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Copyright of European Policy Analysis is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The impacts of climate change are unevenly distributed across territories. Less is known about the potential effects of climate policies aimed at mitigating the negative consequences of climate change while transitioning economies towards low-carbon standards. This paper presents an analytical framework for identifying and assessing the regional impacts of the green transition. We develop a Regional Green Transition Vulnerability Index, a composite measure of the regional vulnerability of European regions to the socio-economic reconfigurations prompted by the green transition. The index brings to light strong regional variations in vulnerability, with less developed, peri-urban and rural regions in Southern and Eastern Europe more exposed to the foreseeable changes brought about by the green transition. We also draw attention to the potential rise of pockets of growing 'green' discontent, especially if the green transition contributes, as is likely to be the case, to leaving already left-behind regions further behind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analyze the economic impact of using carbon pricing revenue to fund the European Union (EU) budget. Such a reform would redistribute from countries with above‐average carbon‐intensive production to less‐carbon‐intensive countries. Once the reform is implemented, the low‐carbon countries will prefer a lower carbon price (i.e., laxer climate policy at the EU level) than before the reform, and vice versa. As a result, EU climate policy becomes less ambitious and less disputed, where quantitative impacts presumably remain small. Weaker incentives for national governments to enforce emission taxes after revenue centralization might also contribute to higher emissions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change is a very debated topic among academia, national and international institutions. Therefore, policies and tools for diminishing pollutant emissions are in place in a number of countries. Among them, taxation and renewable energy use seem to be among the most important. This paper aims at testing the impact of certain tools for climate change policy implementation, such as environmental taxes, renewable energy use, real productivity, employment rate taking into consideration the level of economic development and the GINI coefficient, on the greenhouse gas emissions in two important sectors of the economy: industry and commerce. Panel data analysis is used for a cluster of nine developing countries of the European Union that have the per capita GDP at purchasing power parity lower than 80% of the EU average, during 2008-2021. Similar to other studies, the results show a negative relationship between environmental taxation and greenhouse gas emissions in the industrial sector, and a positive one in the commercial sector. The latter is explained by the fact that transport, which is a main pollutant sector, is also one of the most difficult sectors to achieve green transition, given high associated costs. The analysis also shows that renewable energy use discourages the emissions of greenhouse gases, both in the industrial and commercial sectors, so that fostering investment in renewables is an important factor for addressing climate change and promoting a sustainable growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a thorough examination of methane capture from Polish coal mines, contextualized within the framework of the European Union's (EU) climate policy objectives. Through a strategic analysis encompassing the interior of coal mines, the surrounding environment, and the macro environment, this study elucidates the complex dynamics involved in methane emissions and capture initiatives. The key findings include a declining trend in absolute methane emissions since 2008, despite fluctuations in coal extraction volumes, and a relatively stable level of methane capture exceeding 300 million m3/year since 2014. The analysis underscores the critical role of government support, both in terms of financial incentives and streamlined regulatory processes, to facilitate the integration of methane capture technologies into coal mining operations. Collaboration through partnerships and stakeholder engagement emerges as essential for overcoming resource competition and ensuring the long-term success of methane capture projects. This paper also highlights the economic and environmental opportunities presented by methane reserves, emphasizing the importance of investment in efficient extraction technologies. Despite these advancements, challenges persist, particularly regarding the low efficiency of current de-methanation technologies. Recommendations for modernization and technological innovation are proposed to enhance methane capture efficiency and utilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to describe the strategic partnership between the European Union (EU) and India. The article describes the economic partnership between both sides, which are bigger in the geography of Europe and Asia. This article also analyses the future of environmental and climate change policy on both sides. This article scrutinizes the status quo and the forthcoming potential of a revitalized European Union-India relations. This research highlights the main objective and the hypothesis of using the empirical method to discover the main results. Exploring and analyzing conceptual approaches to and key dimensions of the strategic partnership, including trade, climate policy, and development cooperation, evaluates the prospects for future cooperation. In the end, it describes the strategic recommendations for building a strong partnership between India and the European Union. As a result, the EU-India strategic partnership is in the initial phase of achieving high expectations, which has been set as the goal at the first strategic summit in 2020. India and the EU have reached the full potential of their strategic bilateral partnership and are working towards achieving their shared goals of trade and cooperation, peace, prosperity, and stability in the region and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Policy Analysis is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The European Union is committed to a 55% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2030, as outlined in the Green Deal and Climate Law initiatives. In response to geopolitical events, the RePowerEU initiative aims to enhance energy self-sufficiency, reduce reliance on Russian natural gas, and promote hydrogen utilization. Hydrogen valleys, localized ecosystems integrating various