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Immigration has become a key demographic component in developed European nations. At the same time, many countries have seen an increase in immigration from non-European origins and more diversified migrant flows. In most population projections, however, immigrants are considered an almost homogenous population. This study utilizes a population microsimulation projection model (QuantMig-Mic) for 31 European countries that includes place of birth as a source of heterogeneity for components that could impact population size, age structures, and economic dependency ratios. We simulated different scenarios from 2020 to 2060 in which the birth regions of future immigrant flows were changed drastically compared to recent trends. Our results showed that major shifts in the origin of immigration flows toward Europe would impact the spatial distribution of the population in the continent and therefore—at the local level—the population size of some countries. We found that the age structure would be only marginally affected and that shifts in the composition of immigration flows would not significantly alter the increasing age dependency ratio. Moreover, even in the countries most impacted in terms of population size, no scenario led to notable changes in the total labor force participation rate or in the educational structure of the labor force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using microdata from the European Union Labour Force Survey (EU‐LFS) and aggregate indicators of labour market institutions, this article compares the job quality of native and non‐native workers across European countries and analyses the impact of the institutional settings on the job quality differential between both groups. The LFS is used to measure a job quality index for the period 2005–2017. We find that some immigrant groups fare worse than natives, the contribution of the "composition effect" to explain this differential is large, and the institutional framework affects the immigration gap in job quality. In particular, some labour market institutions (more centralized wage bargaining, stricter employment protection legislation) tend to be detrimental for immigrants relative to natives, while integration policies seem to work well in reducing these differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to explore the intergenerational transmission of female labor force participation from mothers to children. Using data collected by the European Social Survey from 2002 to 2018 (N = 118,219), we analyse four different samples of native and immigrant women and men in order to assess the relationship between working mothers and their daughters and sons' wives participation to the labour market. For both native and immigrant women, having had their mothers employed when the respondents were 14 was associated with higher probability they were employed at the time of survey. Similarly, for both native and immigrant men, having had their mothers employed when the respondents were 14 was associated with higher probability their wives were employed at the time of the survey. We concentrate our attention on the role of religion. We find that religiosity is negatively related to the participation of women in the labour market, with differences between those who had a working mother and those who had not. Results of some augmented models indicate that the intergenerational transmission of female labor force participation varies according to religious affiliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2004/2007 EU enlargements rendered CEE citizens legally equal to EU labour market participants. However, CEE migrants still face 'racialisation' and segmentation in North-Western European labour markets. Similar processes might extend to EU-South migrants, giving rise to a division of labour, whereby CEE and EU-South migrants end up in poor-quality, low-pay jobs. We compare the labour market integration of recent intra-EU migrants (EU8, EU2, EU-South, EU-West/EEA) in the UK, Germany and Denmark. Using labour force, microcensus and register data, we model quantitative and qualitative integration through labour force participation and wages. We find no significant differences in labour force participation between nationals and migrants in the UK. Whilst in both Denmark and Germany, the labour force participation of EU-migrants is significantly lower. Notwithstanding differences in migration trends, labour markets and welfare regimes, we find evidence of a division of labour along occupational and industry lines − that translates into wage differences. EU-West/EEA migrants occupy better jobs (even outperforming nationals), followed by EU-South and CEE migrants. In Denmark and Germany, EU8 and EU2 migrants' wages are lower than those of nationals even after controlling for differences in occupations. These findings suggest that inequalities across the EU are reproduced rather than converging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European debates on immigrant integration focus on employment because of its implications for assimilation. Although studies show that Sub‐Saharan African immigrants are most disadvantaged across Europe, cross‐national analyses do not examine labour force participation (LFP) or control for selection into the labour force before estimating employment, calling these results into question. Furthermore, studies rarely discuss visible minority status or gender making it unclear whether (1) country‐context matters for African LFP and employment and (2) visible minority status matters differently by gender. I use French and Spanish census data to determine whether Sub‐Saharan Africans are most disadvantaged in new and traditional receiving countries. My results indicate that country‐context matters, but previous employment findings likely reflect variation in LFP. Despite smaller penalties to migration characteristics in Spain, Sub‐Saharan African men are the only group significantly less likely to be employed in Spain, indicating that they experience unique barriers to job access. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Second-generation Turkish immigrants make up an increasingly important segment of European labour markets. These young adults are entering the prime working ages and forming families. However, we have only a limited understanding of the relationship between labour force participation and parenthood among second-generation Turkish women. Using unique data from the Integration of the European Second Generation survey (2007/08), we compared the labour force participation of second-generation Turkish women with their majority-group counterparts by motherhood status in four countries. We found evidence that motherhood gaps, with respect to labour force participation, were similar for majority and second-generation Turkish women in Germany and in Sweden; however, there may be larger gaps for second-generation mothers than for majority women in the Netherlands and France. Cross-national findings were consistent with the view that national normative and social policy contexts are relevant for the labour force participation of all women, regardless of migrant background. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with the contradictory phenomenon of intense labour migration from Ukraine to the EU, which is considered from the perspective of risks entailed. These are, in general terms: loss of best brains and labour resources from Ukraine caused by the low job market and other critical reasons, which aggravates Ukraine's economic anemia and undermines the grounds for EU-Ukraine economic cooperation and for proper investment and trade environment; lack of protection of labour migrants' rights in the host countries and irregular migration that are connected with criminality in Ukraine and the host countries, etc. Ukraine fulfilled the Visa Liberalisation Action Plan and developed the institutional and legal frames for the visa-free movement to the Schengen Area. Its appropriate and mutually beneficial implementation is a challenge for both the EU and Ukraine. L'étude traite du phénomène contradictoire de la forte migration de maind'oeuvre de l'Ukraine vers l'UE, qui est considérée du point de vue des risques qu'elle comporte: d'une manière générale, l'Ukraine perd ses meilleurs cerveaux et ses ressources en main-d'oeuvre en raison de la faiblesse du marché de l'emploi et d'autres raisons importantes, ce qui aggrave l'anémie économique de l'Ukraine et sape les bases d'une coopération économique entre l'UE et l'Ukraine, des investissements adéquats et de l'environnement de l'emploi; les droits de la main-d'oeuvre immigrée ne sont pas protégés dans les pays d'accueil et il existe une migration illégale en liaison avec la criminalité en Ukraine et dans les pays d'accueil, etc. L'Ukraine a satisfait au Plan d'action de suppression des visas et développé les cadres institutionnels et juridiques pour les déplacements sans visa vers la zone Schengen. Son application appropriée et mutuellement bénéfique est un défi à la fois pour l'UE et pour l'Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: European countries, and especially Germany, are currently very much affected by human migration flows, with the result that the task of integration has become a challenge. Only very little empirical evidence on topics such as labor market participation and processes of social integration of migrant subpopulations is available to date from large-scale population surveys. The present paper provides an overview of the representation of the migrant population in the German Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC) sample and evaluates reasons for the under-coverage of this population. Methods: We examine outcome rates and reasons for nonresponse among the migrant population based on sampling frame data, and we also examine para data from the interviewers' contact protocols to evaluate time patterns for the successful contacting of migrants. Results and Conclusions: This is the first time that results of this kind have been presented for a large-scale assessment in educational research. These results are also discussed in the context of future PIAAC cycles. Overall, they confirm the expectations in the literature that factors such as language problems result in lower contact and response rates among migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Opportunity and gender equality are among the fundamental principles that European Union law is based upon. The EU is obliged to promote this principle in all the actions it enterprises. The studies conducted at the level of EU member states high-lighten diverse and multiple cases of both direct and indirect discrimination, gender motivated or otherwise, one of the most important forms of discrimination being nationality based. Immigrants are more exposed to discrimination compared to the "natives" and women immigrants even more. In this study, we focus our research on immigrants within the EU and merely secondarily on third country national immigrants. In an attempt to reduce discrimination under all its aspects, the EU has adopted the Strategy for equality between women and men for the 2010 - 2015. In this Strategy, the EU has set certain objectives through which the UE evaluates the means member state use to accomplish, implement, monitor and evaluate their actions. Romania, in its quality of member state, has adopted, at its turn, a strategy in the field covering 2014 - 2017 and proposed a number of accomplishable objectives through different key-actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrant care work has emerged as an increasingly important solution to the challenges of growing eldercare needs in both the private and the public sphere. Migrant workers are employed in domestic services in Southern European and in some continental European countries, and they are a significant part of the work force in the formal care sector in many national contexts. The article provides an exploratory cross-country analysis of the phenomenon. After assessing the extent of migrant care work based on individually contracted workers in the domestic sector vs. organization-based care workers in nine European welfare states, it investigates which conditions sustain specific national patterns. Using fuzzy-set analysis the article demonstrates how the intersection of care, migration and employment regimes shapes different patterns of migrant care work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Over the past two decades, all European societies have experienced continued and increasing migrations, albeit with very different intensities and characteristics. Our focus is on new immigrants - those who have come from abroad in the past 15 years - in both old and new receiving West European countries. Comparative analyses on this issue are rather weak as the literature on immigrant integration in the labour market is well-established in the old receiving countries, but is just beginning to be developed in the newer receiving ones. The article aims at introducing the articles collected in this special issue, which present the results of a research project that concerns six European countries - Italy, Spain, United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Germany, and Denmark. Our focus is on inequalities between immigrants and natives with respect to the risk of unemployment and to the access to highly qualified occupations. After having highlighted similarities and differences across those countries, we tried to draw some general conclusions concerning the main factors that may have shaped new immigrants' incorporation into West European labour markets. In particular, the role played by the nature of immigration and by the labour demand seems to be crucial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After accession to the EU, we observed strong wave of emigration of Polish workers to the EU partners. Polish emigration rose from about 1 million before accession to a peak of 2.2- 2.5 million emigrants. The EU member states, which were among the most important destinations for Polish