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In response to evidence documenting the scale and impact of sexual violence (SV) and domestic abuse (DA) in universities, Universities UK (2016) recommend implementation of a UK based bystander programme, The Intervention Initiative (TII), as a key prevention strategy. However, a recent UK review (Gaffney et al, 2023) concluded that no studies have addressed implementation issues for university-based bystander programmes. Our study explored what is required for implementation of the TII in a UK university, rather than intervention effectiveness. The intervention was delivered to undergraduate students across three school cohorts: medicine, social work and sports coaching. The study draws on pre- and post-intervention surveys to explore SV and DA knowledge, attitudes, and bystander skills. Focus groups or individual interviews with students (n=11) and staff facilitators (n=10) explored experiences of implementation, delivery and participation. Students reported positive changes across several areas and some evidence of immediate impact on behaviours, suggesting potential for wider implementation across university contexts. Barriers included professionalisation of the application of the bystander intervention, resistance to an underpinning gendered evidence base and a lack of diversity and relatability in programme materials.

In response to evidence documenting the scale and impact of sexual violence (SV) and domestic abuse (DA) in universities, Universities UK (2016) recommend implementation of a UK based bystander programme, The Intervention Initiative (TII), as a key prevention strategy. However, a recent UK review (Gaffney et al, 2023) concluded that no studies have addressed implementation issues for university-based bystander programmes. Our study explored what is required for implementation of the TII in a UK university, rather than intervention effectiveness. The intervention was delivered to undergraduate students across three school cohorts: medicine, social work and sports coaching. The study draws on pre- and post-intervention surveys to explore SV and DA knowledge, attitudes, and bystander skills. Focus groups or individual interviews with students (n=11) and staff facilitators (n=10) explored experiences of implementation, delivery and participation. Students reported positive changes across several areas and some evidence of immediate impact on behaviours, suggesting potential for wider implementation across university contexts. Barriers included professionalisation of the application of the bystander intervention, resistance to an underpinning gendered evidence base and a lack of diversity and relatability in programme materials.

This paper summarises the findings from the evaluation of the Roadmap for System Change for Domestic Violence and Abuse in England and is aimed at those who are involved in commissioning, designing and delivering domestic abuse (DA) services.

Introduction In England and Wales, criminal law responses to Domestic Violence and Abuse (DVA) have advanced significantly in the last fifteen years. However, despite an emphasis on criminalisation, concern remains around the ability of the Criminal Justice System to manage the needs of victims and secure convictions. The purpose of this work is to better understand the types of recommendations made in Domestic Homicide Reviews (DHRs) and will help to inform the Domestic Abuse Commissioner’s Domestic Homicide Oversight Mechanism for the Criminal Justice System. Study methods Forty-six DHRs published between 2017-2019 comprised the sample for analysis. Our mixed methods approach comprised a qualitative template to identify examples of good practice, areas for development and learning, and to analyse recommendations made in relation to the Criminal Justice System. After extraction, a thematic approach was used. A quantitative matrix was developed based on the qualitative themes and subthemes, identifying the most prevalent recommendation types, any specific recommendations related to protected characteristics, and the targets of those recommendations within Criminal Justice services. An additional descriptive analysis of quantitative data already collected on the DHRs within the HALT study provided an overview of characteristics.

The intersection between adult safeguarding and domestic abuse is well articulated in policy documents (LGA, 2015), yet simultaneously, there appears to be a gap between policy documents and domestic abuse safeguarding for adults (Mclaughlin et al, 2018; Robbins et al, 2016). The key issue is that those experiencing domestic abuse may not trigger a safeguarding response because they do not meet the eligibility criteria for care and support needs as specified in the Care Act (2014). The purpose of this work is to better understand the types of recommendations made in Domestic Homicide Reviews (DHRs) for Adult Social Care, relating both to intimate partner homicide and adult family homicide, with a particular focus on the over-65s. The study will help to inform the Domestic Abuse Commissioner’s Domestic Homicide Oversight Mechanism for Adult Social Care.

