key pole in the international system. For instance, China’s pursuit of Go West strategy, as a competitive policy, is understood as a response to the prevailing polarity within the international system. Results and DiscussionSystemic Change in the International System and China’s Look West PolicyThe diminished concentration of U.S. power and the ascension of other major powers promise a more diversity in the polarity of the international system, as reinforced and evidenced by the rise of China and the increasing role of Asia in global affairs. This trend has elevated China to the status of the most important emerging power, ushering in a period of systemic change characterized by a shift in polarity within the international order. Over the past decade, this transformation has emerged as one of the most significant and influential determinants shaping the foreign policies of world states. Indeed, it has presented regional powers with increased opportunities to extend their influence into other regions. From this vantage point, China is increasingly inclined towards expanding its presence across various regions worldwide, including the West. This inclination can be captured by the term Look West, denoting a focus on the West in general. In a narrower sense, the West encompasses regions such as the Middle East and notably the Persian Gulf. Based on the Look West policy, rebalancing China’s foreign policy during the period of systemic change within the international system can be attributed to the following reasons:Intensification of Strategic Competition with the U.S. in China’s PeripheryThe U.S. efforts to increase its presence in China’s periphery have prompted China to shift its focus to other regions of the world, particularly West Asia, aiming to establish a strategic space and foothold. China perceives that America is withdrawing from certain regions of the world, which is likely to diminish the U.S. involvement and influence.China’s Energy NeedsThe change in the polarity of the international system has led to changes in perspectives regarding global energy supply. This shift has opened up opportunities for China to play a more active role in energy supply centers worldwide, particularly in the Middle East. One significant aspect of China’s presence in the Middle East is the strengthening of bilateral relations with countries in the region, notably with the member states of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, such as Saudi Arabia.China’s Belt and Road InitiativeThe changes within the international system have influenced the foreign policy of world states, paving the way for the enhancement of relations between different states, particularly with those in the Global South. In this context, China, with a longstanding history of fostering unique patterns in its relations with southern countries, has identified an opportune environment for launching new initiatives, foremost among them being the One Belt, One Road or Belt and Road Initiative (also referred to as the New Silk Road).Challenges of China’s Look West PolicyCompetition between Iran and Saudi ArabiaSince the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran, Saudi Arabia has been wary of Iran and its regional policies. It is thus not surprising that China’s close relationship with Iran would raise concerns in Saudi Arabia. As the influence of the U.S. diminishes in the region, China finds itself with increased opportunities to play a significant role in regulating relations between the Persian Gulf states. Both Iran and Saudi Arabia have welcomed China’s mediation efforts to mitigate their differences, which culminated in the 2023 Memorandum of Understanding between Iran and Saudi Arabia to restore relations and reduce tensions.The United States of AmericaCurrently, America continues to wield considerable influence in West Asia. Despite the tensions between Washington and Riyadh, America remains Saudi Arabia’s most crucial partner, which in turn gets Washington to exert pressure on Riyadh to deter any significant expansion of China–Saudi relations.ConclusionThe present study examined the development and expansion of relations between China and Saudi Arabia within the context of China’s Look West or Go West strategy. The research findings suggested that Look West policy has increasingly become an integral strategy of China’s foreign policy, driven by dynamics of power distribution within the international system, emerging opportunities in energy resource markets, efforts to counteract the U.S. influence, and initiatives such as the New Silk Road. Moreover, Saudi Arabia occupies a pivotal position within China’s Look West paradigm. The structure of the international system and the post-Cold War distribution of power (polarity) are pivotal factors shaping China’s approach to the Middle East. A competitive aspect of China’s policy, Look West or Go West strategy involves strengthening ties with countries geographically situated to the West. This strategy serves as a means to break free from the strategic deadlock with the U.S. in East Asia. Nevertheless, China’s overarching objective extends beyond this; it seeks to replace the U.S. and increase its presence in other regions, thereby diminishing American influence while broadening its own sphere of influence. China pursues this goal by continually increasing its economic interactions with the Middle East, fostering amicable relations with all countries therein, and avoiding policies that directly challenge American interests in the Middle East.

