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The post-World War II experience of conflict and regional cooperation in (Western) Europe and East Asia has been very different. Despite their differences in terms of receptiveness of, and preferences for, regional cooperation, regional cooperation and/or integration still remains one of the most promising avenues for achieving or at least institutionalising peace. Against this backdrop, we aim to assess the scope for EU–Korean collaboration in regional integration, outlining the European and the Korean perspectives on regional integration and conflict resolution, their similarities and differences in this process, and prospects of cooperation amid the intensifying US–China rivalry. We argue in this paper that although confronted with the spectre of global power politics heading for a new Cold War, both the EU and Korea have normatively and practically sought to pursue a policy of 'hedging', and that integration may be a testament to the power of integration in the peaceful transformation of international order than undermining its rationale. The paper thus argues that the future trajectory that regional cooperation for conflict transformation would be bound up by the spectre of power politics by the geostrategic rivalry between the US and China would not necessarily be the only one expected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This issue of the Oxford Review of Economic Policy explores the origins of the US-led liberal multilateral economic order in the post-war world and the threats which that order now faces, drawing on contributions from two different groups of people—academic international relations (IR) scholars and international economists. This introductory essay attempts to weave the various strands of this intellectual collaboration together. First, it provides a narrative history of how economic collaboration emerged in the aftermath of the Second World War. Second, it describes the nature of the global economic governance that emerged and provides a new formal framework for analysing it, making use of the idea of 'concerted unilateralism'. Third, it explores how contemporary challenges—a broadening of policy requirements, the rise of economic nationalism, and the rise of China as a new hegemon—mean that the global economic order is now in flux. And finally, it concludes with a general observation that runs through the paper: that IR scholars are inclined to analyse international economic regimes, economists to study particular policy proposals, and that these two perspectives can—and should—complement one another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increased territorial conflicts in the center of the maritime South and East China Seas have ramifications for Asian regional stability. The area is resource-rich, strategically placed along waterways, and has indisputable oil and natural gas reserves. There had also been a perceived change in the international system built by the United States during World War II, with China attempting to replace it as the regional power. China's behavior toward the remaining claimants, as well as to some extent toward other foreign parties in the conflicts, is examined using ideas from International Relations and case studies from International Law. Employing a qualitative research design, the author attempted to analyze the territorial dispute in the East China Sea and the South China Sea. This paper explains how the islands are strategically located near commercial fishing grounds, major shipping channels, and undiscovered oil and gas potential and how the issue is linked to China's preservation of national sovereignty, while the remaining claimant states perceive it as an incursion by the approaching menace of China. Whoever gains control of the islands eventually gains control of a major portion of East China and South China Seas' economic resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1931, Deutsche Luft Hansa and China's Nationalist government came together to form the Sino-German airline Joint Venture (JV), the Eurasia Aviation Corporation. Eurasia plied the skies over China and beyond, as part of its mandate to project newfound state power in a global infrastructural race to prove its technocratic capabilities and modern identity. By tracing the founding, development, and dissolution of Eurasia Aviation Corporation, this paper seeks to overturn the paradigm of the “dominant parent” enterprise where the foreign side controlled the destinies of Sino-foreign JVs. Using epistles and contracts between Luft Hansa, the Executive Yuan, Eurasia, and the ministries that had purview over the Sino-foreign JV – as well as using aerophilatelic catalogues, route networks, and Chiang Kai-shek's lectures (Chinese Citizenry and Aviation) – this paper proposes that Nationalist state actors were capable of formidable and strategic stewardship over the business that transcended the quasi-equity on paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Outside of the dominant frame depicting World War II as a showdown between the Allied and Axis powers, the war also represented a critical juncture in the global battle between empire and nation. In Asia, the war allowed a "semi‐colonial" China to successfully reclaim its sovereignty from both its allies and enemies and compelled the Dutch to forfeit colonial rule in Indonesia and its prestige as a regional power. Moving beyond conventional dichotomies and great‐power bias, this paper analyses two portentous wartime controversies between China and the Netherlands, whose common goals as allies did not prevent clashes over diametrically opposed national pursuits. In exposing the conflicting nature of their respective nationalisms, these disputes elucidate the interplay of war, nationalism, and imperialism in East Asia as well as China's changing place in the emergent post‐war regional and global orders. The Dutch refusal