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This research investigates the historical role of the president's letter, and in particular how impression management was used by the Brazilian company Petrobras, during the military dictatorship (1964–1985), to build up and legitimise the company and the regime. Following an interpretative approach, and through a framework that includes both impression management tactics and presentational methods, the study analyses both narrative and visual images of the letters. The adoption of assertive impression management tactics helped to propagate Petrobras in the ascendancy and with it the Brazilian nation. Reinforcement, rhetorical manipulation and visual emphasis were adopted to convey a message of ascendancy and optimism, even in periods of crisis and shocks to legitimacy. Simultaneously, the omission tactic allowed it to keep invisible damaging events. As a recurrent, voluntary accounting narrative, the president's letters provided valuable storytelling and impression management opportunities which were used to promote Petrobras and as a legitimate façade for the government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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On February 11, 1965, less than one year after the outset of the Brazilian military dictatorship, singer Maria Bethânia assumed one of the principal roles in the musical theater piece Opinião in Rio de Janeiro. Taking over for Nara Leão, who helped conceive the play, Bethânia was celebrated by fans, especially for her performance of co-star João do Vale’s song ‘Carcará.’ The song’s lyrics invoke imagery of the Brazilian northeast, home region of both Vale and Bethânia, and the performance includes a spoken statistical report on the migration of people from the northeast to the southern cities. Although the song’s composer denied that the song was an act of protest or political commentary, General Riograndino Kruel, then head of the Federal Police, identified it as one of the ‘subversive’ elements in the show that needed to be cut. This call to censorship contradicted the censor board’s 1964 approval of the show, during Nara Leão’s run as star. This article analyzes singer Maria Bethânia’s participation in Opinião to consider the potential for musical performance to engender political community by affective means. Drawing on archival materials and interviews conducted with audience members and participants, I argue that Bethânia’s performances were the catalyst for the formation of an oppositional ‘community of feeling,’ a collective predicated the expression of negative emotional energy toward the nascent authoritarian state. I show how audience members’ and critics’ affective response to Bethânia’s performance evidenced a shift in the tenor of the public for Opinião, which subsequently raised the suspicions of the military government. Additionally, I investigate how the dictatorship’s repressive response illustrates the possibilities and limits of a community formed through musical performance. Photo caption: Maria Bethania in the show Opinião, at Teatro de Arena, São Paulo, 1965. (Public domain / Arquivo Nacional Collection)

The incarceration of militants and opponents of the military dictatorship was one of the most nefarious aspects of the regime that lasted from 1964 to 1985. The cruelty of the instruments and techniques of torture, which systematically kept the victims on the brink of death -- their own and that of their companions and family members -- resulted in intense psychic violence, as can be seen in various records, such as testimonials, reports, letters, etc. In addition to traditional narrative forms, those arrested by military bodies also produced a significant number of poems, both during the period of confinement, written and preserved clandestinely, and in post-prison freedom. Understanding poetic production as a drive readdressing the psychic economy, especially in a context of surviving serious violations of basic human rights, the purpose of this work is to revisit the theme of sublimation, discussed in comparison with the contributions of Sigmund Freud and Jacques Lacan on the theme, in the reading of poems produced by political prisoners during the Brazilian military dictatorship, based on the work of poets such as Alex Polari, Aybirê Ferreira de Sá, Gilney Viana, Lara de Lemos and Pedro Tierra. The theoretical foundation will be anchored mainly in the postulates of psychoanalysis, with support in Birman, Freud and Lacan, and in the theory of testimonial literature, in dialogue with Seligmann-Silva. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reports the political violence, censorship, and state terrorism in the first years of the Brazilian military dictatorship in United States' press, especially through the coverage of The New York Times. The research aims to offer more details about how the paper's coverage affected the change in public opinion inside and outside Brazil, with the hardening of the Brazilian dictatorship with the AI-5, that also documented institutionally the process of transition between the ideas of "revolution" and "military dictatorship", considering also, in this context, the Alliance for Progress' policies, idealized by the president Kennedy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article intends to analyze the Latin-American cultural field, emphasizing two of its relevant characteristics: 1) its fragile autonomy, characterized by a strong dependence of the arts on both the State and the market, which results not only in the fading of the line that supposedly would divide culture in “high” and “low”, but also in the fusion of these two poles into the same, undistinguished whole; 2) the conflictual harmony between the ideas of tradition and modernity. In order to demonstrate both dynamics, the text brings into focus a case study: the Brazilian military dictatorship period (1964 -1985) and the State-market-artists triangle forged at the time.

