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After advocating flexibilisation of non-standard work contracts for many years, some European and international institutions and several policy makers now indicate the standard employment relationship and its regulation as a cause of segmentation between the labour market of ‘protected’ insiders, employed under permanent contracts with effective protection against unfair dismissal, and the market of the ‘non-protected’ outsiders, working with non-standard contracts. Reforms of employment legislation are therefore being promoted and approved in different countries, supposedly aiming to balance the legal protection afforded to standard and non-standard workers. This article firstly argues that this approach is flawed as it oversimplifies reasons for segmentation and concentrates on an ‘insider–outsider’ discourse that cannot easily be transplanted into continental Europe. After reviewing current legislative changes in Italy, Spain and Portugal, I argue that lawmakers have focused on ‘deregulation’ rather than ‘balancing protection’ when approving recent reforms. I question the mainstream approach to segmentation and some of its derivative proposals, such as calls to introduce a ‘single permanent contract’, on the grounds that they neglect the essential role of job protection in underpinning the effectiveness of fundamental and constitutional rights at the workplace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The insider-outsider politics approach conjectures that moderate unions and centre-left parties safeguard the interests of insiders and neglect outsiders in labour market reforms. This article challenges this hypothesis. By comparing the positions taken by centre-left parties and moderate union confederations during labour market reforms in Portugal and Spain (1975–2019), it shows that while they may indeed protect insiders, they sometimes do the opposite. To explain this, the article argues that more attention must be paid to the configuration of left parties and confederations. In Portugal, where communist and radical left parties were strong, the centre-left was afraid of losing outsiders' electoral support, and thus it did not follow a pro-insider strategy. This was reinforced by the fact that the centre-left had to face the opposition of a strong class-oriented confederation that was not willing to commit to two-tier reforms. This was not what happened in Spain. The centre-left, supported by a union confederation, undertook a two-tier reform in 1984 because there was a different configuration of left parties and confederations. Notwithstanding, this was not a stable equilibrium because this confederation changed its position over time when it realized the negative consequences of these reforms. Henceforth, their strategy became more pro-outsider. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The integration of the residential function beyond the limits of the urban and developable land in the legislative frameworks has had a distinct and incomplete character. Faced with an identical phenomenon in general, called urban sprawl, the competent governments in this matter within the Iberian Peninsula have opted for a dissimilar assimilation of it, materialized in different legal and instrumental mechanisms. The objective of this paper is to present the different ways of understanding and regulating this new urban model by the Portuguese state government and the regional autonomous governments in Spain. To do this, a comparative analysis is carried out on the criteria for the classification of undeveloped land and a review of the most paradigmatic tools for the management of periurban and rurban development. The works indicate a position that is still indeterminate and, sometimes, contradictory. In spite of this, there is a tendency towards the regulated inclusion of the residential function outside the geographical contexts that have traditionally supported it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we analyze the temporal dependence in energy prices and demand using daily data of Portugal and Spain over the period 2007–2017. The methodology used is based on a stochastic Hidden Markov Model and the results indicate first that all significant relationships between energy prices and demands were found to be positive; second, spot prices are only time dependent on future prices and spot energy, while future energy is solely time dependent on spot energy behavior; third, future prices are not only autocorrelated but also time-dependent with spot energy and future energy demands level; and finally, spot energy is autocorrelated and time-dependent with future prices and future energy. Policy implications of the results obtained are presented at the end of the article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multitarget anti-Alzheimer agents are the focus of very intensive research. Through a comprehensive bibliometric analysis of the publications in the period 1990–2020, we have identified trends and potential gaps that might guide future directions. We found that: (i) the number of publications boomed by 2011 and continued ascending in 2020; (ii) the linked-pharmacophore strategy was preferred over design approaches based on fusing or merging pharmacophores or privileged structures; (iii) a significant number of in vivo studies, mainly using the scopolamine-induced amnesia mouse model, have been performed, especially since 2017; (iv) China, Italy and Spain are the countries with the largest total number of publications on this topic, whereas Portugal, Spain and Italy are the countries in whose scientific communities this topic has generated greatest interest; (v) acetylcholinesterase, β-amyloid aggregation, oxidative stress, butyrylcholinesterase, and biometal chelation and the binary combinations thereof have been the most commonly pursued, while combinations based on other key targets, such as tau aggregation, glycogen synthase kinase-3β, NMDA receptors, and more than 70 other targets have been only marginally considered. These results might allow us to spot new design opportunities based on innovative target combinations to expand and diversify the repertoire of multitarget drug candidates and increase the likelihood of finding effective therapies for this devastating disease. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the global financial crisis of 2007/2008, five European countries called for external financial assistance. Austerity policies were implemented, but the extent to which the bailout deal impacted the Portuguese and Spanish public service broadcasters has not been yet thoroughly investigated. Both born in dictatorial regimes, these public service broadcasters in democratic contexts followed different solutions for governance and funding. This article investigates the changes produced in the Portuguese and Spanish public media under the austerity era, analysing the policy measures implemented, as well as the economic and ratings performance of both public service broadcasters. The aim is to assess if external factors (such as external assistance) originated similar effects in both countries. Results show that, in spite of different funding and governance models adopted, both public services were heavily impacted in terms of revenues and ratings and that the austerity period provided the context to set up a neoliberal ideological point-of-view. Both public services lost legitimacy and their cultural and political role was undermined by a discussion that was grounded on economic factors alone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent introduction of Spanish media groups to the Portuguese market and the latest disputes in the telecommunications industry have put the spotlight on the Iberian market, in which companies of both countries coexist, compete and collaborate in order to consolidate their businesses and grow on the international scene. The convergent interests of big companies such as Telefónica, Prisa, Portugal Telecom and Lusomundo have opened up the debate on the high concentration of communication companies on the Iberian Peninsula. The purpose of this article is to establish similarities in the behaviour of these groups between 1995 and 2010 and to identify their common interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines trade union responses to the transformation of employment relations in the public administration in Portugal throughout the Reform programmes launched after 2002 and the more recent austerity measures. It examines the relationship between conflict and concertation and analyses the perspectives and practices of the sector's ideologically divided trade unions. It finally considers comparative issues emerging from the application of similar austerity packages in Portugal and Spain and contrasts their paths of employment relations and union action in public administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to analyze the interaction between port devolution processes in Portugal and Spain in their common geographical environment, the Iberian Peninsula. Firstly a review is done of the different port devolution processes in the world which specifically analyses the transition of numerous public and centralized ports to the landlord model. Among the conclusions that we can highlight with respect to the Iberian port systems are the need for a reflection process before any change is made to the port governance model, and greater cooperation between the two countries to avoid any possible future port tariff price wars. The over-investment process that the Spanish port devolution process, especially, has generated must also be mentioned, for highlighting once again the almost inexhaustible ability of ports to eat up public funds for investment that precludes profitability. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article explains the political causes of the current financial crisis of the eurozone peripheral countries (Spain, Greece, Portugal, and Ireland) and how the crisis affects their welfare states. It examines how their profoundly conservative governments (dictatorships in Spain, Portugal, and Greece and authoritarian regime in Ireland) during the post-World War II period and the dominance of their states by right-wing forces have made these countries very vulnerable to the speculations of the financial markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1945, both Spain and Portugal have experienced significant market transformations. These countries were both led by dictators for many years until the mid 1970s when each moved toward more democratic governments and more open markets. As a result, each experienced significant changes in output with Spain's becoming a model for proper market based transformations. Although Portugal's transformation has been less impressive it experienced improvements too. This paper uses a Parente and Prescott (J Polit Econ 102(2), 298-321, ; ) type model to investigate the recent transformations in each of these countries and quantify the extent to which barriers to technological adoption may have played for these two development experiences. Our results indicate that from 1945 to 2003 these barriers have fallen considerably but remain high, and are somewhat higher in Portugal than in Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, the authors analyse the social welfare impact of the integration of Portugal and Spain in the Iberian electricity market (MIBEL), taking into account the CO2 price for emissions trading. They model the impact of emissions trading on the daily clearing prices and generation scheduling, and its effects on the benefits of integration as a whole. They compare the impact of market integration in Portugal and Spain and show that the welfare impact of the MIBEL is dependent on the CO2 prices. From their analysis, they conclude high CO2 prices lead