hydrogen supply chain elements, play a key role in this transition, particularly benefiting isolated regions like islands. This manuscript focuses on optimizing a Centralized Green Hydrogen Production Facility (CGHPF) on the island of Crete. A mixed-integer linear programming framework is proposed to optimize the CGHPF, considering factors such as land area, wind and solar potential, costs, and efficiency. Additionally, an in-depth sensitivity analysis is conducted to explore the impact of key factors on the economic feasibility of hydrogen investments. The findings suggest that hydrogen can be sold in Crete at prices as low as 3.5 EUR/kg. Specifically, it was found in the base scenario that, selling hydrogen at 3.5 EUR/kg, the net profit of the investment could be as high as EUR 6.19 million, while the capacity of the solar and wind installation supplying the grid hydrogen facility would be 23.51 MW and 52.97 MW, respectively. It is noted that the high profitability is justified by the extraordinary renewable potential of Crete. Finally, based on our study, a policy recommendation to allow a maximum of 20% direct penetration of renewable sources of green hydrogen facilities into the grid is suggested to encourage and accelerate green hydrogen expansion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As part of the European Green Deal, the European Commission has launched a tool to protect the fulfilment of Europe's climate policy targets – the carbon border adjustment mechanism (CBAM). It is thought that the CBAM will spark stiff resistance from Europe's external trade partners, potentially undermining the initiative. How this plays out will depend in part on who the opponents and potential allies are – and how the European Union (EU) engages with them. But which non‐EU countries have a stake in the CBAM? The criteria for selecting third countries that are relevant for the CBAM are often implicit, which can lead to contradictory policy analyses and confused climate diplomacy. This research note compares three different perspectives that result in different lists of non‐EU countries that are important for the success of the CBAM. Awareness of these three perspectives amongst EU actors can help the CBAM succeed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Considering energy- and climate-related policies adopted, the European Union and the People's Republic of China are expected to be on the same trajectory of reducing pollution, aiming for carbon neutrality in 2050 and 2060, respectively. However, although they share a common goal of more sustainable development, their targets and means often collide. The main objective of the study is to identify the main similarities and differences in approaches to energy and climate policies in the European Union and the People's Republic of China, with special attention given to the scope, past, present, and future of Chinese investments in renewable energy projects in the countries of the Central and Eastern European region, and to reveal the prevailing factors of the (un)successful renewable energy projects in those countries eventually. The methods used are literature review and qualitative content analysis of the European Union's and the People's Republic of China's energy- and climate-related policies according to the prescribed indicators (from 2005 onwards) and in-depth exploratory desk research of cooperation in renewable energy projects between the People's Republic of China and 14 Central and Eastern European Countries (from 2014 onwards). Results: The study showed that despite the significant alignment of the European Union's and the People's Republic of China's energy- and climate-related policies on a normative level, renewable energy cooperation between the People's Republic of China and Central and Eastern European countries on a practical level is moderate. This state of play mainly results from political factors, such as rising levels of Sino-scepticism and the overall deterioration of the European Union–People's Republic of China relations. Conclusions: The study showed that political rather than economic or legal factors had a great impact on the Chinese presence in the domain of renewable energy in the countries of the Central and Eastern European region. However, the significant alignment of the European Union's and the People's Republic of China's energy- and climate-related policies and dedication to common energy transition targets offer room for improving renewable energy cooperation. Overcoming political and economic divergences imposes a condition for achieving better cooperation in the renewable energy domain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Monitoring the spatial distribution and trends in surface greenhouse gas (GHG) fluxes, as well as flux attribution to natural and anthropogenic processes, is essential to track progress under the Paris Agreement and to inform its Global Stocktake. This study updates earlier syntheses (Petrescu et al., 2020, 2021, 2023) and provides a consolidated synthesis of CH4 emissions using bottom-up (BU) and top-down (TD) approaches for the European Union (EU) and seven additional countries with large anthropogenic and/or natural emissions (USA, Brazil, China, India, Indonesia, Russia, and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo)). The work utilizes updated National GHG Inventories (NGHGIs) reported by Annex I Parties under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in 2023 and the latest available Biennial Update Reports (BURs) reported by non-Annex I Parties. The NGHGIs are considered in an integrated analysis that also relies on independent flux estimates from global inventory datasets, process-based models, inverse modeling and, when available, respective uncertainties. Whenever possible, it extends the period to 2021. Comparing NGHGIs with other approaches reveals that differences in the emission sources that are included in the estimate is a key source of divergence between approaches. A key system boundary difference is whether both anthropogenic and natural fluxes are included and, if they are, how fluxes belonging to these two sources are grouped/partitioned. Additionally, the natural fluxes are sensitive to the prior geospatial distribution of emissions in atmospheric inversions. Over the studied period, the total CH4 emissions in the EU, USA, and Russia show a steady decreasing trend since 1990, while for the non-EU emitters analyzed in this study, Brazil, China, India, Indonesia, and DR Congo, CH4 emissions have generally increased. In the EU, the anthropogenic BU approaches are reporting relatively similar mean emissions over 2015 to 2020 of 18.5 ± 2.7 Tg CH4 yr-1 for EDGAR v7.0, 16 Tg CH4 yr-1 for GAINS and 19 Tg CH4 