emigrants, included: the UK (690 thousands), Germany (490 thousands), Ireland (200 thousands), the Netherlands (98 thousands). Contrary to the popular opinion, the Poles are not the most mobile people among the European nations: in Poland emigration represents about 2% of the working population, less than in Lithuania (3,1%), in Cyprus (3%), in Romania 2,5% and, in the long run, much less than in Portugal (9%) and in Ireland (8,2%). Polish emigrants were mainly young, energetic and well educated people, who found jobs especially in the construction sector, in agriculture, in the simple services field - in the restaurants and the hotels of the host country. The main reason for emigration was an economic one: lower wages in Poland than in the EU-15 member states and lack of jobs in Poland. Although these waves of emigration had some negative consequences upon the Polish economy (for example the brain drain in the field of medicine and computer science, while some branches of industry and services started to complain about the lack of adequate labour force on the local market), the yearly transfer of money from emigrants to their mother country was higher than 2 billion euro, and even reached 4,1 billion in 2007, which benefited the Polish economy. After the financial crisis in 2008, more and more Polish people lost their jobs abroad and began to return to Poland. Among the Polish emigrants in UK, one third declared their willingness to come back to Poland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Developed world economies are concerned with how to create and sustain economic growth in contexts where the population is aging and there are increasing needs for young workers. Can an immigrant workforce fulfill the needs for both skilled and unskilled labour and can an immigrant work force save pensions and social security? Will flows of immigrants provide the new labour force, or will large-scale flows, of especially low skilled immigrants, overwhelm the economy altogether? The debates about immigrant contribution to economic growth and the associated social and infrastructural costs are contentious and only slowly being resolved. At the moment the received wisdom is that in countries with skilled based immigrant policies, immigrants do provide contributions to economic growth, and even in countries which do not have a specific skill-based approach, there appears to be some added economic growth from the immigrant workforce. At the same time there is evidence in the United States and Europe of growing unregulated immigration, the emergence of an unregulated labour market, and growing social costs of unrestrained immigration. The evidence is not in but there are at least two stories to contend with in the ongoing discussion of immigrant impacts and the gains from immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the issue of work-related immigration in Germany and the immigration trends in entire Europe. In the period 1955-1973, Italy had been the protagonist of immigration of the labor force in Germany. Countries such as Italy, Spain and Greece became the countries of immigration and even discovered a re-entry of the immigrated. Meanwhile in Germany, the discussion on the nexus between immigration and the operational unity had just been initiated as a pivot of a model of integration. From 1973 the German authorities followed a double strategy of responding to the needs of a politics of integration of the immigrants already present in the country from many years and actualized a politics of activating the return process.

Existing high levels of temporary migration between Central and Eastern Europe and the European Union (EU) have highlighted a number of concerns relating to the eastern enlargement of the Union. While much of the debate has focused on the destinations, we use Slovakia as a case study to explore economic implications for the countries of origin of highly skilled migrants. First, the paper examines estimates of the scale of“youth brain migration”, comparing survey-based and expert-opinion estimates with our own estimate based on reconciling labour market and educational data. This identifies a substantial loss of graduate workers from the labour force through migration, accounting for a potentially significant proportion of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth. Second, we consider whether such migration will constitute“brain drain/overflow” or“brain circulation”: in other words will it be temporary or permanent? In some ways, however, this is a false dichotomy, for there are strong links between initial temporary migration and intended permanent migration, explored here through a survey of the motivations and social networks of returned migrants. Third, we address the ability of national states to intervene to mediate such losses. We generally concur with other commentators on the need for a multi-scalar and multi-functional approach, focusing especially on economic development. However, we are pessimistic about the likely speed of economic convergence and, moreover, argue that initial temporary migration (with implications for permanent migration) will continue to be driven by non-economic goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since World War II, migrant labor has contributed significantly to Western Europe's economic growth. Initially, industries recruited and hired migrant workers to overcome labor shortages and downward demographic trends within the domestic work force. Since the recession of the mid-1970s, however, migrant labor has faced increasing job loss and restricted entry to many Western European countries. Throughout the postwar period, state immigration policy has supported industry, initially by assisting in the recruitment, and more recently, facilitating the repatriation of migrant workers. Economic and social disparities between developed core and underdeveloped peripheral countries are linked to international labor mobility. Certain sectors in the core benefit from the reserve labor force while emigration from peripheral countries partially contributes to these countries' economic problems. These issues are explored through a case study of the employment of North Africans in the French automobile industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses various perspectives of immigration from receiving countries. Western Europe and the Gulf opted for a policy of admitting temporary rather than permanent migrants because they see manpower shortages as temporary. Western European governments assumed that the labor shortages of the 1950s and early 1960s would end when those born immediately after the war entered the labor force. Some sociologists and economists have suggested deeper structural explanations for the use of temporary foreign workers. One is that foreign workers can be a cushion in economies with fluctuations in employment. Another reason for admitting guest workers rather than permanent migrants is that the countries of Western Europe and the Gulf believed that they could thereby avoid becoming ethnically plural societies.