In England and Wales Domestic Homicide Reviews (DHRs) are conducted when the death of a person aged 16 or over has, or appears to have, resulted from violence, abuse or neglect by an intimate partner, ex-partner, family member or member of the same household (DVCVA, 2004). However, despite the focus on victims aged 16 or over, children under 16 can also be impacted. This can be as victims of homicide as part of their parents’ abusive relationship, or as victims from their own intimate partner relationship. In rare cases children may also be the perpetrator. Survivors may have witnessed homicides, ongoing abuse, or have been abused directly (Stanley et al., 2019).

In England and Wales domestic homicide reviews (DHRs) are conducted when the death of a person aged 16 or over has, or appears to have, resulted from violence, abuse or neglect by an intimate partner, ex-partner, family member or member of the same household (DVCVA, 2004). However, despite the focus on victims aged 16 or over, children under 16 can also be impacted, not only as the surviving children of (most often) mothers killed by male partners or ex-partners, but as homicide victims themselves – killed alongside mothers by male partners, ex-partners or family members, or less commonly by their own intimate partners in adolescence. In rare cases children can also perpetrate domestic homicide, killing parents, siblings or intimate partners. As survivors, children may have heard, seen or even intervened during episodes of violence or abuse prior to the homicide (Stanley et al., 2019), or in some cases, even been present at the homicide themselves (Stanley et al., 2019); experiences which are well documented in the literature to have wide-ranging and enduring deleterious physical and psychological effects (for reviews see Alisic et al., 2015; Wolfe et al., 2003). Indeed, given the high overlap between domestic abuse and child abuse (CAADA, 2014), many child survivors of domestic homicide may also have experienced direct abuse themselves, including physical, sexual, and emotional abuse, or even neglect (Stanley et al., 2019). The purpose of this work is to better understand the types of recommendations made in Domestic Homicide Reviews (DHRs) and will help to inform the Domestic Abuse Commissioner’s Domestic Homicide Oversight Mechanism for Children’s Services.

Domestic violence and abuse (DVA) can have a significant impact on a person's physical and mental health. Healthcare professionals (HCPs) have a responsibility to respond appropriately to disclosures of DVA, and to follow relevant escalation pathways to ensure a multi-professional approach where necessary. It is a frequent complaint of healthcare professionals that documentation is not shared correctly (or at all), that information recorded within these documents is not accurate (Dheensa and Feder, 2022) or always acted upon.

The intersection between adult social care and domestic abuse is well articulated in policy documents (LGA, 2015), but there appears to be a gap between policy documents and domestic abuse safeguarding for adults (Mclaughlin et al, 2018; Robbins et al, 2016). Those experiencing domestic abuse may not trigger a safeguarding response because they do not meet the eligibility criteria for care and support needs as specified in the Care Act (2014).

Introduction Domestic violence and abuse (DVA) can have a significant impact on a person's physical and mental health. Healthcare professionals (HCPs) have a responsibility to respond appropriately to disclosures of DVA, and to follow relevant escalation pathways to ensure a multi-professional approach where necessary. It is a frequent complaint of healthcare professionals that documentation is not shared correctly (or at all), that information recorded within these documents is not accurate (Dheensa and Feder, 2022) or always acted upon. Several national policies and guidelines have been developed to support HCPs to identify and respond to DVA (e.g. DoH, 2017; NICE, 2014). The purpose of this work is to better understand the types of recommendations made in Domestic Homicide Reviews (DHRs) for physical and mental health, relating both to intimate partner homicide and adult family homicide. The study will help to inform the Domestic Abuse Commissioner’s Domestic Homicide Oversight Mechanism for Health.

In England and Wales, criminal law responses to Domestic Violence and Abuse (DVA) have advanced significantly in the last fifteen years. Prior to the Serious Crime Act (2015) and introduction of the offence of ‘coercive control’, domestic abuse did not exist as a crime in law but was dealt with as part of a set of existing legal provisions. The introduction of coercive control criminalised specifically the repeated patterns of coercive behaviour that typify victims’ experiences (Stark, 2007), communicating firmly that DVA was much more than physical violence.