To what extent was the Brazilian Academy of Letters (ABL) able to serve as an instance of legitimization of the military dictatorship established in Brazil after the 1964 coup? This article aims to examine a specific aspect of the daily life of this institution during the military dictatorship: the investiture ceremonies. We believe that this approach allows us to analyze how politics could operate “apolitically” within the ABL. We argue that ceremonies may have become political events because it showed, first of all, the proximity and networks of sociability between the conservative intelligentsia and the regime. Secondly, we identified the transmission of values in some speeches that were, at that time, those of the conservative environment. The examination of the investiture ceremonies indicates that the ABL contributed to legitimize the regime which was established in Brazil in 1964. However, this legitimization did not take place through an open “collaboration”, but by the behavior of all its members, their proximity to the representatives of the regime and the diffusion and circulation of a conservative discourse.

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Brazilian historiography emphasises student political practice as the main action of those students who were against the authoritarian and conservative regime. To explain the student movement through its political activity or subversion towards the established social patterns became commonplace when discussing the behaviour of much of 1960s youth. Even though such aspects are import, they take little account of other peculiarities of these students’ history. This article explores Anderson’s (2008) hypothesis on «imagined communities» – i.e. when people in a group establish synchronic identification through references given by daily communication – in this context. This highlights the emotional pandemic of the youth coalition of the 1960s, which spread to general political movements. From this perspective, the student movement is understood as an interaction among subjects of a similar age, mobilized by their identification with shared images, mainly on printed documents. This analysis reveals that in Brazil: 1) the students identified with the revolutionary youngsters in the magazines who would later become icons, such as Fidel Castro and Che Guevara; 2) The reports and «hearsay» of youth action, recorded in the articles and stimulated and amplified by street demonstrations, schematic readings, impromptu rallies, graffiti and slogans, etc. We discuss synchronicity as an aspect of this period of history that was associated with the sensory stimuli involved in demonstrations, as well as the creation of stereotypes and representations of youth.

The aim of this paper is to examine how, in the context of the Cold War and Latin America’s National Security dictatorships, conservative Brazilian intellectuals turned to history to demonstrate the country’s ‘incompatibility’ with progressive values and left-wing government. It analyzes a selection of lectures given by acclaimed conservative intellectuals at the National War College during the 1960s and 70s. An examination of these lectures demonstrates that many of the elements chosen to define ‘national identity’ under the ‘Estado Novo’ dictatorship of 1937-45 – such as the valorization of miscegenation, a belief in the docile nature of the Brazilian people, the exaltation of work and the idea of a nation founded on cohesion and cooperation – were revived after 1964. Thus, conservative intellectuals made an important contribution to legitimizing the military dictatorship of 1964-85 by inscribing it within what they believed the Brazilian tradition to be, presenting it as the only regime capable of preserving national unity and culture against the threats posed by Marxism and communism.