This paper explores how female subjectivities were constructed in the educational discourse in women’s magazines published in the Ottoman language from the first magazine that was published in 1869 until the promulgation of the Second Constitution Period in 1908 in the Ottoman Empire. The study draws on the concept of Occidentalism defined by Meltem Ahıska, as well as on Deniz Kandiyoti’s concept of patriarchal bargain. These concepts are used to identify and explain central tensions emerging in the Occidentalist fantasy in the educational discourse. I argue that, in the writings on women in women’s magazines of the late Ottoman period, we can see, first, the early traces of the Occidentalist fantasy and, second, how it is channelised to shape Ottoman women’s subjectivities within at least three tensions. I also argue that the ambivalent attitudes of the authors in these Occidentalist tensions operated as strategies for patriarchal bargaining for Ottoman women. Thus, this paper contributes to the understanding of the construction of womanhood in the late Ottoman period by showing the complexity embedded in the transnational spread and transformation of educational ideas related to women’s education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We explore the literature on internationalization in higher education and distinguish between the mainstream and radical approaches to critical scholarship. We argue that the mainstream approach continues to steer internationalization towards socially progressive and equitable aims, while growing concerns have surfaced especially with regard to its commercialization. We focus on the postcolonial approach and suggest that it has inherent limitations stemming from its roots in a 'modern global/colonial imaginary' based on an outdated bipolar or unipolar, rather than multipolar, view of geopolitics. In the analysis of higher education, this perspective fails to recognize contemporary forms of colonialism and, in contrast to other strands of critical scholarship, neglects the shifting nature of geopolitics and the various forms and locations of colonialism. Consequently, we argue that the postcolonial approach becomes myopic, as it tends to be West-centric, selectively critical and denies local agency. Moreover, it falls short in explaining the motives behind internationalization in diverse contexts. Therefore, we argue for a plurality of critical approaches, widely applied, to gain a comprehensive understanding of internationalization on a global scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turcology Research is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Contemporary Anglophone diasporic Arab writers have initiated an "Occidentalist discourse" through which they depict a complete image of the Occident. Their narratives are not meant to distort or misrepresent the "other", but to provide the reader with nuanced accounts about what an Arab immigrant/refugee may experience in the "West". These narratives are deemed consistent because contemporary Anglophone diasporic Arab writers have become part of their host countries' sociocultural tapestry since they are, in most cases, part of European countries' population. By applying Zahia Salhi's definition of Occidentalism to Arab-British novelist Jamal Mahjoub's The Fugitives (2021) and Arab-American novelist Hala Alyan's The Arsonists' City (2021), this paper aims to illustrate how both writers paint a threedimensional panoramic picture of the Occident by exploring triumphant as well as depressing journeys of Arab individuals in America. This study is also an attempt to demonstrate, by using these two novels as examples, that Occidentalism cannot be defined as "Orientalism in reverse" since Occidentalist literature, as Salhi proposes, represents Western life and culture with a great sense of impartiality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sources shaping a moral theory range from “reason” to “societal command” to “religious texts.” The prominence and relationship between these sources is contingent upon the ethicists’ approaches and inquiries. Although Kant’s proposition of “pure reason” as a source of moral obligation marks a significant turning point in the field of ethics, scholars like Søren Aabye Kierkegaard argue for a divine command law of ethics, where religious texts become an inevitable source complementing individual ethical choices. This essay explores the intersection of religious texts and reasoning—the fusion between heteronomy and autonomy as sources of morality. It analyzes Muḥammad ʿAbd Allāh Drāz’s “Moral Obligation” as a categorical imperative within moral theories and his incorporation of Western scholars such as Immanuel Kant and Henri Bergson into his work, among others. The discussion features a significant episode of Muslim intellectual engagement with Western scholarship and its impact on understanding morality in the Qurʾān. The study shows that Drāz’s La Morale du Koran adapts certain Western ethical theories and reinterprets specific Qurʾanic passages, creating a new synthesis: an integration of knowledge.

This article uses concepts of Occidentalism and the musical analysis of a funerary responsory by nineteenth-century Guatemalan composer Benedicto Sáenz (1807-1857) to examine possible reasons why music from nineteenth-century Latin America remains relatively neglected in the region and beyond, unlike the better explored repertoires from colonial times and from the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Based on Latin American postcolonial notions of Occidentalism as the construction of the Western Hemisphere by Western Europe in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and analysis of Sáenzs responsory Libera Me within the context of changing political, social, and musical trends in nineteenth-century Guatemala, I argue that nineteenth-century music in Latin America reflects local struggles to engage with two competing models of European modernity: the “first modernity” of the Spanish colonial empire and the “second modernity” of the Enlightenment, Liberalism, and the French Revolution. Responding to influences from both modernities, Libera Me expresses local European habiti that do not fit Orientalist narratives of Latin American Otherness or nationalist narratives of local distinctiveness which have influenced the musical historiography in the region.