yr-1 for FAOSTAT, with the NGHGI estimates of 15 ± 1.8 Tg CH4 yr-1. Inversions give higher emission estimates as they include natural emissions. Over the same period, the three high-resolution regional inversions report a mean emission of 21 (19-25) Tg CH4 yr-1, while the mean of six coarser-resolution global inversions results in emission estimates of 24 (23-25) Tg CH4 yr-1. The magnitude of BU natural emissions (peatland and mineral soils, lakes and reservoirs, geological and biomass burning) accounts for 6.6 Tg CH4 yr-1 (Petrescu et al., 2023a) and explains the differences between the TD inversions and the BU estimates of anthropogenic emissions (including NGHGIs). For the other Annex I Parties in this study (USA and Russia), over 2015 to 2020, the mean of the four anthropogenic BU approaches reports 18.5 (13-27.9) Tg CH4 yr-1 for Russia and 29.1 (23.5- Tg CH4 yr-1 for the USA, against total TD mean estimates of 37 (30-43) Tg CH4 yr-1 and 43.4 (42-48) Tg CH4 yr-1, respectively. The averaged BU and TD natural emissions account for 16.2 Tg CH4 yr-1 for Russia and 14.6 Tg CH4 yr-1 for the USA, partly explaining the gap between the BU anthropogenic and total TD emissions. For the non-Annex I Parties, anthropogenic CH4 estimates from UNFCCC BURs show large differences with the other global inventory-based estimates and even more with atmospheric-based ones. This poses an important potential challenge to monitoring the progress of the global CH4 pledge and the Global Stocktake, not only from the availability of data but also its accuracy. By systematically comparing the BU with TD methods, this study provides recommendations for more robust comparisons of available data sources and hopes to steadily engage more Parties in using observational methods to complement their UNFCCC inventories, as well as considering their natural emissions. With anticipated improvements in atmospheric modeling and observations, as well as modeling of natural fluxes, future development needs to resolve knowledge gaps in both BU and TD approaches and to better quantify remaining uncertainty. Consequently, TD methods may emerge as a powerful tool for verifying emission inventories for CH4, and other GHGs and informing international climate policy. The referenced datasets related to figures are available at https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10276087 (Petrescu et al., 2023b). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research aim of the paper is to analyze the objectives of the European Union (EU) climate policy and the instruments for their implementation, as well as to present the challenges on the way to achieving climate neutrality by the EU. In 2015, during the 21st UN Climate Change Conference in Paris, an agreement was agreed, the purpose of which is to limit global warming, aiming, among other things, for limiting the increase in global average temperature to well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels, and preferably to no more than 1.5°C. All EU Member States have ratified the above agreement, while agreeing to take action to make the EU the world’s first climate-neutral economy and society by 2050. To achieve this, the “European Green Deal” strategy was adopted, followed by the European Climate Law and the “Fit for 55” package of legislative proposals. In addition, a more ambitious EU climate target for 2030 has been agreed, namely a reduction of net greenhouse gas emissions by at least 55% compared to 1990 levels. Based on this, the following research hypothesis should be put forward, assuming that if all initiated projects, climate programs and mechanisms are fully implemented, the EU will become the first climate neutral continent by 2050. The first part of the article focuses on the goals of the European Green Deal and their implementation. The second part discusses the assumptions of European Climate Law and the elements of the “Fit for 55” package, as well as presents the most important financial instruments of the EU climate policy. The third part contains an analysis of the challenges standing in the way of the EU achieving climate neutrality by 2050, including the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian aggression against Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the paper is to present Germany’s position during the government of Chancellor Angela Merkel (CDU/CSU/SPD coalition: 2018-2021) and Chancellor Olaf Scholz (SPD/Alliance 90/Greens/FDP coalition: from 2021) towards changes in climate policy (understood as reform) introduced by the European Green Deal and the Fit for 55 package of legislative proposals, with particular emphasis on the issue of CO2 emission standards for new passenger cars and new light commercial vehicles. Germany’s support for increasing the level of ambition in the field of climate protection in the EU was largely the result of the belief that the success of the German transformation of the energy sector and achieving climate neutrality by 2045 also depends on the progress of the energy transformation process and the climate neutrality policy in the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) began developing climate policy in the 1990s. Since then, it has built up a broad portfolio of mitigation policy measures and governance tools, including legally binding targets to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, and policy measures addressing emissions trading, renewable energy, energy efficiency, and more. In 2019, the European Commission—the EU's executive arm—published the European Green Deal (EGD), an overarching policy framework to achieve the goal of climate neutrality by 2050. The EGD aims to push EU climate policy and governance far beyond incremental policy development. In this article, we ask: does the EGD represent a break from past patterns of EU climate governance? We argue that it maintains several past patterns, but nevertheless breaks from other established policy and governance trends. We review insights from politicization and new institutionalist theoretical lenses to help us understand these findings. We reveal certain tensions and challenges inherent in the EU's climate governance approach—around speed and coherence, effectiveness and just transition—that highlight future research needs, and raise questions about the EU's ability to implement its climate policy goals. This article is categorized under:Policy and Governance > Multilevel and Transnational Climate Change Governance [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: In order to show the role of foreign and international policies in shaping the EU's energy and climate policies, the history of the European Communities has been traced through the prism of individual policies. Combining