Directed by Brazilian filmmaker Lúcia Murat, Que bom te ver viva [How nice to see you alive] (1989) interlaces the testimonies of eight female political prisoners with a monologue voiced by an anonymous female fictional character. All allude to the experience of torture under the military dictatorial regime in Brazil. Given that Murat was a militant student imprisoned and tortured during the dictatorship, the film appears to have an autobiographical motivation. I argue, however, that the interlacing of fictional monologue and 'real' testimonies effaces this motivation. Rather, the intersection between fictional and testimonial accounts offers a reciprocal recognition between interviewees and filmmaker, allowing for the inscription of these individual stories into the historical narrative. I also argue that this reciprocal recognition is anchored in the feminist practice of storytelling, practised in consciousness-raising feminist groups in the 1960s and 1970s. Adriana Cavarero's philosophy of narration underpins my analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the process of cultural renovation that took place in Brazil during the turn of the 1970/1980 decades. This debate is circumscribed to the city of São Paulo, and considers the role occupied by radio stations as part of strategies designed by independent producers in the fields of popular music and theatre. Therefore, the article highlights an important moment of political and cultural effervescence in the recent history of Brazil, as well as the important part undertook by radio in such process. In the course of the debate, it will also be addressed the potentials and limits of a independent cultural production in a context of strong economic concentration in the broadcast market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The aim of this article is to analyze the relationship between intellectuals and power from the perspective of the interests and rewards that both sides were able to obtain from a collaboration. To do so, we analyze a specific case, which occurred during the military dictatorship (1964-1985), and involves the donation of a piece of land, as well as a loan to construct a building granted by the military regime to the Brazilian Academy of Letters (ABL). The analysis enables us to shed new light on the relationship between conservative intellectuals and the Brazilian military regime. In the first segment, we retrace the trajectory of Austregésilo de Athayde, a journalist who presided over the institution between 1959 and 1994 and played a vital role in this donation and in financing the construction of the building. In the second segment, we detail how this process took place and how it provides a new angle with which to analyze the relationship of conservative intellectuals and the military dictatorship in Brazil.

Repare bem (Maria de Medeiros, 2013) and Luz obscura (Susana de Sousa Dias) are illustrative examples of women documentary filmmaker's approach to post-dictatorship memory in Brazil and in Portugal. Their attempt to counterpose affective and personal memories with the official records of the state, through the use of mugshots and prison photos of members of a family nucleus taken by the oppressive apparatus of the respective regimes framed in a ‘family narrative’, is inextricable from a recovery of the memory of women’s efforts as both witnesses as and social and political agents. This article will build upon works combining a feminist approach with memory studies (Marianne Hirsch, Annette Kuhn) which provide an insight into the particularities of family photographs as a means to explore the intersection between the personal and the official, the intimate and the public, family and nation, memory and history. Both documentaries raise the stakes by questioning as well as collapsing the said binaries when they structure and order the historical source material within a ‘family frame’: mugshots and prison photos are inscribed in lieu of a speculative family album, thus performatively upsetting the ideological framework of authoritarian regimes as well as their historical legacies, currently the object of contestation and political manipulation.