In this chapter, the reader will learn to create poignant lived experience “Trigger Films” in research using Experience-Based Codesign (EBCD). EBCD is an eight-stage methodology developed from participatory action research, learning theory, and narrative-based approaches to change. It is used to improve the experience of both the people accessing a service and the staff through shared decision-making. All parties work as equal partners to understand that experience and to prioritize and codesign service improvements creating lasting change. During the HALT project, “Learning from Domestic Homicide Reviews Using EBCD,” the authors created three Trigger Films with ten victims/survivors of domestic violence and seven family members bereaved by domestic homicide. In addition to other data collected in the project, these films were shown to service providers, the Home Office, government officials, and key stakeholders to cocreate and implement service improvements to prevent future homicides. This chapter focuses on stage three of EBCD, the creation of the Trigger Films. By amplifying the victims/survivor experience through film, the staff gets to see services through their eyes. This allows victim/survivor experiences to not only inform but drive the agenda for change. It provides a platform for direct, honest conversation between the staff and victims/survivors to raise areas of concern or missed opportunities and celebrate and replicate areas of success. To do this, this chapter will demonstrate how to create Trigger Films by first identifying individual touch points in individuals’ stories that are then thematized into chapters and edited into three high-impact collective voice Trigger Films.

Domestic Homicide Reviews (DHRs) are a statutory requirement in England and Wales, conducted when somebody aged 16 and over dies from violence, abuse or neglect by a relative, intimate partner or member of the same household. While key aims of DHRs are to identify recommendations and lessons learned to eventually prevent further domestic homicides, there is limited evidence globally regarding the extent to which these are followed up or make a difference. This paper explores the barriers and facilitators to the conduct and impact of DHRs to enhance their learning potential. It is based on nineteen qualitative interviews with professionals involved in the DHR process across five Safeguarding Boards in Wales and fourteen Community Safety Partnerships in the North‐West of England, UK. Findings are presented thematically under four section headings: upskilling and democratising the review process; family and friends’ involvement; negotiating organisational blame to foster learning; and actioning and auditing recommendations. It is suggested that organisational learning cannot be achieved without accepting organisational responsibility, which could be interpreted as blame. The role and skills of the Chair are perceived as key to ensure a safe, evidence‐based, transparent and learning‐focused DHR process. Developing and actioning recommendations may challenge longstanding prejudices. Promoting the role of families/survivor networks and professionals on an equal footing would support a more democratic process. Learning could be enhanced by thematising recommendations and proactively using lessons from one area to inform another. Participants called for appropriate central regulation and accountability to support the action of recommendations.

There is a growing body of work on violence against women of black and minority ethnic (BME) origin who live in the UK. This study adds to this body of work by exploring the nature of sexual violence experienced by Nigerian women both in Nigeria and England. It draws upon in-depth narrative interviews conducted with 12 women of Nigerian origin who had experienced sexual violence. Women’s accounts were analysed thematically. The women described experiencing different, sometimes multiple forms of sexual violence over the life course including, sexual abuse and female genital mutilation (FGM) in childhood, sexual assaults, rape, sex trafficking and sexual violence from an intimate partner. Drawing upon a feminist-intersectional theoretical framework this article illuminates how: (1) the intersection of age, gender, poverty, cultural socialisation and religious practice could provide the conditions for the perpetration of child sexual abuse, (2) patriarchal ideologies relating to gendered roles and expectations support men’s notion of uncontested sexual access to women, (3) men’s need to exercise power and control could contribute to women’s experiences of rape, and (4) the intersection of FGM and gender continue to disempower women within heterosexual relationships. Key messages Effective intervention in child sexual abuse cases in Nigerian families require a consideration of situational conditions resulting from the intersection of age, gender, poverty, cultural socialisation and religious practices that may lead to revictimisation. Violence against women (VAW) practitioners need to understand the unique ways gender, male power, gendered norms, cultural practices, and insecure immigration status interact to create contexts that directly shape women’s experiences of sexual violence, and revictimisation in order to ensure holistic and meaningful support.