Throughout history, the West's efforts to establish hegemony in the political, cultural and economic spheres have taken the form of marginalizing non-Western societies and positioning itself at the center. This situation is concretized by the West seeing itself as advanced and other societies as backward and primitive. The relationship of hegemony and superiority that the West seeks to establish over non-Western societies has gained strength with orientalism and has prepared a favorable environment for the development of occidentalism in non-Western societies over time. The concepts of Orientalism, which means looking at the East from a Western perspective, and Occidentalism, which means looking at the West from an Eastern perspective, are important in terms of East-West relations. The concepts of Orientalism and Occidentalism have acquired different meanings over time. As a result, the boundaries of Orientalism and Occidentalism have changed. The aim of this study is to determine the field, boundaries and reflections of orientalism and occidentalism in different geographies within the framework of the basic principles of geography. For this purpose, explanatory criticism method was preferred. In addition, through the Geographic Information Systems program, the geographical boundaries of Orientalism and Occidentalism have been made concrete by associating them with space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1852, French philologist and historian Ernest Renan delivered a lecture on Islam and Science in France. During this conference, he explored various factors contributing to the perceived "backwardness" of Islamic countries and, by adopting an orientalist perspective, linked the East's lag in development to Islam. After surveying the East (which encompassed African nations), he posited that the inhabitants of these regions generally exhibited a mindset that was resistant to scientific advancements, harboring animosity toward Western ideas and spirituality. In this discourse, Renan's assertions elicited numerous reactions in the Islamic world, prompting significant objections to his views/opinions. In 1883, Ottoman writer and scholar Namik Kemal vehemently expressed his dissenting opinions against Renan, culminating in the writing of "Renan Müdâfaanâmesi," while imprisoned in Midilli (Greece) in 1908. This work has since been etched in history as one of the most impassioned refutations of Renan in the Islamic world. Specifically, it underscored Renan's lack of understanding of Islam and Islamic thinkers, criticizing his numerous misguided judgments. Since then, prominent Islamic thinkers in the fields of science and philosophy have emerged to counter Renan's negative perceptions of Islam, with "Renan Müdâfaanâmesi" serving as an Eastern response to the Western orientalist viewpoint. In this study, the conceptual framework of occidentalism will be drawn and Namık Kemal's Renan Müdâfaanâmesi will be evaluated as an occidentalist discourse. The importance of Renan Müdâfaanâmesi in the context of the establishment of occidentalist discourse in Turkish literature will be revealed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Sosyologca is the property of Sosyologca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sosyologca is the property of Sosyologca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sosyologca is the property of Sosyologca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sosyologca is the property of Sosyologca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sosyologca is the property of Sosyologca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sosyologca is the property of Sosyologca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Introduction. Edward W. Said’s Orientalism: Western Conceptions of the Orient introduced the category ‘Orientalism’ into scientific and political discourse. So, the article focuses on the Armenian question that became a remarkable part of the Eastern question at the turn of the 20th century — to illustrate features of ‘Russian Orientalism’. The decline of the Ottoman Porte, difficulties faced by ethnic Armenians in Turkey, and the political unrest among Armenians of the Caucasus resulted in that the Russian military and diplomats were paying close attention to those events, which was reflected in related reports. Materials and methods. The published sources examined are those authored by N. Ivanov, A. Nelidov, D. Putyata, P. Tomilov, I. Vorontsov-Dashkov, R. Termen. The archival documents involved (State Archive of Russian Federation) are A. Nelidov’s reports of 1882 and 1896, both addressed to V. Lamsdorf. The theoretical basis is shaped by concepts of Orientalism, Occidentalism, and critical geopolitics, the latter viewing geopolitical ideas of elites as an independent phenomenon referred to as ‘high geopolitics’. Results. After the Treaty of Berlin (1878) the Armenian question became a new domain for interaction between the great powers. The analysis conducted herein confirms that ‘Russian Orientalism’ — in geopolitical ideas of the elites — had an anti-Western shade. Paradoxically, in Eastern contexts Russian imperial elites were positioning themselves as representatives of European civilization. However, when it came to defend national interests, their reasoning would obtain anti-Western tones. Occidentalism presupposes a unification of the Western world, which, for example, can be observed in the reports of Ya. Lundekvist and A. Nelidov. The views and shades of Orientalism were determined by practical job tasks. For instance, Governor-General I. Vorontsov-Dashkov was rather a bearer of ‘internal Orientalism’ suggesting a patronizing concern for the Caucasian Armenians. Therefore, there were certain differences in attitudes of capital-based executives and those articulated by ones in the colonized periphery of the Empire. Conclusions. So, the study concludes as follows. Firstly, how the elites tended to perceive the essence of the Armenian question and its Turkish contexts proves the legitimacy of the category ‘Russian Orientalism’ — directed both outside and inside — the latter covering the Caucasus with a certain portion of Armenian population. Secondly, features of Orientalism in geopolitical representations of Russian elites were determined by practical tasks of their service. Thirdly, ‘Russian Orientalism’ is more heterogeneous and its aspects outnumber those presented in Edward W. Said’s study.