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This article explores the disappearance of bodies within the bureaucracy of death in Brazil, including a focus on complicity between the apparatus of repression during the military period and norms of public administration, which aimed to give a veneer of "legality" in cases of disappearance within state institutions. The bureaucracy of death undresses bodies and depersonalizes them, and lack of care over recording details can be a strategy to deny the dead body of an undesirable or unknown person an identity. Making use of autopsy reports for unidentified bodies in São Paulo in the 1970s as an analytical category, I demonstrate how an archaeological perspective can show how a "state of exception" operates on such individuals; in particular, I show how the presence or absence of details about clothing is a significant factor in depersonalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Romanica Olomucensia is the property of Palacky University in Olomouc and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 1964 a dictatorship has been established by a Military Coup in Brazil. This regime would last for 21 years in which the country would know a state of absolute horror. Freedom retrenchment, tyrannical authoritarianism and torture as a way of punishment had engraved sad moments in our recent History. However, some kind of hope sparkled and survived trough art. Even with the imposed silence by the establishment of the Institutional Act number 5 (AI-5) and the prior censorship, some artists decided not to hush and keep producing, yet taking risks. In this scenario, we can name Chico Buarque de Hollanda, a singer and songwriter from Rio de Janeiro, whose work has been persecuted, restricted and censored. In order to outlive the military government abuse and continue producing, Chico had to resort to skilled means of deceiving the Federal Censorship, singing and telling his version of the story, by the gap of MPB. This article aims to analyze Chico Buarque's album Construção (1971) as a resistance strategy. This album use a counter-speech to reveal the darkness imposed by the military to the country (censorship and personal repression) and also the real truth hidden by the government propaganda of a good country, socially and economically stable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1979 and 1984 São Paulo was the centre of a veritable boom in xerographic experimentation. The ardent turn to the photocopier on the part of many São Paulo-based artists was the culmination of a neo-avant-garde scene that had crystallised there since the beginning of the 1970s, during the most brutal years of the military dictatorship. Working individually, they coalesced in their appropriation of technologies of mass print media to create, in the midst of censorship and repression, dispersive and democratic works. However, these artists singularly harnessed the photocopier to simultaneously attack the parameters of canonical art and the oppressive measures of the regime that facilitated access to this very technology. This article materialises a significant and largely overlooked chapter of the conceptual turn in Brazil. It also maps a vital transition, from artists using xerography solely for its pluralising capability, to developing xerography as a visual language in its own right – reorientating the machine's function, and altering how viewers would approach these haptic works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Informacao & Sociedade: Estudos is the property of Universidade Federal de Campina Grande, Centro de Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This article aim to dialogue with the concepct of 'cultural front', alliance of resistance to the Brazilian military dictatorship, which unified a large part of the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), intellectuals and artists in the early years of that regime (1964-1968). We'll also dialogue with a certain social construction of memory about that dictatorship, specifically that constructed by the press in your double role of promoter of the coup d'etat and locus of resistance to the dictatorship. The newspaper Correio da Manhã and one of its leading editorialists, Otto Maria Carpeaux, are presented here as representatives of that front, both capable of rectifying it and indicating its limits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the debate in the Brazilian mainstream press about the agreement signed between Rede Globo and midia conglomerate Time-Life in 1962. It seeks to illuminate the position of the main newspapers within the complex political configuration created by the military coup in 1964. The debate originated in the Rio de Janeiro that year revolved around the unconstitutionality of foreign investments in national media companies. Carlos Lacerda, then governor of Guanabara, carried out a real public campaign of denunciation considering the agreement antinational and in violation of the Constitution (which prohibited foreign groups from owning or investing in media companies). In 1966, the public discussion had expanded to São Paulo, and the pressure exerted by the press had the Parliament forced to formally investigate the agreement. In March 1967, the federal government declared the allegations unfounded, closing the inquiry. The article contributes to the debate about the historicization of the political process developed in those first three years of government and the complex place the press had in it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1973, after consolidating himself as a professional actor, Hugo Carvana started directing movies. Proposing an approximation between two different artistic heritages, the film genre of the "chanchadas" and the Cinema Novo movement, the filmmaker made humorous feature films, debauched comedies, in which he established critical readings to Brazil of the military dictatorship. Influenced by the dramaturgy of Vianinha, in the perspective of undressing social contradictions present in the country, Carvana developed a popular filmography, inserted in the cultural industry, in which he opposes the values of the bourgeois universe. Writing their screenplays in partnership with Armando Costa, the filmmaker directed, during the 1970s, the movies "Vai trabalhar, vagabundo" (1973) and "Se segura, malandro" (1978), in which he proposed an ironic refusal to the conservative ideology in defense of capitalist progress and the work ethic. Through a compliment of cheating and "good" trickery, treated in his movies as a resistance of the poor to authoritarian forces, Carvana developed a romantic approach to the popular class, representing it as an irreverent detour to bourgeois ideology. Celebrating the wit of the poor people's, the filmmaker found in humor a way of refuting social hierarchies, thus exposing the malaise of Brazilian society during the dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazilian historiography emphasises student political practice as the main action of those students who were against the authoritarian and conservative regime. To explain the student movement through its political activity or subversion towards the established social patterns became commonplace when discussing the behaviour of much of 1960s youth. Even though such aspects are import, they take little account of other peculiarities of these students' history. This article explores Anderson's (2008) hypothesis on «imagined communities» - i.e. when people in a group establish synchronic identification through references given by daily communication - in this context. This highlights the emotional pandemic of the youth coalition of the 1960s, which spread to general political movements. From this perspective, the student movement is understood as an interaction among subjects of a similar age, mobilized by their identification with shared images, mainly on printed documents. This analysis reveals that in Brazil: 1) the students identified with the revolutionary youngsters in the magazines who would later become icons, such as Fidel Castro and Che Guevara; 2) The reports and «hearsay» of youth action, recorded in the articles and stimulated and amplified by street demonstrations, schematic readings, impromptu rallies, graffiti and slogans, etc. We discuss synchronicity as an aspect of this period of history that was associated with the sensory stimuli involved in demonstrations, as well as the creation of stereotypes and representations of youth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We intend with this paper to interpret the effects of sense in stating that fall on the Brazilian military dictatorship (1964-1985), from the nominations received to the period from different positions that the subject occupies. We used an editorial in the Folha de S. Paulo baptized the years that lead to “ditabranda”, images of a blog about the controversial card in memorial of Universidade de São Paulo (USP) and headlines in the newspapers entered the sixties who announced the seizure of power by the military to conduct our analyzes and considerations we make use of French Discourse Analysis.