to accept these shifting realities and underlying notions of national self‐determination presaged the traumatic trajectory of Indonesia's decolonisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID‐19 outbreak has been one of the world's most severe challenges since World War II, which not only reflected in the observable economic depression, but also in emotional damage that is scarcely underscored. This paper estimates the effect of the epidemic on happiness of Chinese residents by capturing the emotions conveyed through massive social media, combined with city‐level epidemic data. We confirm the significant negative impact of the outbreak on life satisfaction, with an extra 1% of cumulative death cases associated with a 0.54% decrease in expressed happiness. Meanwhile, we find that well‐being drops the most in regions with high‐level risk of COVID‐19, and happiness in regions with higher or lower income levels are more vulnerable to the effects of the epidemic, in comparison to the intermediate‐level income regions. Female sentiment exhibits more sensitivity to the epidemic situation than does male sentiment. Furthermore, the timing of major public events also plays a sizable role in determining self‐reported happiness, and our results suggest that pandemic alerts announced by the World Health Organization significantly increased the loss of well‐being, while announcements of city‐unlocking had the opposite impact. The interaction between the outbreak and real‐time expressed happiness provides an important opportunity for reflection on the future governance policies of epidemic containment. Key Points: First, the results indicate significant negative impact of the outbreak on life satisfactionSecond, we find that well‐being drops the most in regions with high‐level risk of COVID‐19Female sentiment exhibits more sensitivity to the epidemic situation than does male sentiment [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mission 204, a mixed British and Australian force, operated in Nationalist China from 1942 to 1945 with the objective of training Nationalist guerrillas. Historians have tended to focus only on the mission's record in 1942, when British and Australian commandos deployed to eastern Jiangxi Province and suffered from a high incidence of disease. This paper not only reframes the narrative concerning 1942, but also argues that the mission met with success from 1943 to 1945, due to adaptations in the mission’s force structure and an increased willingness to suit Chinese desires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1941 Australian tabloid journalist Dorothy Gordon Jenner was caught up in the Japanese siege of Hong Kong and was incarcerated in the Stanley Internment Camp. During her internment Jenner kept a clandestine record of daily life written in pencil on Bronco brand toilet paper and kept hidden in the heels of her shoes. To date her fragmented diary and notes have defied analysis. This paper provides a reading of Jenner's personal wartime testimonio through the frame of tabloid journalism to expose how the tabloid genre-Jenner's stock-in-trade as a journalist before the war-became the framework for her personal testimony during World War II. By interpreting Jenner's private diary and notes as testimonio journalism this paper exposes the flow of the tabloid vernacular style of journalism between private and public discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The paper seeks to build on a model from extant literature which utilized a similar historical analysis approach in a study of strategic decision making. Using the (unsuccessful) defence of Hong Kong in World War II as the historical case, the paper seeks first to apply Chung and McLarney's model in the analysis, and then extend the model so as to better handle the unique sequence of events that took place in 1941. Design/methodology/approach – The paper employs a historical case event in an analysis of competitive strategies. The first section provides a descriptive historical account of the battle of Hong Kong. The second section describes the decision-making model, while the third section applies the model to explain three sets of decisions: the decision to defend the colony, decisions made during the battle and the decision to surrender. The fourth section draws implications for strategic decision making in organizations, while the last section presents conclusions. Findings – Organization theorists seem to be fascinated with planning and strategy formulation, at the expense of strategy implementation. While designing organizational strategy is often more glamorous than execution, it is the execution of strategy that ultimately determines an organization's competitive advantage. Clearly, the strategy of the Allied Forces in Hong Kong was not hard to figure out (Mintzberg). However, there is growing research on how lower organizational levels have a tremendous contribution in fundamentally changing, formulating organizational strategy and sometimes even obstructing strategy formulated at the top. The decision to defend Hong Kong in the face of the Japanese invasion, decisions made during the battle and the decision to surrender were all major, critical decisions, especially susceptible to such biases as overconfidence, problem framing, availability heuristics and confirming-evidence. Overconfidence is particularly dangerous. Originality/value – The study not only modifies and extends the model, but also contributes to the literature by augmenting the validity of previous case research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The currently accepted narrative regarding WWII in China suggests that Nationalist China and the Third Reich had no diplomatic connections after their official break of diplomatic relations in July 1941. Based on archival material from Germany, China and Taiwan, this article challenges this narrative. As I hope to demonstrate, communications