This study aims to explore if and how cultural beliefs, norms, and practices might contribute to Nigerian women's experiences of sexual abuse and violence. In-depth narrative interviews were conducted with 12 women of Nigerian origin living in the Northwest of England who had experienced sexual abuse and violence. Women's accounts were analyzed thematically, and drawing upon a feminist-intersectional conceptual framework, analysis reveals that male privilege defined by gendered role and expectation, religious beliefs, rape myths, and bride-price with the associated practice of libation may have contributed to women's experiences of sexual abuse and violence.

This study aims to explore if and how cultural beliefs, norms and practices might contribute to Nigerian women’s experiences of sexual abuse and violence. In-depth narrative interviews were conducted with 12 women of Nigerian origin living in the Northwest of England who had experienced sexual abuse and violence. Women’s accounts were analysed thematically, and drawing upon a feminist-intersectional conceptual framework, analysis reveals that male privilege defined by gendered role and expectation; religious beliefs; rape myths and bride price with the associated practice of libation may have contributed to women’s experiences of sexual abuse and violence.

This article considers how minoritisation features in Domestic Homicide Reviews (DHRs) in England and Wales and identifies critical learning in relation to addressing minoritisation. Five themes were identified: i) the invisibility of race, culture and ethnicity; ii) perceptions and experiences of services; iii) use of stereotypes and the culturalisation of domestic violence and abuse (DVA); iv) lack of interpreters; and v) DHR recommendations. Our analysis illustrates that statutory sector services should strengthen their responses to Black and minoritised victims by ensuring proper recording of cultural background is used to inform practice; engage professionally trained interpreters with an awareness of DVA; resist framing DVA as endemic to minoritised cultures; and enhance trust and confidence in public services within minoritised communities. The best examples of DHRs challenged service narratives and usually sought expertise from a specialist Black/minoritised DVA service or community organisation (frequently minoritised women's rights organisations).

This article draws from our mixed methods study of forced marriage (FM) in Scotland focusing on policy and practice responses to FM in Scotland using the concepts of candidacy and structural competency. Through an analysis of FM policy in six case-study areas, interviews with Child or Adult Protection Leads and twenty-one interviews with a range of welfare professionals, we discuss the conceptual, emotional and practical challenges of responding to FM. Despite a standard Scottish Government policy and statutory framework, the varied policy and professional responses to FM across local authorities demonstrate a need for practitioners to be fully cognisant of the ways in which structural inequalities play out in individual lives. The four key themes explored in this article are as follows: (i) patchy ownership of FM policy at a local level; (ii) ‘race anxiety’; (iii) event versus process-based understandings of FM and (iv) the challenges of protecting adults experiencing FM who have capacity. These themes are highly relevant to social work practice and offer a significant and original analysis of the ways in which structural, social and cultural factors shape practitioner understanding, response and support of victims of FM.

Increasing evidence documents domestic violence and abuse (DVA) and domestic homicide of adults killed by a relative in non-intimate partner relationships. Most literature focuses on intimate partner violence and homicide, yet non-intimate partner homicides form a substantial but neglected minority of domestic homicides. This article addresses this gap by presenting an analysis from 66 domestic homicide reviews (DHRs) in England and Wales where the victim and perpetrator were related, such as parent and adult child. Intimate partner homicides are excluded. These 66 DHRs were a sub-sample drawn from a larger study examining 317 DHRs in England and Wales.The article contributes towards greater understanding of the prevalence, context and characteristics of adult family homicide (AFH). Analysis revealed five interlinked precursors to AFH: mental health and substance/alcohol misuse, criminal history, childhood trauma, economic factors and care dynamics. Findings indicate that, given their contact with both victims and perpetrators, criminal justice agencies, adult social care and health agencies, particularly mental health services, are ideally placed to identify important risk and contextual factors. Understanding of DVA needs to extend to include adult family violence. Risk assessments need to be cognisant of the complex dynamics of AFH and must consider social-structural and relational-contextual factors. Key messages Understanding of domestic violence and abuse needs to include adult family violence. Risks and dynamics of adult family homicide are complex and must consider social-structural and relational-contextual factors. Criminal justice agencies, social care, substance misuse and mental health services provide opportunities for prevention.