several of them (energy, climate, international and foreign) in this analysis is the result of viewing them in the context of causal effects. Methodology/approach: The method of the paper was based on an in-depth analysis of the European Union source documents, published on websites and in documents of the European Commission and the European Parliament. The information gathered was extended through a library search and based on the library resources of several prominent Polish universities, as well as the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies. Moreover, the analysis included academic publications, websites of institutions, companies and organisations monitoring the course and changes of energy and climate policy. Limitations: The referenced, quoted, analysed documents or packages aim to produce and regulate a common EU energy policy. However, this multitude of documents, directives and regulations does not seem to have helped the Union to demonstrate to the rest of the world that it has a coherent energy policy. Implications: Energy and climate policy issues are analysed and described based on the historical experience of the European Union and its previous economic and, above all, political structures. Value: Managing energy security in such a complex and diverse structure as the European Union requires experience and a sense of responsibility for the decisions taken. Responsibility for mistakes is often only political, which is why it is so important that any documents, decisions, directives or regulations are the work of responsible people, so energy policy should be managed like a potential crisis, based on consensus. Energy and climate policy issues are analysed and described based on the historical experience of the European Union and its previous economic and, above all, political structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) Green Deal and its Farm to Fork Strategy are intended to promote sustainable food systems to achieve EU climate-neutrality by 2050. The Farm to Fork action plan also foresees the introduction of a harmonized mandatory front-of-pack nutrition labelling scheme in 2023. The EU countries have yet to reach agreement on the nutrition labelling scheme, which will also have environmental impacts. This article raises the question of whether at the European level, countries should seek agreements on both climate mitigation and nutrition policies (full agreement as in the case of the Green Deal) or should negotiate separate climate and nutrition policy agreements (as for the nutritional labelling). To address this question, this paper develops a game-theoretic model with multiple countries where each country implements a climate policy and a nutrition policy. We compare the consequences in terms of total emissions, the level of the nutrition policy and the welfare under different institutional arrangements of a non-cooperative equilibrium, full agreement, and three alternative agreements. Our results show in particular that full agreement always leads to the lowest total emissions at the expense of the level of nutrition policy in some cases. In an extension of our analysis, we show that agreements that include cooperation over nutrition policies do not necessarily imply formation of a larger coalition of signatory countries, even if a nutrition policy has positive or negative impacts on emissions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change impact on sovereign debt management has become an issue of great concern. The aim of this paper is to analyse the changes in the traditional approach of sovereign debt managers in the face of the pursued climate policy and different scenarios of climate liabilities for 2050. We follow a novel three-fold research approach: 1) assessment of the estimated level of current climate liabilities based on the Fiscal Risk Matrix; 2) performing forward-looking climate debt projections over the timeframe 2025-2050 for the EU countries; 3) conducting case study research on EU countries, to identify the sovereign climate debt management activities undertaken so far and to define a series of good-practice guidelines. Findings indicate a growing role of the climate financial mechanisms in sovereign debt management. In particular, our climate scenario approach reveals those scenarios in which a country's fiscal position indicators are more vulnerable from the standpoint of rising public expenditure due to the country's inability to manage CO2 gas emissions. Each country is responsible for its climate pathway by 2050 and this will be mainly determined by the timeliness, efficacy and appropriateness of the public policies and measures implemented to mitigate climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This comment piece seeks to remind readers of the urgency and importance of adaptation to climate change in the European Union, note significant recent policy developments, and highlight some of the opportunities that one particular aspect of EU policy, the new Mission on Adaptation, affords communities and policy makers to identify and develop more transformative actions. It offers initial suggestions for how social scientists might engage with these opportunities between now and 2030, but also stresses the need to consider them realistically in the context of the contemporary EU political landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I propose a return to Jacques Lacan, I develop a Lacanian discourse analysis (LDA) as one possible method in international relations and demonstrate its potential by sketching out the case of climate change policy within the European Union. Lacan's theory of the four discourses as conceptual "mind maps" informs a method of discourse analysis enabling researchers to empirically investigate how a hegemonic discourse can be challenged and potentially subverted. A Lacanian perspective emphasizes the "subject of the enunciation" and conceptualizes subjects as socially produced but lacking: Discourse provides an historicized socio-linguistic structure sustaining the subject's societal relations, but the speaking activity always produces a cut within subjectivity, which manifests as an excess-loss of meaning in the enunciation. Via the case study of the energy efficiency policy in the EU, I first illustrate how an LDA allows us to investigate climate knowledge and the authority of the discourse. Then, by looking at how energy efficiency is spoken in the enunciation, I expose the excess of meaning produced as an effect of language, which "fractures" the discourse. Finally, I show how to leverage on these produced fractures to assess the transformative and empowering potential of the observed discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union's (EU) proposed Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) has gained attention as a potential policy tool to address carbon leakage and promote climate policy alignment in international trade. This paper examines the implications of the EU CBAM for Türkiye and conducts a SWOT analysis to evaluate Türkiye's strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats in the context of CBAM implementation. In the paper, firstly EU's environmental policy, European Green Deal (EGD) and CBAM are defined and examined in historical perspective. Secondly Türkiye's environmental policy on behalf of CBAM is explained. Then, the effects of EGD and CBAM on Türkiye's foreign trade is discussed. The last part is devoted to SWOT analysis. The analysis begins by exploring Türkiye's strengths including its domestic climate policies and diverse economy. The analysis also highlights the weaknesses that could challenge Türkiye's competitiveness under the CBAM. It identifies opportunities within the CBAM framework including incentives for green investments and collaboration for increased market access and also acknowledges potential threats such as trade disputes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peatlands are significant to global efforts to combat climate change. However, to date, they have been a missing piece in the climate change mitigation policy puzzle in the European Union (EU). Taking a policy coherence perspective, we investigate how policies from different governance levels—that is, EU, member state, and regional levels—support and impede existing and new policies for climate-friendly peatland usage. We put a particular focus on incentive-based policy instruments, because such incentives are often advocated as promising policy instruments for supporting the transition to the sustainable management of peatlands. We selected the three peatland-rich EU countries Finland, Germany, and the Netherlands. Based on semi-structured interviews with 35 experts, we indicate a lack of horizontal policy coherence between agriculture, nature conservation, water management, forestry, energy, and climate policies in terms of climate change mitigation measures on peatlands. At the EU level, most prominently, the Common Agricultural Policy counteracts climate targets because direct payments currently encourage the unsustainable management of peatlands. At the national and subnational levels, water quality in Finland, nature conservation in Germany, and subsidence in the Netherlands were primary objectives of peatland relevant policies. Due to a lack of clear guidance on raising the groundwater table, the current incentive-based policy instruments are ineffective for reducing emissions. Despite its higher mitigation potential, potential incentive-based policies for rewetting encounter various regulatory barriers caused by the policy incoherence. We conclude that the transition to climate-friendly peatland usage requires coherent regulatory frameworks and incentive-based policies supporting rewetting. • We demonstrate the multi-sectoral and multi-level nature of peatland policies in the EU. • Agriculture, nature, water, and energy policies often impede horizontal coherence. • Conflicts between EU, national, and regional policies hinder vertical coherence. • Regulatory frameworks and incentive-based policies should be coherent. • Current incentive-based policy instruments are ineffective for emissions reduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Informacion Comercial Espanola Revista de Economia is the property of S.G.E.E.I.P.C., Secretaria de Estado de Comercio, Ministerio de Industria, Comercio y Turismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The transformation of societies and economies towards climate neutrality is a highly complex multi-sectoral and multi-level challenge. This paper examines the multi-level dimension of climate policy with particular reference to the European legal framework and the example of Germany. It analyses how regional and local governments are engaged and whether, in this regard, the existing arrangements of multi-level climate governance can be considered adequate and effective. In the light of the basic principles of federalism theory and in view of the - failed - German multi-level approaches to energy transition it is concluded, in particular, that federal climate governance must build not only on European and national objectives but also on regional and local climate targets and policy planning schemes as a means of both ensuring sufficient transformation efforts and preserving as much autonomy as possible for regional and local communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides an overview of the Spanish legal system in terms of climate change legislation and the regulatory framework of the so-called energy transition. The configuration of the Spanish State as decentralised makes it necessary to allow the Autonomous Communities, as infra-state entities, to develop their own policy to fight climate change. The article thus explores the opportunity and advisability of adopting a multilevel model of relations between the State and the Autonomous Communities, in accordance with the European Union's climate neutrality requirements, and one that goes beyond the usual model of limited inter-administrative relations, based on the principle of coordination. First, the article deals with the basic State legislation on climate change and energy transition, with the aim of evidencing that the Autonomous Communities are necessary actors for the development and implementation of this framework. Second, it aims to provide an overview of what has been done so far by the Autonomous Communities. The article concludes with various reflections on the effectiveness of this decentralised model, insisting that its application is undeniable given that mitigation and adaptation actions have a territorial component that legitimises the intervention of infra-state entities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an in-depth analysis of the Marginal Abatement Cost Curve (MACC) for CO2 of China's industrial sector. Leveraging comprehensive firm-level panel data spanning the period 2011–2015, we employ a parameterized directional output distance function to estimate the shadow price of CO2. By doing so, we derive the marginal abatement cost for individual firms across different years, which provides crucial insights into two fundamental aspects: first, the variation in shadow prices as indicators of the economic efficiency of existing climate policies; and second, the carbon price levels necessary to achieve CO2 mitigation targets in the future. Furthermore, we conduct scenario simulations to assess the