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Rad predstavlja doprinos istraživanju uticaja republikanskog nasleđa na sociološku teoriju i političke ideje Emila Dirkema. Republikansko nasleđe u našem radu ima dvostruki karakter. Sa jedne strane, podrazumeva uticaj klasika političke filozofije: Platon, Aristotel, Makijaveli, Monteskje i Ruso. Sa druge strane, predstavlja istorijsko nasleđe koje donosi Francuska revolucija i dve republike (Prva i Treća). U radu smo postavili okvir – jedinične ideje republikanizma – koji nam je omogućio da na željeni način pristupimo istraživanju nasleđa jedne političke tradicije u Dirkemovoj teoriji. Republikanske jedinične ideje opšte volje, etosa jednakosti i (moralne) regeneracije društva predstavljaju osnovu našeg poduhvata. Prvu jediničnu ideju opšte volje poredili smo sa Dirkemovim pojmom kolektivne svesti i društvene činjenice. Ukazali smo na važne sličnosti koje se nisu mogle javiti kao proizvod slučajnosti. Druga jedinična ideja nam ukazuje na republikanske izvore Dirkemovog shvatanja svojine i meritokratije. Na kraju, u slučaju treće jedinične ideje republikanizma uočavamo kako je ova politička tradicija transformisana i sublimirana u Dirkemovom shvatanju uloge kriminaliteta. Ove ideje smo iskoristili radi boljeg razumevanja određenih elemenata Dirkemove sociološke teorije, ali i predloga reforme francuskog društva koji je promovisao. Smatramo da je korporacija, kao osnova reforme koju Dirkem predlaže, inspirisana željom za oživljavanjem modela (kvazi)republika. Korporacije za Dirkema čine osnovu uspostavljanja meritokratskog društva, ali i nove teritorijalne organizacije Francuske., The work presents a contribution to the research of the influence of the Republican heritage on the sociological theory and political ideas by Émile Durkheim. In our work, the Republican heritage has a double character. On the one hand, it implies the influence of classics of political philosophy: Plato, Aristotle, Machiavelli, Montesquieu and Rousseau. On the other hand, it represents the historical heritage brought by the French Revolution and two republics (the First and the Third French Republic). In this paper, we have set up a framework – the unit-ideas of republicanism – which has enabled us to approach the research of the heritage of a political tradition in Durkheim’s theory in the desired way. The Republican unit-ideas of general will, ethos of equality and (moral) regeneration of a society are the basis of our endeavor. We compared the first unit-idea of general will with Durkheim’s notion of collective consciousness and social facts. We pointed to the important similarities that could not be reported as a product of coincidence. The second unit idea shows us the Republican sources of Durkheim’s understanding of property and meritocracy. In the end, in the case of the third unit idea of republicanism, we notice that this political tradition has been transformed and sublimated in Durkheim’s understanding of the role of crime. We used these ideas for the better understanding of certain elements of Durkheim’s sociological theory, but also of the French reform proposal of the society that he upheld. We believe that the corporation, as the basis of the reform suggested by Durkheim, is inspired by the desire to revive the model of the (quasi) republics. For Durkheim, corporations constitute the basis of the establishment of a meritocratic society, but also of the new territorial organization of France.

U radu želimo da ukažemo na značaj republikanske misli za Dirkemovo shvatanje vaspitanja i obrazovanja. U sekundarnoj literaturi najčešće se ističu praktični i politički razlozi njegovog interesovanja za pedagogiju. Katolička crkva u Trećoj republici je – u vezi sa njenom ulogom u obrazovanju – doživljavana kao smetnja za dugoročni opstanak Republike. Obrazovanje novih generacija postavljeno je na temelje pozitivnih nauka kako bi se građani vaspitavali u duhu vrednosti novouspostavljene Republike. Proklamovani sekularizam Treće republike se nije mogao pomiriti sa obrazovnim sistemom kojim upravlja crkva. Dirkemov naučni rad je očigledno nosio i određeni politički značaj u Trećoj republici. Zapravo, bio je svojevrsni laički katehizis u obrazovnom sistemu Francuske. Ipak, čini nam se da uloga moralnog vaspitanja u novoj, sekularnoj državi nije bila samo puko provizorno rešenje. Republikanska misao je oduvek isticala značaj obrazovanja, odnosno vaspitanja koje bi omogućilo političku i moralnu stabilnost društvenog poretka. U ovom slučaju mislimo na dela klasika filozofije – Platona, Aristotela, Makijavelija, Monteskjea i Rusoa. Ako je Dirkemova sociologija i pedagogija imala ulogu supstituta katoličke veronauke, onda se sa sigurnošću može tvrditi da je u takvoj ulozi deo i duge tradicije republikanskog vaspitanja. Pomoću heurističkog pristupa pratićemo idejni razvoj republikanske misli o vaspitanju i obrazovanju. Sve navedeno iznosimo kako bismo pokazali na koji način se republikanska tradicija podudara sa projektom izgradnje Treće republike. Dirkemov odnos prema ulozi pedagogije nije puki proizvod određenih biografskih (akademskih) ili političkih