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This paper explores the recent resurgence in use of ecstasy/MDMA in Europe and highlights keys areas of continuity and divergence between the ecstasy market of the 1990s and the current MDMA market. Based on a scoping study involving a targeted multi-source data collection exercise on MDMA, it highlights nine areas that have undergone some level of change, linked with both supply and demand for the drug. Factors discussed include: innovation in production techniques; changes in precursor chemical availability; the role of online markets; competition with other stimulants and new psychoactive substances; the increased availability of high-strength MDMA; and the shift from subcultural towards more mainstream use of the drug. The paper proposes that the MDMA on Europe's contemporary market is in some respects a third generation product with a different consumer profile, with implications that responses developed at the time of the drug's earlier iteration, may be in need of a review and revamp., (Copyright © 2017 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

This article describes data on the motivations for selling ecstasy among young adults in the electronic dance music (EDM) club culture in Brazil. Individual interviews were conducted with 20 individuals recruited for their involvement in the EDM club scene. Eligible participants were aged 18-39 and reported ecstasy and/or LSD use one or more times in the past 90 days. Exclusion criteria included current treatment for drug/alcohol problems and cognitive impairment or clinically evident psychiatric disorder. Mean age was 22.92 (SD 2.77), 60% were male, 45% reported 12 or more years of education, 50% did not have a primary partner, 50% were living alone, and all had friends who also used ecstasy. Three main themes emerged: (1) "easy" transition from ecstasy user to seller; (2) desire to achieve popularity and fame; and (3) need to sell ecstasy to maintain the high cost of EDM club scene participation. This is one of the first studies of ecstasy sellers in Brazil. The results demonstrate the ease with which the participants transition from ecstasy user to seller. Given the potential health and social dangers associated with ecstasy use, public health campaigns to prevent ecstasy use and policy initiatives to limit the ecstasy supply are warranted.

Background and Aims: On-line drug markets flourish and consumers have high expectations of on-line quality and drug value. The aim of this study was to (i) describe on-line drug purchases and (ii) compare on-line with off-line purchased drugs regarding purity, adulteration and price., Design: Comparison of laboratory analyses of 32 663 drug consumer samples (stimulants and hallucinogens) purchased between January 2013 and January 2016, 928 of which were bought on-line., Setting: The Netherlands., Measurements: Primary outcome measures were (i) the percentage of samples purchased on-line and (ii) the chemical purity of powders (or dosage per tablet); adulteration; and the price per gram, blotter or tablet of drugs bought on-line compared with drugs bought off-line., Findings: The proportion of drug samples purchased on-line increased from 1.4% in 2013 to 4.1% in 2015. The frequency varied widely, from a maximum of 6% for controlled, traditional substances [ecstasy tablets, 3,4-methylenedioxy-methamphetamine (MDMA) powder, amphetamine powder, cocaine powder, 4-bromo-2,5-dimethoxyphenethylamine (2C-B) and lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD)] to more than a third for new psychoactive substances (NPS) [4-fluoroamphetamine (4-FA), 5/6-(2-aminopropyl)benzofuran (5/6-APB) and methoxetamine (MXE)]. There were no large differences in drug purity, yet small but statistically significant differences were found for 4-FA (on-line 59% versus off-line 52% purity for 4-FA on average, P = 0.001), MDMA powders (45 versus 61% purity for MDMA, P = 0.02), 2C-B tablets (21 versus 10 mg 2C-B/tablet dosage, P = 0.49) and ecstasy tablets (131 versus 121 mg MDMA/tablet dosage, P = 0.05). The proportion of adulterated samples purchased on-line and off-line did not differ, except for 4-FA powder, being less adulterated on-line (χ 2  = 8.3; P < 0.02). Drug prices were mainly higher on-line, ranging for various drugs from 10 to 23% higher than that of drugs purchased off-line (six of 10 substances: P < 0.05)., Conclusions: Dutch drug users increasingly purchase drugs on-line: new psychoactive substances in particular. Purity and adulteration do not vary considerably between drugs purchased on-line and off-line for most substances, while on-line prices are mostly higher than off-line prices., (© 2016 Society for the Study of Addiction.)

This article presents selected findings from a qualitative study of Ecstasy sellers and their sales practices, knowledge of distribution networks, buyer-seller relationships, and self-reported drug use. In-depth interviews were conducted with 80 men and women who had sold five or more hits of Ecstasy five or more times in the six months prior to the interview. Study participants described their perceptions of the various types of Ecstasy they had distributed or used themselves. The participants had experience with a variety of Ecstasy labels, from the popular "Blue Dolphin" tablets to the powdered form called "Molly." We tracked pill brand mentions on Ecstasy-related websites to compare with interviewees' descriptions of Ecstasy brands. This study examines Ecstasy sellers' ideas about the role of brand names in Ecstasy markets and their relationship to their beliefs about different types of Ecstasy's purity and quality. We demonstrate that considering Ecstasy branding increases our understanding of buyer and seller relationships.