between Germany and China continued well after July 1941 through back channels. From Switzerland, Chinese agents maintained connections with the German party intelligence service (RSHA), and Germany acted as a mediator between China and Japan. It is the role that intelligence personnel played in maintaining this communication channel and their role in clandestine Sino-German relations, which form the foundation of this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China and India are both late comers to industrialization. Both adopted similar economic development strategies after World War II, but the per capita GDP diverged significantly in the last 40 years. While economic growth and development have many components, we explain the difference in economic performance by emphasizing the difference in state capacity in the two economies. A country's state capacity is affected by culture and history. China established a unified language and culture two thousand years ago that enabled it to develop strong state capacity. With a strong state capacity, China made crucial investments in infrastructure and in key heavy industries and developed technological capabilities to help start and sustain growth. India, on the other hand, is a country segmented by religion, caste, and language which has hindered the development of effective state capacity, and thus complementary state investments to spur economic growth. Moreover, India has up to now relied more heavily on expansion of its service sector compared to China, which has hindered its exports, a crucial element that helped China's economy. India's future industrialization crucially depends on national integration and concomitant strengthening of state capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since World War II, the United States and its allies have overseen a global order built on trade liberalization and the development of a Western model of global integration. That order now appears to be winding down. Beyond the era of "Western hegemony", Asia is returning to the patterns of commerce and cultural exchange that thrived long before European colonialism and American predominance (Khanna, 2019). Underwriting Asia's resurgence is the return of China. This paper charts China's rise and Chinese globalization focusing on China as a global technology leader, detailing AI and Chinese human capital development, before turning to China's global higher education to provide an interpretation of Chinese Globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949, the transition from a planned economy to a market economy at the end of the 1970s, and the pursuit of a broader contact with the outside world are all moments which brought considerable changes to the Chinese urban context on various scales. The shaping of the physical environment witnessed significant changes and transitions; however, some urban elements like the enclosure, the wall, and the gate persisted, and their existence is unquestionable in today's Chinese cities. The concept of collectivism, anatomized from its very traditional meaning, was transformed by the socialist ideology first, and then the market-oriented philosophy later to a tool for the redefinition of the meaning of community and community building in the mutable urban context. Similarly, since the reconstruction after World War II, Italy witnessed big changes as well as the search for an urban modernity and identity, emphasizing a strong link between physical form and community building. This paper, using a comparative approach, opts to analyze how existing urban concepts have been transformed and how new mechanisms and processes emerged in community building and place making in China, focusing on the socialist and post-socialist periods, and in Italy, focusing on the aftermath of WWII till the late 1970s. The new social and urban challenges imposed by the transitional circumstances led to the adoption of alternative paradigms in both cases. In China, comprehensive development and the re-discovery of the human dimension of cities became an important focus, while the re-invention of traditional urban forms and the humanistic dimension of industrialization became one of the main concepts in community building and place making in the Italian urban context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on recent scholarship that highlights social change caused by the Anti-Japanese War, this paper traces the politicization of women working in the cotton mills of Chongqing, the Nationalist wartime capital. Upon joining the workforce in the late 1930s, most cotton mill hands were young, uneducated women expected to endure hard work and remain physically confined to the factories. By 1945, women workers were at the forefront of a militant labour movement, writing manifestoes and petitioning government officials. This process of politicization stemmed from their decision to work in factories, which breached societal norms, and their experience of disciplined labour regimes and brutal working conditions, which fostered an incipient class-consciousness. Moreover, Nationalist-sponsored factory education campaigns had the unintended effect of leading women to challenge class exploitation and sexual discrimination. Their participation in the labour movement, which was fuelled by their struggle for economic justice and desire for higher social status, used both legal forms— especially petitions and letters to the press couched in the wartime nationalist rhetoric of shared sacrifice—and extralegal means, namely class violence. The paper concludes that the social changes and conflict that accompanied women's wartime work helped prepare the terrain for Communist rule. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An introduction is presented which discusses various research papers on topics including China's economic history, impacts of the World War II of China on its economy and the Chinese foreign relation.