It has been argued that Europe needs more immigrants to restore its age structure and its work force. Even if low European fertility continues, decline in the work force is relatively modest in the medium term and is considerably lower than the potential reserve labor force in Europe. It seems eccentric to propose the resumption of immigration for low-grade labor when there are 15 million unemployed in Europe, most under age 25 and many themselves immigrants, especially since future demand for labor emphasizes high skills. A resumption of general immigration to ensure population stabilization would require inflows much higher even than those previously considered unacceptable. Instead, attention should be given to making it easier for women to combine their desires for children with those for work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the issues in labour migration in Europe. It mentions that Europe has 14 million immigrants as of 1975, in which about half of them are economically active and living in countries of Western Europe. It states that labour migration in Europe started in early 1960s and has quickly increased through years. It says that people who migrated in industrial countries of the European Community were mainly consists of skilled and highly-skilled manpower. It adds that foreign employees were primarily employed in metal industry, hotel and catering, and construction.

Changes in the national-origins quota system, the preference system, labor certification and adjustment-of-status provisions led to changes in the size and composition of immigration. Within a context of increasing size and changing area of origin, the proportion of immigrants with a stated occupation increased, and the occupational composition of total immigration and of immigration by continent of origin changed. Europe and the Americas generally switched to lower-skilled levels, and Asia, Africa and Oceania, to white-collar, especially professional, levels. The composition of occupational groups also changed, with Asia generally increasing its contribution and most noticeably so in the professional group. Adjustment of status has generally increased, but it has not become mainly a subterfuge for foreign students and exchange visitors to remain in the country. Relatives and refugees dominate the adjustee group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the position of new immigrants in the Fall River Textile Industry. The French-Canadian influx most fully explains the displacement of natives and old European immigrants in Fall River's textile industry. Despite their slow start, French-Canadian males joined their womenfolk in mill work at such an accelerated pace that, after 1885, this nationality dominated the city's textile labor force just as it did elsewhere in New England. By 1895, when approximately 30 per cent of the total number of employees in Massachusetts cotton textiles were of French-Canadian origin, 69 per cent of Fall River's gainfully employed French Canadians were in manufacturing; and they comprised 45.5 per cent of the State's cotton mill operatives five years later. Statistics compiled by two separate investigatory bodies revealed the French Canadians far surpassed all other ethnic groups in percentage and numbers engaged in New England millwork toward the end of the first decade of the twentieth century. Contained within the 1911 Immigration report, the Dillingham Commission study, was information about 12,654 Fall River operatives, 3,553 of whom were foreign-born French Canadians, or native-born of Canadian fathers. The English had slipped to second place, while the Irish had dropped into fourth. Spindle City mills were filling vacancies created by Irish and English departures with new immigrants from southern and Eastern Europe.

The article focuses on the fact that population aging in developed countries will bring up a need for more participating workers in the European workforce during the period 2005-2020. However, most European countries will not need an increase in the number of incoming immigrants because the labor supply is going to increase anyway and balance population aging, according to the article.

A year or so ago, economic analysts were frantic about Europe's "baby bust," an idea that appears to have travelled across the Atlantic from the U.S. Analysts advised that they must "breed for Europe" or import millions of immigrants to forestall economic collapse due to rising pension obligations and a shrinking workforce. These proposals are now recognized as politically unacceptable. Moreover, they provide no solutions. Falling birth rates and aging populations are nothing new to Europe — life expectancies have doubled in less than two hundred years and birth rates have been falling for more than a century.