The East–West encounter in the twenty-first century is a major theme in the works of contemporary Anglophone Arab diasporic writers. However, unlike some Arab intellectuals and writers of the previous centuries whose accounts hyperbolically praised Western lifestyles and cultures, twenty-first-century Anglophone Arab diasporic writers draw a different image of the Occident. We argue that their texts tend to restructure Arab people’s inherited glamorised image of the ‘West’ by depicting the difficulties that Arab immigrants and refugees face there. Hence, the aim of this paper is to explore the representation of the Occident in Lebanese-Canadian novelist Rawi Hage’s Cockroach (2008) and Moroccan-American novelist Laila Lalami’s The Other Americans (2021). We conclude that the selected novels, as well as other contemporary Anglophone Arab diasporic texts, can provide an insight into the importance of Occidentalism as a mechanism through which Occidentalist literature sheds light on the unconceived matters that Arabs, whether immigrants or living in the Arab world, are oblivious to and reminds the ‘West’ of the struggles that Arab immigrants/refugees encounter while living in Western societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines how Bin Chun 斌椿 (1804–1871), the first late Qing Chinese scholar-official to Europe, kept a critical distance from the West by delivering different messages between his prose (written for the late Qing court) and poetry (shared with friends). It explores his representations of "self-styled heroism," Qing Occidentalism, and gender hierarchy in writing. In the prose written for a more public purpose, Bin Chun credited his popularity to the respected nation behind him, portrayed Westerners as barbarians, and reserved his praise for upper-class women in the West. In contrast, his poems elaborate on his charisma, tone down the bizarre scenes in the West, and include exuberant descriptions of ladies. As the official has been considered a conservative who failed to recognize the strength of the West, this research sheds light on his efforts at cultural mediation that reveal further complexity in his stance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to explain the effect of historical narrative and historians on the identity politics of the Early Republican period. The article focuses on the 1st Turkish History Congress as a representative example. The relationship between identity and history is revealed by analyzing the turn of phrase and content of the congress papers. The mode of the papers has been examined within the framework of Hayden White's method emphasizing the narrative styles. The content of the papers, on the other hand, has been evaluated by considering the orientalism-occidentalism dilemma. The historiography practice of the Early Republic as a nation-building moment was discussed within the framework of the ethno-history approach. It is thought that the congress participants comprehend the nation from an ethno-symbolist perspective. The main question at the center of the article is whether the diversification of Early Republican historiography within itself created separate paths that would lead to the relationship between different identity imaginations and historical knowledge. In the conclusion part, the findings and comments to answer this question are included together with the limitations of the study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on an encounter with Shakespeare in an unusual place, a novel set in medieval India, where Shakespeare is viewed and assessed by an Indian audience, by Indian listeners, through principles of classical Indian art and thought. Such an encounter creates a sense of incongruity, an incongruity that is cultural, philosophical and aesthetic, but at the same time leads to startling perspectives and new and fresh insights. The novel does not privilege one culture over another but the listeners do and we have a brilliant piece of comic writing where the humour derives from the one-sidedness of their perceptions, their “occidentalism”, their easy assumption of the superiority of their belief system over the “other”. The Silver Pilgrimage thus provides not only a stimulating perspective on two Shakespearean tragedies from the point of view of Sanskrit poetics and Indian thought, but also a gentle expose of the limitations of this point of view, and the cultural chauvinism that lies behind it.

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Copyright of Adab Al-Basrah is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Humanities & Social Sciences (2522-3380) is the property of Arab Journal of Sciences & Research Publishing (AJSRP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The contemporary globalized world requires joint actions of representatives of different cultures and nationalities. Intercultural dialogue has become an indispensable element of technological and economic development. The prevailing paradigm of West-centrism is changing, which will manifest itself primarily in the emergence of new non-Western powers. Through the selfish imposition of its own patterns and values on the whole world, the West did not consider other players who were growing in strength, who today strive to emphasize their own presence in the international arena, relying on their uniqueness and cultural and religious distinctiveness. Therefore, the authors of this article attempt to explain the ongoing processes of changing the system of relations between various civilizations. They also seek to outline vectors according to which intercultural relations will develop. Indeed, finding effective solutions in this area is significant, and this article is a starting point for further academic and social debate.