This paper argues that the first phase of the Sino-Japanese War of 1937–1945 saw a significant change in the relationship between state and society in China, leading to a greater use of techniques of classification of the citizenry for purposes of welfare provision and mobilization through propaganda, methods until recently more associated with the Communists than with their Nationalist rivals. The paper draws on materials from Sichuan, the key province for wartime resistance, showing that the use of identity cards and welfare provision regulations were part of a process of integrating refugees from occupied China into the wider wartime society, and that propaganda campaigns were deployed to persuade the local indigenous population to support wartime state initiatives. Although Nationalist efforts to mobilize the population in wartime were flawed and partial, they marked a significant change in the conception of Chinese citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores the unusually weak voice of Chinese war veterans in post-1949 politics society and culture. Although Chinese movies and television often feature military-related themes, it is rare to find frank and politicized depictions of China's military conflicts. In this respect, China departs sharply from the former Soviet Union—China's Leninist model for most of its formative years—as well as Vietnam, European inter-war fascist regimes and democracies. This paper argues that the relative weakness of authentic military voices in China can be traced to several peculiar features of modern Chinese history. The nature of warfare in China, as well as the absence of a national army, veteran organizations and a consensus over the legitimacy about China's wars, has led many to question the validity of veterans’ claims for a higher political and cultural status. Rather than allow veterans the space to portray war as they experienced it, intellectual elites in various cultural and propaganda offices dominate national war memory, presenting a simplistic and artificial rendering of China's wars. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Han Fuju was the most senior military figure to be executed for treason during the wars that engulfed the world between 1937 and 1945. His crime was to withdraw his troops in the face of the invading Japanese armies. His execution helped to strengthen Chinese resolve to resist Japan. This paper looks at Han's career, and at his end. It compares him to other failed commanders of the Second World War, Vlasov, Percival and Kimmel. The paper also notes the strange twist of history that has left Han celebrated for his humour as much as for his treachery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The world politics has been dominated by the US-led West since the Second World War and particularly after the demise of the Soviet Union at the end of a protracted Cold War. However, the balance of power seems to be shifting from the West to the East led by rising China. This geopolitical shift has been accelerated by the Covid-19 pandemic. Pandemics have been known to affect great powers and global politics in the past. The “Black death’, the ‘Plague of Athens’ and ‘Antonine plague’ are some of the examples from history, which resulted in the decline of great empires. Although Corona virus reportedly originated in Wuhan and later spread to the entire world, China was able to mobilize its resources in time and managed to control the disease in a very short time. On the other hand, the West and particularly the US was slow in taking appropriate measures resulting in death and misery to the people. US like many other countries, is still struggling with the pandemic that has caused a severe blow to not only its economy but also its standing as a world leader. While China has emerged as a more suitable candidate for the world’s leadership and steadily on the path of economic and technological primacy. The paper studies in detail how the virus has affected the global politics, particularly comparing the performance of the two rivals during the pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In November 1941 two Canadian infantry battalions arrived in the British Crown Colony of Hong Kong as reinforcements for the garrison. This deployment is considered an element of Britain's effort to deter Japanese aggression south against areas more vital, but this paper will demonstrate how other significant geopolitical issues led to this event. Canadian troops were sent to Hong Kong largely because of U.S. influence. Aimed at bolstering Chinese morale, Hong Kong's reinforcement was meant to sustain the Sino-Japanese war in order to provide indirect support to the Soviet Far East when the Red Army faced destruction in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the continuity between cosmopolitan collaboration and wartime collaborationism from 1932–1941 by exploring the Chinese Maritime Customs Service (CMCS) and its international staff. The CMCS managed China's international trade and directed the custom houses in northern China before 1937, and in occupied China and free China from 1937–1941. The customs revenues generated by this international trade were pledged to service China's international obligations. This article argues that both Chinese and Japanese staff members' activities to maintain the status quo could be considered as wartime collaborationism from the perspectives of Japan, Manchukuo, and the Collaborationist and Chongqing governments, but all parties tolerated their activities until the outbreak of the Pacific War. The reason for this was that all parties benefitted from the CMCS's management of international trade and its implementation of international obligations which had existed since the mid-nineteenth century. This article situates wartime collaborationism within the long-existing institutional network that was welcomed as cosmopolitan collaboration in the prewar, wartime, and postwar periods, rather than treating it as a unique wartime setup and ideology. Such a view also illuminates the postwar exchange of personnel and cooperation among former enemies, which grew out of prewar collaboration and wartime collaborationism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Remittances of Chinese overseas during the decades before and just after the Second World War formed an important part of China's economy and were a significant feature of Southeast Asia's economic history. Familial and ethnic sentiments drove this impulse to send money back to China. In reviewing evidence for Malaya and Singapore, this paper is a new study on the nature, the role and the mechanisms of transmission of these remittances. In charting the ebb and flow of remittances during the period, this study examines several factors responsible for the subsequent decline of these flows. These are political changes, both in China and Southeast Asia, the policies and regulations of the British colonial administration, and generational change. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Just as the worse global financial crisis since the Second World War threatens the survival of many global financial giants, the strong financial performance of the Chinese banks stands out. The record profits of Chinese banks are commendable considering that they were considered insolvent not too long ago. The paper reviews the reform strategy of Chinese state commercial banks and its implementation, as well as their strong financial performance in 2007 based upon the four largest listed state commercial banks. Even though a strong economy may have boosted performance, banking reform should have played a significant role in turning around Chinese banks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to examine the interaction between Confucian values and the governance processes in Hong Kong in the post-Second World War period. As a British colony developed first as an entrepôt, then as a base for labourintensive industries and subsequently an international business service centre and financial centre, the rule of law and individual freedoms were respected in an early stage, at least they became quite well established from the 1950s onwards. Hence democratization has largely been concentrated on the establishment of a democratic political system. In 2003, the pro-democracy movement in the territory began to demand for the direct election of the Chief Executive by universal suffrage by 2007 and the elections of all the seats of the legislature by the same method in 2008. Democracy in this way is treated as a procedure for making political decisions, something similar to what Robert A. Dahl calls polyarchy. Like most Western European countries, Hong Kong is now anticipating economic slowdown, and Hong Kong people may have to seek their satisfaction elsewhere. New aspects of self-cultivation and family harmony will have to be explored in the context of traditional Confucian values which, hopefully, will continue to provide inner peace and emotional support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper makes use of both Chinese and English primary sources to reassess China's agendas concerning Tibet during the Second World War. Previous researches have suggested that the Japanese invasion of China proper and the emergence of a group of powers allied with China in its struggle against Japan provided Nationalist China with an opportunity to advance its claims to the “lost” border regions and restore China's past territorial glory. Scholarly works have also argued that, being a member of the “Great Four” after Pearl Harbor, the Chinese government talked volubly about restoring China's authority over traditional frontier peripheries. In addition, it is suggested that, with regards to Tibet in the early 1940s, Chiang Kai-shek's wartime regime in Chongqing was even prepared to resort to military force to bring the long-lasting Tibetan issue to an end. This research intends to offer a different story. Here it is suggested that efforts made by the Chinese Nationalists during wartime to assert their rights in the southwest frontier peripheries were primarily based on considerations of regime security and military strategy. These considerations were felt to be more important than the ideological contours of Chinese nationalism shaped as early as Sun Yat-sen's era. As revealed in this paper, Chiang Kai-shek and his regime were actually taking afar more pragmatic stance towards the Tibetan issues. This paper further suggests that, as late as the early 1940s, the formulation of a definite and clear Chinese territoriality, with Tibet unconditionally included, remained a pending and unresolved issue for China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Second World War Harbin was a major city in the puppet-state of Manzhouguo, the industrial heart of the Japanese war effort in East Asia. The Garden of Grand Vision was a flophouse complex located in the Chinese slums of Harbin. The 2,000 drug addicts, gamblers and prostitutes who made the Garden their home were mostly migrants from North China who had fallen on hard times. In 1940 the Japanese police conducted a detailed survey of life in the Garden, portraying it as a swamp of disorder and immorality. In contrast, this paper describes the residents of the Garden as they valiantly participated in a vigorous underground economy and arranged their lives for survival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article surveys recent legislative and policy changes on foreign investments in four Nordic countries (Finland, Sweden, Denmark and Norway). Until recently, only Finland had national legislation on foreign investments, although historically the Nordic countries were forerunners in introducing foreign investment controls. A general rethink in the USA and the European Union on the links between liberal economies, investment policies and security has occurred in recent years. This has cast investments by enterprises from major authoritarian countries, foremost China, in a different light. Rather than investment numbers as such, or realised risks related to Chinese investments, a 'causal narrative' has emerged in the Nordic countries that draws attention to the nature of the Chinese party-state and its' unclear relationship to Chinese companies, underlining potential strategic motivations and security risks behind Chinese investments. Rapidly changing risk perceptions have driven legislative and policy changes on foreign direct investment (FDI), e.g. investment screening. Chinese investments have thus become riskified, to use a term coined by Olaf Corry. Shifting risk perceptions have similarly preceded previous 'formative epochs' in Nordic FDI legislation in the early twentieth century, after the Second World War and at the end of the Cold War. Each formative epoch has been characterised by a distinctive 'risk profile'. We postulate that these shifting risk perceptions significantly shape the reception of FDI as a key channel of cross-border connectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is about the