to a change in the merit order. Moreover, natural gas is the generation technology that most benefits from transmission constraints and from high CO2 prices, as in the base case it is mainly used as a peak technology. The authors have also found that increases in the CO2 prices do not lead to higher profits. Overall, the introduction of the MIBEL will increase social welfare by reducing generation costs and prices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Romanian Journal of Journalism & Communication / Revista Română de Jurnalism şi Comunicare- RRJC is the property of Romanian Journal of Journalism & Communication and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Economic and sociological theories of marriage have long emphasized the impact of women's education and employment on union formation. In this study, we explore the relevance of the female economic independence hypothesis to explain women's patterns of entry into marriage and cohabitation in Portugal and Spain. In these two Southern European countries, gender equity has improved remarkably in the public sphere, but family relations remain structured along traditional gender roles. We focus on three indicators of women's autonomy: educational attainment, employment status, and having lived independently from the family of origin. The analysis is based on the Fertility and Family Surveys and discrete-time multinomial logistic regression models are used to estimate the odds of marrying, cohabiting or remaining single. The results suggest that whereas the effect of female education is consistent with the independence hypothesis, women's labour force participation encourages union formation, particularly among younger cohorts. Living independently from the family of origin reduces the likelihood of entering into marriage but increases considerably the odds of cohabiting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Severe spermatogenic failure (SpF) represents the most extreme manifestation of male infertility, as it decreases drastically the semen quality leading to either severe oligospermia (SO, <5 million spermatozoa/mL semen) or non-obstructive azoospermia (NOA, complete lack of spermatozoa in the ejaculate without obstructive causes)., Objectives: The main objective of the present study is to analyze in the Iberian population the effect of 6 single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) previously associated with NOA in Han Chinese through genome-wide association studies (GWAS) and to establish their possible functional relevance in the development of specific SpF patterns., Materials and Methods: We genotyped 674 Iberian infertile men (including 480 NOA and 194 SO patients) and 1058 matched unaffected controls for the GWAS-associated variants PRMT6-rs12097821, PEX10-rs2477686, CDC42BPA-rs3000811, IL17A-rs13206743, ABLIM1-rs7099208, and SOX5-rs10842262. Their association with SpF, SO, NOA, and different NOA phenotypes was evaluated by logistic regression models, and their functional relevance was defined by comprehensive interrogation of public resources., Results: ABLIM1-rs7099208 was associated with SpF under both additive (OR = 0.86, p = 0.036) and dominant models (OR = 0.78, p = 0.026). The CDC42BPA-rs3000811 minor allele frequency was significantly increased in the subgroup of NOA patients showing maturation arrest (MA) of germ cells compared to the remaining NOA cases under the recessive model (OR = 4.45, p = 0.044). The PEX10-rs2477686 SNP was associated with a negative testicular sperm extraction (TESE) outcome under the additive model (OR = 1.32, p = 0.034). The analysis of functional annotations suggested that these variants affect the testis-specific expression of nearby genes and that lincRNA may play a role in SpF., Conclusions: Our data support the association of three previously reported NOA risk variants in Asians (ABLIM1-rs7099208, CDC42BPA-rs3000811, and PEX10-rs2477686) with different manifestations of SpF in Iberians of European descent, likely by influencing gene expression and lincRNA deregulation., (© 2021 American Society of Andrology and European Academy of Andrology.)

Although adverse health effects produced by lead (Pb) have long been recognized, studies regarding the immunotoxic effects of occupational exposure report conflicting results. In a previous study, alterations in some immunological parameters were noted in 70 Pb-exposed workers. In view of these results, it was of interest to extend this study comprising a larger population and increasing the number of immunological endpoints assessed. Accordingly, in this study the immunotoxic effects of occupational exposure to Pb were assessed by analyzing (1) percentages of lymphocyte subsets (CD3⁺, CD4⁺, CD8⁺, CD19⁺, and CD56⁺/16⁺); (2) concentration of plasma cytokines, namely, interleukin (IL) 2, IL4, IL6, IL10, tumor necrosis factor (TNF) α, and interferon (IFN) γ; and (3) plasma concentrations of neopterin, tryptophan (Trp), and kynurenine (Kyn). In addition, the possible influence of genetic polymorphisms in the vitamin D receptor (VDR) and δ-aminolevulinic acid dehydratase (ALAD) genes on immunotoxicity parameters was studied. Exposed workers showed significant decreases in %CD3⁺, %CD4⁺/%CD8⁺ ratio, IL4, TNFα, IFNγ, and Kyn to Trp ratio (Kyn/Trp), and significant increases in %CD8⁺, IL10, and Trp levels. All these parameters, except Trp, were significantly correlated with exposure biomarkers. No significant influence of genetic polymorphisms was observed. Significant correlation between Kyn/Trp and neopterin concentrations suggests an involvement of indoleamine 2,3-dioxygenase in the Trp metabolic alterations, which may contribute to some of the immune alterations observed. Results obtained suggest that occupational exposure to PB may influence the immune system by impairing several mechanisms, which might ultimately produce deregulation of the immune response and diminish immunosurveillance in exposed individuals.