The paper deals with selected aspects of the studies of Orientalism, as it was introduced by E. W. Said in his monograph Orientalism, in the context of Russian colonial experience, with specific features of Russian “internal” and “outer” colonization, as well as with elements of Orientalism reflected in Russian literature. The applicability of E. Said’ theory is demonstrated through an analysis of the poetic works of one of the founders of the Eurasian movement, P. N. Savickij.

The current study aimed to reaffirm the framing of Occidentalism as an academic discipline that has a more constructive value, rather than placing it solely as a form of euphoric criticism and resistance to Orientalism and the West. The decline of Occidentalism as an academic discipline has been caused by framing which narrows its intellectual activities and allows it to function only as a critique of Orientalism. Previous studies concluded that Occidentalism is only the anti-thesis of Orientalism, although how Occidentalism – as a scientific discipline – composes its scientific paradigm, is barely discussed. What does Occidentalism actually criticize and how does it construct its epistemology as an important scientific discipline? This question is important to elaborate on the existence of Occidentalism. The current research conducted an in-depth study of the opinions and arguments of scientists, such as Edward W. Said, Hassan Hanafi, Sayyid Qutb, and Seyyed Hossein Nasr. By investigating the domain of their views, especially on Orientalism and the West, critical and dialectical themes were also classified to find the epistemological construction of Occidentalism. The findings showed that Occidentalism has ontological, epistemological, and axiological constructs which dialectically reveal the weaknesses of Orientalism. However, a more exploratory and important finding is that the epistemological construction of Occidentalism is divided into four major dialectical streams. Firstly, the critique of civilizational values, secondly, revealing the ontological, epistemological, and axiological structures, thirdly, offering a balanced discipline of study, and fourthly the discovery of a new path for Western civilization.

The paper interprets the narrative motifs for Occidentalism and anti-fascism in the memoirs published in the 1960s of the Bulgarian volunteers in the International Brigades formed during the Spanish Civil War (1936 – 1939). The memoirs of the brigaders are used as a tool in the ideological arsenal of the Bulgarian Communist Party and confirm their important role in the communist power hierarchy and active participation in the mass anti-fascist organisations in the People‘s Republic of Bulgaria. The party-state leader Todor Zhivkov attracts the brigaders among the privileged ‘anti-fascist fighters’. The memoirs noted how important the topic (and the ideological legacy) of the Spanish Civil War was for the Party. The paper uses archival materials and periodicals to emphasize the need for a new reading of the historical issues that memoirs raise. Emphasis is placed on interdisciplinary links between history, literary theory, socio-cultural anthropology and folklore studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at the crisis of the classical workers movement from the mid-1970s, and workers' contribution to the emergence of new radical political and cultural theory from the 1980s in the ongoing struggle of workers against value relations. I deal with four intersecting areas: the neo-liberal attack on the cost of labour power in the Global North; the social, cultural and technical re-composition of the working class globally; the expansion of the participation of a diverse working class in higher education; and the changing function of real subsumption as workers and non-workers are incorporated into value relations through an ideology of economic self-reliance and the new entrepreneurial ethos. From this re-composition emerges the fundamental moving contradiction of our times: the increase in expectation of autonomy with the development of new technical skills across the working class and access to higher education, and the social and cognitive realities of the new economy and new digital culture: a precarious world of automative 'non-work', underemployment, passive consumption and deskilling. This conflict between the expectation of autonomy and realities of value production, has, I argue, been one of the driving forces of workers' contribution to the new radical culture and theory since the 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Khabib Nurmagomedov versus Conor McGregor Ultimate Fighting Championship (UFC) 229 battle was among the most controversial mixed martial art fights of the past decade. In this study, the author examines how the various popular media outlets from the Eastern and Western world portrayed Khabib Nurmagomedov after UFC 229. The author used Huntington’s clash of civilization thesis by grounding it in the Orientalism and Occidentalism paradigms to examine the phenomenon. Fairclough’s model for critical discourse analysis was employed to investigate the various Western and Eastern popular press and digital media platforms (i.e., newspapers, blogs, and sporting news websites). The author analyzed 57 (Western n = 38, Eastern n = 19) media reports per the inclusion criteria. The study results unveiled conflicting predispositions present in the Western and Eastern media for Khabib Nurmagomedov. This study contributes to the limited knowledge of how a Muslim man athlete with diverse racial and ethnic backgrounds is portrayed contrarily by some Western and Eastern media outlets. Finally, the author discusses the theoretical implications of the study.