experiences of three Chinese men who were involved in smuggling between India and China during the Second World War. Chen Mengzhao's rise as a leading figure in India-China smuggling in Calcutta uncovers the hidden links between the black markets in India and China during the Second World War. Gao Wenjie disguised himself as a Chinese army officer and utilized this fake identity to facilitate his smuggling business. Wang Li-an was sent to Calcutta to undertake smuggling for a Chinese government department. In telling these stories, this article argues that most smuggling in modern India and China was undertaken in transnational contexts that resulted in transnational effects. Ironically, the Nationalist government's state-building project to contain India-China smuggling ended by facilitating it. This project was further perceived by the British authorities as a Chinese conspiracy against India's sovereignty. The misunderstanding between the Chinese and British authorities led to the end of Chinese immigration to India in 1945. Overall, this article provides a new perspective to make sense of the tensions between the Chinese, Indian, and British governments during the Second World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's ruling Nationalist government saw the Second World War as an opportunity to shape the postwar world in China's favour. However, existing studies have often focused on China's plans on territorial arrangements in East Asia. This article examines how Nationalist China imagined and attempted to improve the postwar status of the Chinese diaspora in host countries. During the war, Nationalist China envisaged the removal of discriminatory treatment against the Chinese diaspora and planned to advocate racial equality. However, this equality was often intended to be parity with white people and Japanese rather than other Asians. Some Chinese officials even claimed that the Chinese diaspora in Southeast Asia should receive preferential treatment, which resonated with their perceptions that Chinese were superior to other Asians. As atrocities against Chinese migrants in Southeast Asia after the war mounted, China was forced to concentrate on saving their lives and assets. At the Asian Relations Conference, held in India in March–April 1947, Chinese delegates defended the Chinese diaspora against sceptical delegates of Southeast Asian nations. Although the conference delegates reached an agreement on treating foreign migrants in each country fairly, the Chinese diaspora still found itself in a precarious position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China and Japan continue to partly live in the shadow of World War II (WWII) with recurrent expressions of anti-Japanese nationalism in China periodically ebbing bilateral relations. How does the Chinese government manage anti-Japan public manifestations of nationalism and what factors explain it? The government has to walk a fine line by managing the nationalism it has bred without undermining its own rule and considering elite divisions, heightened public nationalism, and the developments in its external environment. Six case studies from the Hu-Wen era provide a comprehensive understanding of what pertains to Chinese nationalism, the means used to express it, and more importantly the way the government chose to tackle them. While nationalism can be a mean of garnering legitimacy and exercising pressure on Japan to bend to its wishes, the Chinese government is embarked on the sinuous task of preventing an escalation beyond its control at both the domestic and international levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the Japanese internment of Allied civilians in occupied China during the Second World War (WWII), with a focus on the period leading up to July 1943, by which point most Allied civilians had entered various internment sites throughout occupied China. This article mainly utilises the archives of the Japanese, the Allied governments and international mediators. The study argues that a provisional international mechanism for protecting enemy aliens was formulated shortly after the outbreak of war. It also finds that although Allied civilians did suffer physically and mentally during Japanese internment in occupied China, at least in the beginning, the Allied governments and the Japanese foreign affairs apparatus, based on this provisional international mechanism and the principle of 'reciprocity', intended to treat them fairly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research comparatively analyses the cultural roots of Islamophobic policy in China and France using an interdisciplinary, literature-based approach. In China, Han sentiments of cultural superiority interact with the deep influence of Confucianism on Han culture; a history of ethnic conflict particularly between the Uyghurs and Han Chinese; and historical scars from the century of humiliation. This results in a hatred particularly of non-Sinicized Islam, which manifests in the persecution of the Muslim-majority Uyghur cultural group. In France, colonial arrogance interacts with an increase in immigration and consequent diversity after World War II resulting in a shift in laicité's focus towards minimising visible diversity. This centres on reducing the expression of Islam in public spaces and particularly focuses on Muslim women. In both contexts, then, cultural arrogance interacts with ethnic tensions to result in the perception that Islam that has not been homogenised is incompatible with the dominant culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the procedure elaborated by our team which was applied to the mode of identification of Red Army soldiers who were taken as prisoners by the German Army during World War II and deceased in captivity. In the course of our search the unmarked burial of ten Soviet prisoners of war was found. Historical, anthropological and genetic research conducted by us led to the personal identification of nine of them, including two by means of DNA analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Information is presented about several papers discussed at a scholarly conference on the roles of the Soviet Union and China in World War II held November 16, 2010 jointly sponsored by the Institute for Far Eastern Studies of Russian Academy of Sciences and the Chinese Institute of International Studies at the People's Republic of China Foreign Ministry . Topics include wartime diplomacy, military aid to China, and the Nanking Massacre of 1937 in Nanjing, China.