kontingentnosti. Ovakav pristup može biti interesantan zbog načina na koji pristupamo razumevanju klasika sociologije i pedagogije. Dela klasika moramo posmatrati i kao proizvod kontinuiteta, a ne samo kroz prizmu njihove originalnosti ili konteksta u kojem su stvarali. U tom slučaju možemo postaviti drugačije interpretacije, In the paper we want to point at significance of the Republican thought for Durkheim’s understanding of education and upbringing. The secondary literature usually highlights practical and political reasons for his interest in pedagogy. Catholic Church was in the Third Republic - regarding its role in education - seen as a hindrance to a long-term survival of the Republic. Education of new generations was based on positive sciences so the citizens could be educated in line with the values of newly established Republic. The proclaimed secularism of the Third Republic could not be reconciled with the educational system governed by the church. Durkheim’s academic work clearly bore a certain political significance in the Third Republic. Actually, it was a form of profane catechism in the education system of France. However, it seems that the role of moral education in the new, secular state was not merely a tentative solution. Republican thought has always emphasized the significance of education, i.e. upbringing, which would enable political and moral stability of the social order. In this case we allude to the works of prominent philosophers - Plato, Aristotle, Machiavelli, Montesquieu and Rousseau. If Durkheim’s sociology and pedagogy acted as a substitute for Catholic catechism, then it is safe to say that so did a long tradition of Republican upbringing. Using a heuristic approach, we will follow conceptual development of the Republican thought on upbringing and education. The purpose of the above stated is to demonstrate how the Republican tradition coincides with the project of building the Third Republic. Durkheim’s attitude towards the role of pedagogy is not a mere product of particular biographical (academic) or political contingencies. This view can be interesting because of our approach to understanding of classical authors of sociology and pedagogy. We must also regard the works of classical authors as products of continuity, and not just through the prism

Autori su u tekstu pošli od uvida koji im je govorio da se, posle urušavanja Berlinskog zida, jugoslovenska sociologija naglo odrekla svog osnovnog teorijskog i ideološkog oslonca na kojem je decenijama počivala, tj. marksizma. Da bi proverili taj uvid, sproveli su standardno bibliometrijsko istraživanje na reprezentativnom uzorku: smatrali su, naime, da je časopis Sociologija, kao najuglednije stručno glasilo na tom naučnom području, u toku gotovo pedeset godina redovnog izlaženja, morao u naučnoj aparaturi kojom su se služili njegovi autori odraziti kontinuitet, odnosno promene teorijskih paradigmi u jugoslovenskoj sociološkoj zajednici. Stoga su pribegli analizi citiranosti, kao metodu koji pruža bar delimičnu sliku o vladajućim teorijskim preferencijama u dužim vremenskim sekvencama. Indeks relativne citiranosti dela Marksa, Vebera i Dirkema - trojice socioloških klasika 'kanonizovanih' u istoriji ove discipline - poslužio im je kao pokazatelj razvoja teorijskog 'ukusa' domaćih autora. Istraživanje je u najvećoj meri potvrdilo početni uvid: pokazalo se da izrazito opadanje zanimanja za Marksa kao referentnog autora, do kojeg je došlo potkraj osamdesetih i početkom devedesetih godina, vremenski i 'smisaono' koincidira s izvannaučnim zbivanjima koja se, po svemu sudeći, tiču sloma jedne isključive teorijske i ideološke paradigme., The starting point of this article was our insight that, after the fall of the Berlin wall, there has happened an abrupt denial in Yugoslav sociology of the major theoretical and ideological basis on which it has been founded for decades - that is, of Marxism. In order to verify this insight, we have carried out the standard bibliometric investigation on the representative sample. Namely, we have thought that the journal Sociologija (Sociology), as the most distinguished professional voice in the field must have, during the fifty years of its regular publication, reflected in the scientific tools used by its authors the continuity or change of theoretical paradigms in Yugoslav sociological community. Therefore, we have decided to use the citation analysis as the method that at least offers a partial survey of the prevailing theoretical preferences in longer temporal sequences. The index of relative citation of Marx's, Weber's and Durkheim 's works - the three authors proclaimed to be classics in the history of sociology - served as an indicator of the evolution of theoretical taste' of domestic sociological authors. The results of our investigation have largely confirmed our initial insight. For it came out that the evident decrease of interest, in late eighties and the beginning of nineties, for Marx as the referential author coincides with the unscientific events that are almost certainly related to the breakdown of one exclusive theoretical and ideological paradigm.