Previous research has indicated that non-dependent polydrug users are willing to pay more money to buy good quality drugs as their income increased. This study sought to examine whether altering the perceived quality of controlled drugs would affect drug purchases if the monetary price remained fixed. A random sample of 80 polydrug users were recruited. All participants were administered an anonymous questionnaire consisting of the Drug Abuse Screening Test for Adolescents (DAST-A), the Severity of Dependence Scale for cannabis (SDS), the Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test (AUDIT), the Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale (HADS), and questions about their drug use. Participants then completed a simulation of controlled drug purchases where the price of alcohol, amphetamine, cannabis, cocaine, and ecstasy remained the same but their perceived quality changed (i.e. unit price increased as the perceived quality decreased). The demand for alcohol was quality inelastic and alcohol quality had no effects on the purchase of any other controlled drug. Demand for cannabis was quality elastic and alcohol substituted for cannabis as its unit price increased. Demand for cocaine was quality elastic and alcohol, cannabis, and ecstasy substituted for cocaine as its unit price increased. Demand for ecstasy was quality elastic and alcohol and cocaine both substituted for ecstasy as its unit price increased. These results suggest that perceived quality influences the demand for controlled drugs and that monitoring the perceived quality of controlled drugs may provide a warning of potential public health problems in the near future.

The multiple choice procedure has been used to evaluate preference for psychoactive drugs, relative to money amounts (price), in human subjects. The present re-analysis shows that MCP data are compatible with behavioral economic analysis of drug choices. Demand curves were constructed from studies with intravenous fentanyl, intramuscular hydromorphone and oral methadone in opioid-dependent individuals; oral d-amphetamine, oral MDMA alone and during fluoxetine treatment, and smoked marijuana alone or following naltrexone pretreatment in recreational drug users. For each participant and dose, the MCP crossover point was converted into unit price (UP) by dividing the money value ($) by the drug dose (mg/70kg). At the crossover value, the dose ceases to function as a reinforcer, so "0" was entered for this and higher UPs to reflect lack of drug choice. At lower UPs, the dose functions as a reinforcer and "1" was entered to reflect drug choice. Data for UP vs. average percent choice were plotted in log-log space to generate demand functions. Rank of order of opioid inelasticity (slope of non-linear regression) was: fentanyl>hydromorphone (continuing heroin users)>methadone>hydromorphone (heroin abstainers). Rank order of psychostimulant inelasticity was d-amphetamine>MDMA>MDMA+fluoxetine. Smoked marijuana was more inelastic with high-dose naltrexone. These findings show this method translates individuals' drug preferences into estimates of population demand, which has the potential to yield insights into pharmacotherapy efficacy, abuse liability assessment, and individual differences in susceptibility to drug abuse.

Behavioural economic models of substance use describe the relationship between changes in unit price and consumption. However, these models rarely take account of the perceived quality (i.e. potency) of controlled drugs. Therefore we investigated the effects of both price and quality on the decision to purchase controlled drugs by polysubstance misusers. Forty current polysubstance misusers (29 males, 11 females; mean age 23.8) were recruited into the study. Participants were asked to hypothetically purchase drugs from a price list of alcohol, amphetamine, cannabis, cocaine and ecstasy at different levels of quality and price (i.e. better quality drugs cost more money). The disposable income available for those purchases was systematically varied in order to determine the impact of income on the decision to purchase drugs. Demand for both normal and strong alcohol was income inelastic. Demand for both poor and average quality cannabis and ecstasy was income inelastic, but demand for good quality cannabis and ecstasy was income elastic. The demand for poor quality cocaine was income inelastic, with the demand for both average and good quality cocaine being income elastic. Participants reported too few purchases of amphetamine, which precluded behavioural economic analysis. These results suggest that, like other goods, controlled drugs are purchased based upon the consumer's interpretations of their relative value. Therefore, it is probable that the purchase and subsequent use of controlled drugs by polysubstance misusers will be heavily influenced by the economic environment.