Both for Italy and China, 1943 was undoubtedly a crucial year. In China, the situation was rather complex, especially since the Nanjing Regime, founded by Wang Jingwei with Japan's decisive aid, had declared war on the USA and the British Empire early that year. After 8 September 1943, Japanese troops seized the Italian Concession in Tianjin. The Italians who renewed their trust in Mussolini kept on operating in the new political framework; the others experienced the humiliation of being imprisoned. Those who had aligned themselves with Badoglio were usually sent to concentration camps. This paper will offer new insights on a topic which is largely neglected. It first discusses selected aspects and trends characterizing the relationship between China and Italy. The second part is dedicated to the figure of Francesco Maria Taliani (1887-1968), the then Italian Ambassador to China. Finally, the third part focuses on the story of some of the Italians who were taken prisoner by the Japanese. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Engaging with the growing scholarship on China's War with Japan (1937–1945) as part of a global World War Two, this article queries how the internationalization of China's War of Resistance has been (re)constructed in popular fiction films since the 2000s. It analyses representations of Sino-foreign interactions in China's mainstream onscreen memorialization of the war and how these productions have sought global recognition. It argues that, despite not always appreciated by foreign audiences and critics, depictions of China's war effort have been imbued with a considerable degree of ambiguity, comprising praise for forms of transnational solidarity and a growing assertion of China's role in a conflict of global significance. The article also explores the role of war cinema in projecting Chinese nationalism to domestic and international audiences and reflects on recent films whose exhibition problems signal changing constraints on what can be shown as heroic representations of China at war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Australia's China Odyssey: From Euphoria to Fear" by James Curran provides a historical overview of Australian attitudes towards China from the end of World War II to the present. The book draws on various sources, including memoirs, declassified government documents, and Wikileaks revelations, to shed light on Australian thinking about China. The author focuses on uncovering the thinking behind historical events and policy behavior rather than mounting an argument or critique. While the book devotes more space to the US factor in Australia's China thinking, it does not explore China's motivations in conducting its international relations. [Extracted from the article]

After Japan pragmatized militarism and formed a modernized nation-state in the latter nineteenth century, it extended that same methodology to its East Asian neighbor, China, from 1938 to 1945. This is an intellectual history that comparatively analyzes rhetorical, political, and military exchange between Japan and China. Furthermore, it is a reinterpretation of Pan-Asian exchange during World War Two that utilizes a transnational lens. The Japanese nation formed within a military culture, constant civil war, centered around a martial class. Japanese nationalism juxtaposed that of China, which experienced external threats, consisted of various ethnic groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During World War II, thousands of Chinese soldiers were sent to India for training. Many of them deserted from the army and made a new life in India. Chen Ching Lin was one of these deserters. Following the course of his journey in India from 1943 to 1946, this article not only unearths the little-known experiences of the Chinese deserters in India, but also explores how the Chinese Nationalist Government's aim to discipline the overseas Chinese communities conflicted with the agenda of British geopolitics. It further contends that modern Chinese and Indian history could be integrated into a single narrative framework from subaltern perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]