potential industrial output loss resulting from forthcoming carbon policies, such as the European Union's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). Our findings underscore the necessity for a considerably higher tax rate to stimulate pollution reduction in order to meet the desired emission targets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study assesses the extent to which public health is integrated into European national and urban climate change adaptation policy and planning. We analyse national adaptation documents from the 27 European Union member states and interview city-level experts (n = 17) on the integration of three categories of adaptation efforts: general efforts to minimize health impacts related to climate change, targeted efforts to enhance resilience in health systems, and supportive efforts to foster the potential of the first two categories. At a national level, general efforts to address vector-borne diseases and heat-related illness are covered comprehensively, whereas efforts addressing several climate-related health risks are neglected (e.g. water-borne diseases, injuries from extreme weather and cardiopulmonary health) or overlooked (e.g. malnutrition and mental health). Targeted efforts to inform policy decisions, such as carrying out research, risk monitoring and assessments, are often described in detail, but efforts to manage day-to-day health care delivery and emergency situations receive little attention. At the urban level, health issues receive less attention in climate adaptation policy and planning. If health topics are included, they are often described as indirect benefits of adaptation efforts in other sectors and not perceived as the priority of the involved authorities. This effectively means that general and targeted efforts are the responsibility of other sectoral departments, while supportive efforts are the responsibility of the national government or external organizations. As a result, at an urban level, climate-related health system adaptation is not a policy aim in its own right, and many potentially high health risks are being ignored. In order for health risks to be better integrated into adaptation policy and planning, it is critical to interconnect national and urban levels, reduce sectoral thinking and welcome external expertize and facilitate large-scale data collection and sharing of health and climate indicators. We recommend focussing on cooperatively drafting strategies for integrating health issues into climate policy and planning with stakeholders at the national and urban levels, in different policy sectors and in society. Policy planners can build on the strengths of adaptation documents from other countries or cities and take note of any weaknesses. We advocate to foster co-benefits for health and climate action of various adaptation measures (e.g. by promoting active mobility and urban greenery, health impacts related to heat, (mental and physical) stress and air pollution are reduced). Large-scale data collection and sharing of health and climate indicators should be facilitated to support learning and pro-active decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The implemented climate policy and the current geopolitical situation make us pay special attention to energy independence, both in the household and in the national dimension. One way to obtain inexpensive and environmentally friendly energy is the development of photovoltaic micro-installations. For positive changes to occur, correct state regulation and an appropriate set of administrative and economic instruments are necessary. The purpose of this article is to discuss changes in the accounting system for renewable energy prosumers and their consequences for the further development of renewable energy. The financial settlement methods favorable to prosumers were recently replaced with new solutions. According to the authors, this slows down the energy transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To counteract climate change, various states have adopted innovative laws and solutions. Electromobility as a climate policy is one of the solutions that can contribute to reducing carbon emissions. Furthermore, international organisations such as the European Union (EU) have encouraged member states to develop an electric mobility ecosystem. Moreover, as one of the EU partner organisations, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has encouraged member states to adopt similar laws and policies in electromobility innovations. This study examined the EU and ASEAN legal innovations that developed electromobility ecosystems in the context of energy justice comparisons. This paper argues that adopting the principle of energy justice in EU and ASEAN law is highly dependent on the function and role of international organisations in lawmaking. As a climate policy innovation, electromobility is closely related to energy justice for the public. Therefore, analysing the functions and roles of international organisations such as the EU and ASEAN is crucial. The study examined the legal framework adopted by the EU and ASEAN to create an electromobility ecosystem. The purpose of the study was to obtain a comprehensive understanding of the role and function of lawmaking in international organisations supporting climate policy and contributing to the achievement of energy justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The publication presents the challenges facing the European Union but also Polish regions in implementing the Green Deal. Design/methodology/approach: The method of statistical data analysis and source materials was used in the work. Findings: The paper presents the most important issues of change posed by the European Union for the implementation of climate policy. Originality/value: The paper is aimed at those interested in EU policy and climate policy in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Slovakia has declared climate neutrality by 2050 as its official goal, joining the club of countries that already account for 75% of global GDP and are among the world's most advanced economies. Achieving this goal means an unprecedentedly deep and rapid economic and social transformation towards a decarbonised economy. While EU emissions fell by 24% between 1991 and 2019, they are set to fall by a further 31% by 2030. But the low-hanging fruit of relatively simple and cheap solutions is exhausted, and each additional percentage point costs more than the last. This report provides a framing assessment of recent developments in climate policies, discourses and investments in Slovakia in relation to international, European Union and domestic intentions and targets. It is written on the basis