In the last decade, a global trend of escalating ecstasy (MDMA, MDA, MDEA, MBDB) use was observed. Mentions on medical death certificates, last year's ecstasy use, number of drug offenders, seizures, prices and dosage levels figures were used for this descriptive and correlational study. Figures (1994-2003) were taken from the UK General Mortality Registers, from the Home Office Statistical Bulletins, from the British Crime Survey and from those reported to both the National Crime Intelligence and Forensic Science Services. A total of 394 ecstasy deaths mentions were here identified from the UK; in 42% of cases ecstasy was the sole drug mentioned. Overall, number of fatalities showed a year-per-year increase and positively correlated with: prevalence of last year's use (p < 0.01); number of offenders (p < 0.01) and number of seizures (p < 0.01) but negatively correlated with ecstasy price (p < 0.05). Price negatively correlated with: prevalence of last year's use (p < 0.001) and number of seizures (p < 0.01); but positively correlated with average MDMA dosage per tablet (p < 0.01). MDA, MDEA and MBDB accounted for a significant proportion of tablets only up to 1997, but not afterwards. Increasing production with a concomitant decrease in ecstasy price may have facilitated an increase in consumption levels and this, in turn, may have determined an increase in number of ecstasy deaths mentions. Only medical death certificates and not coroners' reports at the end of their inquests were here analysed; no data were available in respect of other drugs use and toxicology results.

Behavioural economic models of substance choice describe the relationship between changes in unit price and consumption. As the majority of UK non-dependent substance misusers are polysubstance misusers, we investigated the influence of price upon hypothetical purchases of alcohol, amphetamine, cocaine and ecstasy. Forty-three current polysubstance misusers (25 males, 18 females; mean age 21.3 +/- 2.8) were recruited into the study. As the price of alcohol rose, demand was inelastic. Amphetamine was a substitute for alcohol, cocaine was a compliment drug and ecstasy was independent. Demand for amphetamine was elastic as its price rose, but only alcohol was identified as a substitute drug and other drug purchases were independent of amphetamine price. As the price of cocaine increased, demand was elastic. Alcohol and ecstasy were substitute drugs but amphetamine purchase was independent, indicating asymmetrical substitution of alcohol and cocaine. Finally, demand for ecstasy was also elastic, but only cocaine substituted as ecstasy price rose. These results extend previous findings in substance dependent populations using behavioural economic models and support the opinion that purchasing substances is a complex process, involving both socio-economic and psychopharmacological factors. Whilst subjects expressed a preference for ecstasy, these behavioural findings indicated that alcohol was their drug of choice when economic considerations were brought into play. Self-reported drug preference, although facilitating between subjects experimental design, may therefore not accurately represent real world polysubstance misuse.

This article evaluates past work on heroin and crack cocaine epidemics by comparing it with the increase in Ecstasy use in the late 1990s. First of all, the authors make the case that there was, in fact, a dramatic increase in Ecstasy use in the late 1990s. Following that is a review of the rise and fall of several different Ecstasy scenes beginning in the 1960s. The most recent rise, in the late 1990s, requires a broadening of the theory of epidemics to include longer historical waves of change, so we do that by reviewing work on post World War II trends in social disconnection and consumerism. We then shift to a marketing rather than a public health framework and look at the nature of the Ecstasy "product," both its good and bad characteristics. Finally, we describe the narrative mechanism, developed in our earlier work, that plausibly explains why use rose when it did, given the needs of the market. The article concludes by discussing the changes this case motivates for our theory, particularly in light of globalized and normalized drug use that at the moment appears to be the current context for illicit drug use.

There is no single "best" prevention program, and no one program or approach will stop all drug use. There are many effective research-based programs; the best approach for any particular population requires selecting the best intervention for the target population on the basis of a knowledge of the risk and protective factors in that population. Unfortunately, the most highly marketed school or family programs are generally not those programs with the best outcomes. The best approach to prevention is to begin early to reduce emerging behavioral and emotional problems in youth. Longer-lasting effects should accrue from changing school, community, and family environmental conditions that promote and maintain drug problems in youth. More and more prevention specialists are considering moving from a focus on the individual to changes in total systems or the environmental contexts that promote or hinder drug use. On the basis of economic considerations, the "whole family" systems-change approach of family skills training classes is becoming popular even in the managed care environment. The greatest challenge facing the drug abuse prevention field is to get information out to practitioners and communities about the best prevention programs, approaches, and principles of effectiveness. Researchers and funding agencies must learn how to effectively market the most successful programs to bridge the gap between research and practice. We must become as effective at marketing drug prevention programs as drug dealers are at promoting and selling drugs. Communities need health care professionals who are knowledgeable about substance abuse prevention and who can advocate the implementation and ongoing improvement of prevention programs with known effectiveness.