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The current longitudinal study examined the predictive associations between the development of future perceptions in adolescence and depressive symptoms in adolescence and early and middle adulthood. Participants (N = 1,527; 48.3% female; broadly representative of Western Germany with respect to race/ethnicity and socioeconomic status) were measured yearly in adolescence at the age of 12 to 16 years and then in adulthood at the age of 35 and 45. Future perceptions were assessed during adolescence, whereas depressive symptoms were assessed at the age of 16, 35, and 45. Three important results stand out. First, the measure of future perceptions functioned equivalently across adolescence. Second, the development of future perceptions during adolescence varied across individuals, though mean-level stability was evidenced in the sample. Third, individual differences in the level and change of future perceptions during adolescence predicted depressive symptoms in adolescence and adulthood. These findings demonstrate that one's perception of the future not only has short-term affective consequences but may have long-term effects on depressive symptoms beyond adolescence.

A large body of literature suggests a clear, concurrent association between peer approval and self-esteem in adolescence. However, little empirical work exists on either the prospective or reciprocal relation between peer approval and self-esteem during this age period. Moreover, it is unclear from past research whether both "subjectively perceived peer approval" and "objectively measured peer approval" are related to subsequent self-esteem over time (and vice versa) and whether these paths have long-term associations into adulthood. Using data from a large longitudinal study that covers a time span of 2 decades, we examined reciprocal, prospective relations between self-esteem and peer approval during ages 12-16 in addition to long-term relations between these variables and later social constructs at age 35. Cross-lagged regression analyses revealed small but persistent effect sizes from both types of peer approval to subsequent self-esteem in adolescence, controlling for prior self-esteem. However, effects in the reverse direction were not confirmed. These findings support the notion that peer relationships serve an important function for later self-esteem, consistent with many theoretical tenets of the importance of peers for building a strong identity. Finally, we found long-term relations between adult social constructs and adolescent objective and subjective peer approval as well as self-esteem. Therefore, not only do peer relationships play a role in self-esteem development across adolescence, but they remain impactful throughout adulthood. In sum, the current findings highlight the lasting, yet small link between peer relationships and self-esteem development and call for investigations of further influential factors for self-esteem over time.

The vulnerability model states that low self-esteem functions as a predictor for the development of depressive symptoms whereas the scar model assumes that these symptoms leave scars in individuals resulting in lower self-esteem. Both models have received empirical support, however, they have only been tested within individuals and not across generations (i.e., between family members). Thus, we tested the scope of these competing models by (a) investigating whether the effects hold from adolescence to middle adulthood (long-term vulnerability and scar effects), (b) whether the effects hold across generations (intergenerational vulnerability and scar effects), and (c) whether intergenerational effects are mediated by parental self-esteem and depressive symptoms and parent-child discord. We used longitudinal data from adolescence to middle adulthood (N = 1,359) and from Generation 1 adolescents (G1) to Generation 2 adolescents (G2) (N = 572 parent-child pairs). Results from latent cross-lagged regression analyses demonstrated that both adolescent self-esteem and depressive symptoms were prospectively related to adult self-esteem and depressive symptoms 3 decades later. That is, both the vulnerability and scar models are valid over decades with stronger effects for the vulnerability model. Across generations, we found a substantial direct transmission effect from G1 to G2 "adolescent" depressive symptoms but no evidence for the proposed intergenerational vulnerability and scar effect or for any of the proposed mediating mechanisms.

Introduction: This 33‐year study examined associations between self‐control development in adolescence and forgivingness, i.e., the dispositional tendency to forgive others, in middle adulthood. Methods: Participants were 1350 adults aged 45 years (50.6% female). Self‐control was measured yearly from age 12 to 16, while forgivingness was measured at age 45. Results: Results indicated significant individual differences in level and change of self‐control across the adolescent years and an average mean‐level increase. Individual differences in level and change in self‐control were independently associated with forgivingness in middle adulthood. Individuals who either entered adolescence with higher self‐control, and/or increased in self‐control during the adolescent years, reported higher scores in forgivingness at age 45 compared to peers. This pattern held even after controlling for gender, socioeconomic status (SES), and conduct problems in adolescence. Conclusion: The current findings demonstrate that developmental processes in adolescence are important for individual differences in the dispositional tendency to forgive others in adulthood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]