of analyses of policy agenda documents and focuses on recent developments in 2021 as a relevant period for progress towards declared climate neutrality. This goal would require fundamental changes in many areas of the economy, and financing this transition would be key. The paper analyses the programming, targeting and coordination between the key financial mechanisms available for climate change mitigation in Slovakia (European Structural and Investment Funds, RRP, State Budget and State Aid) and makes policy recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The energy policy of the European Union focuses mainly on three areas: renewable energy, reducing the emission of harmful pollutants, in particular CO2, and increasing the efficiency of electricity used. Sustainable energy management, in turn, is undoubtedly associated with the increased use of renewable energy sources ensuring energy security as well as the diversification of energy supplies that support and improve the quality of the environment. The aim of the article is to present the diversity of the European Union countries in terms of actions taken in the field of energy policy resulting from climate and energy goals. Design/methodology/approach: On the basis of the objectives of the energy policy presented in the EU directives, indicators describing the activities of the Member States in this respect were selected. Then, they were subjected to substantive and statistical verification, leaving 6 variables. The tool of Multidimensional Statistical Analysis, which is a synthetic measure, was used to develop a synthetic measure of the level of achievement of the goals of the climate and energy policy. Two types of analyses were used: static for international comparisons between the European Union countries, conducted for 2021, and dynamic, for the years 2011-2021. Findings: The most favourable situation in terms of activities aimed at reducing emissions of harmful substances and improving the energy efficiency of countries can be observed in the hitherto leaders of Sweden and Finland. Together with Denmark, these countries have set very ambitious national targets for achieving a share of at least 50% from renewable energy in gross final energy consumption. All countries have increased their energy productivity index. Bulgaria, Italy and Slovakia have made the greatest reductions in pollutant emissions. In the interests of energy independence, countries are trying to increase energy production from domestic resources. The greatest improvements in this field were made in Ireland, Latvia, Portugal and Finland. The division into three groups of countries implementing the energy and climate policy introduced by the EU showed that the indicators that differentiate countries to the greatest extent, among the group of selected variables, are greenhouse gas emissions and the energy dependency ratio. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relatively a few studies assess the impact of climate change (CC) policies on effective farmers' agronomic practices and associated agro-technical performance. This study aimed at characterizing how CC policies can help farmers to combine CC with other environmental issues to support the design of more effective policies at the farm level. It was conducted in Guadeloupe, where farming systems are highly vulnerable to CC. We analyzed the Agro-Environmental and Climate Measures (AECM) proposed by the European Union. We made surveys with 39 farmers and used an existing whole-farm simulation tool to assess practices promoted by the current AECM. The tool was also used to assess the new AECM under discussion by stakeholders. Structural characteristics allowed identifying various types of farms. These characteristics may affect farmers' capacity to implement the current AECM given that they are labour-intensive. New AECM focused on the decrease in pesticides and do not properly address CC since most of them lead to an increase in greenhouse gas emissions and are very different from the current farmers' CC adaptation strategies. Synergies can be found between the reduction of pesticide use and CC if the alternatives proposed also permit to decrease in the use of synthetic fertilizers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: In the light of the threats defined, the article emphasises the importance of new tools that can be helpful for a responsible energy policy. This is why it is so important to internalise some concepts such as taxonomy, the European Green Deal or the Bauhaus as an antidote to irreversible climate change, leading to the self-destruction of humanity, for which man has only themselves to blame. Methodology/approach: The method of the paper was based on an in-depth analysis of the European Union source documents, published on websites and in documents of the European Commission and the European Parliament. In addition, materials and information published on the websites or in the source documents of individual parliamentarians (Jerzy Buzek, MEP) and EC commissioners (Franz Timmermans) were used. The information gathered was extended through a library search and based on the library resources of several prominent Polish universities, as well as the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies. Moreover, the analysis included academic publications, websites of institutions, companies and organisations monitoring the course and energy and climate policy changes. Constraints: Adapting to climate change through the prism of activating and using innovative financial mechanisms is another challenge to which the Brussels structures must give new responsible directions based on intergenerational solidarity. The spending of money should also be based on a sustainability mechanism so that financial resources are not spent today that will have to be repaid by future generations. In the same sense, solidarity between states and between regions is necessary. Implications: Europe and Poland have a challenge, the keyword of which is reorganisation, and almost all the deadly coal- and gas-fired heating plants will be subject to it. The hope is the European Union, as it is an organisation with unlimited possibilities, and it has proven many times that it will not hesitate to use these possibilities for the benefit of future generations. Value: The current assumptions of the energy and climate policy of the European Union in terms of opportunities and threats were cited and analysed. Innovative solutions and tools for financing the development of the European Union were taken into account, including the European Green Deal, Just Transition Fund and EU ETS. Moreover, the necessity to change the way the EU thinks about itself and restructure all resources in