This article analyzes the relationship between political and intellectual action of a specific group of folklorists associated with the Brazilian Folkloric Movement, and the development and implementation of cultural policy within the context of the military dictatorship in the 1960s and 1970s in Brazil. Therefore, this article is a comparative analysis of these policies based on documents from the military government as well as material created by folklorists, particularly material found in the Brazilian folklore magazine Revista Brasileira de Folclore.

Despite authoritarianism, the Brazilian military dictatorship has produced a speech in defense of democracy, according to the Doctrine of National Security (DSN). To legitimate it, the television-scheduling grid assumes a pedagogical role in the constitution of meanings desired by the regimen, mainly those of national integration and modernity. This text sees the television field as an integral part of the group who took up the political power of the country in 1964. However, just like the other forms of solidarity, the one stablished among the TV broadcasters’ owners (a public concession) and the Brazilian military dictatorship is not exempt of disruption. Therefore, the text points to the need to relativize existing readings, which build up a simplistic alliance between this field and the military dictatorship.

This paper analyzes the political-economic intentions that led to the construction of the Rio-Santos highway, one of the big constructions of the military dictatorship under the management of Mario Andreazza as Minister of Transport (1967-1974). This study also highlights the land conflicts generated with the construction of the highway and the strategies used by businesspersons to expel local populations, recognized as caiçaras and that used to live from agriculture and fishing. Finally, this research describes the process of resistance of these caiçaras communities, mainly in the city of Ubatuba (SP), and the nomination of these as traditional populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1964 a dictatorship has been established by a Military Coup in Brazil. This regime would last for 21 years in which the country would know a state of absolute horror. Freedom retrenchment, tyrannical authoritarianism and torture as a way of punishment had engraved sad moments in our History. Even with the imposed silence by the establishment of the Institutional Act number 5 (AI-5) and the prior censorship, some artists decided not to hush and keep producing, yet taking risks. In this scenario, we can name Chico Buarque de Hollanda, a singer and songwriter from Rio de Janeiro, whose work has been persecuted, restricted and censored. In order to outlive the military government abuse and continue producing, Chico had to resort to skilled means of deceiving the Federal Censorship, singing and telling his version of the story. This article aims to analyze Chico Buarque's albums Construção (1971) and Sinal Fechado (1974), observing them as a resistance strategy. They use a counter-speech to reveal the darkness imposed by the military and also the truth hidden by the government propaganda of a good country, socially and economically stable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Letras (Lima) is the property of Letras, Facultad de Letras y Ciencias Humanas. Universidad Nacional Mayor De San Marcos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This essay offers an eco-critical reading of Ignacio de Loyola Brandão 's 1981 novel Não verás país nenhum. (Trans. And Still the Earth, 1985). I examine in detail the novel's unconventional and multi-layered conceptualizations of history while also focusing on aesthetic aspects of Brandão’s depiction of social, political, and environmental degradation. My analysis expands on the contextual timeframe of the Military Dictatorship years (1964-1985) with which the novel is conventionally associated. I propose instead to approach Brandão’s text through wider historical and spatial perspectives. I show how the novel articulates unconventional conceptualizations of history that challenge long-standing humanistic approaches. Though closely related to specific historical and political contexts in Brazil, this decades-old narrative anticipated many of the anxieties that became part of current global debates on the Anthropocene and its impact on humanistic precepts in the Humanities and in the Social Sciences.