the face of the consequences of the war in Ukraine was indicated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aimed to highlight the issue of climate-oriented public policy forms, scales, and means of their implementation as well as their limitations. Based on an empirical case study of the French West Indies (Guadeloupe), we analyzed climate policy integration in programmatic local policies and sectoral practices. This study sheds light on the banana sector and how climate change is mainstreamed at a local level. In Guadeloupe, the climate change paradigm is grabbed and 'invisibilized' into sectoral policies and practices. By paying attention to who implements the policies regarding the adaptation of agriculture to climate change (AACC) and how, we highlighted the capacity of the banana sector to retrieve policy instruments dedicated to the AACC to support their own agricultural and environmental agenda. We also paid attention to their local and sectoral transfer and their 'fluid' implementation: implementation is multiform, compelled by limitations. Finally, we concluded that implementation of the AACC policy depends on four variables: (a) the multilevel governance and the complex process of reinterpretation of European Union (EU) policy and rules, (b) the specific polycentric governance style (c) that is centered on a powerful banana chain, and (d) the environmental agenda that gives priority to local vulnerabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Justice and responsibility are central notions shaping the international climate negotiations. However, countries have different perspectives on how to translate these concepts into solutions for climate change. In this process, actors such as the European Union (EU) play a central role, by trying to persuade other large greenhouse gas (GHG) emitters to take on their (historical) responsibilities and by supporting developing countries. At the same time, China and India have become central actors in international climate negotiations. Due to their rapid economic growth and rising GHG emissions, their climate action is crucial for achieving global goals, while their historical emissions are very different from those of Western countries. To shed light on the EU's perspective on climate justice, and the particular role of China and India therein, this article analyses Members of European Parliament's (MEPs) narratives in plenary debates on foreign climate policy between 1996 and 2019. MEPs' views contribute to shaping the EU's position on the topic, but also provide useful insights into the political dynamics of the debate. The paper finds that climate justice is mentioned in less than half of the MEPs' speeches, but that its salience increased over time and became more diverse in terms of different dimensions of climate justice. We also uncover that MEPs' positions on China and India evolved with the rise in their emissions, becoming increasingly critical over time. However, there is a significant variance amongst political groups' positions, between those on the right and the left end of the political spectrum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) is determined to become the world's first climate-neutral economy by 2050. The European Green Deal (EGD) is a comprehensive policy framework, intended to lead the EU towards this goal. The European Climate Law is the first legal initiative to implement the EGD. It makes climate neutrality a legally binding target, whilst also setting a mandatory goal of reducing emissions by 55% in 2030. To achieve the 2030 mitigation objective, the 'Fit for 55' legislative package includes proposals to revise the targets, scopes, and structures of all existing legal acts in the current 2030 climate and energy policy framework. It also contains proposals for new complementary legal instruments. This article provides an in-depth analysis of the evolving legal framework with the aim of assessing its potential to accelerate the green transition in the European Union and reinforce the EU's climate legal architecture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union's relative disregard for the economic, geopolitical and climatic concerns of its peripheral Eastern countries has contributed to making the war in Ukraine possible. Its consequences are now returning in the form of energy dependence and economic instability on the Union as a whole and the risk of economic crisis and deindustrialisation. This should prompt a re-assessment of the EU's strategy towards its eastern neighbours, particularly in the energy and climate policy field. This evaluation starts from the issue of control over cheap energy as a key material foundation of state and interstate power. On this basis, we analyse the struggle between Russia and the European core states over Ukraine in terms of the ability to extract an economic surplus through the unequal exchange of energy. The current escalation should be understood as an attempt by the Russian petrostate to preserve the economic basis of its regime, which is threatened by the prospect of a low-carbon transition in Europe. We conclude that a massive acceleration of the transition away from fossil fuels is the key to economic, geopolitical and climate stabilisation, highlighting possible policy instruments the EU could use to secure its production system and protect citizens' security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The annual conference of the Institute for European Politics (IEP) in 2022 focused on overcoming the poly-crisis in Europe. Representatives from universities and think tanks discussed the future of Europe in terms of foreign policy, the rule of law, the economy, and climate policy. The conclusions of the conference varied, but everyone agreed that Europe is facing a turning point and that political decisions and possibly reforms are needed to address the current challenges. Germany must redefine its role in Europe and pursue a more progressive European policy. The annual conference also addressed the security and defense architecture in Europe and the role of the European Union (EU) in global security policy. It was emphasized that the EU must strengthen its presence as an actor in security policy, particularly in Africa. Cooperation with NATO was positively evaluated, and a scenario was outlined in which the EU is responsible for territorial defense while NATO takes on other areas such as energy or cyber security. Challenges such as the institutional design of EU security and defense policy and the consolidation of cooperation with NATO were discussed. The role of Germany and its announced "turning point" in security policy was also highlighted. [Extracted from the article]

The long-term nature of climate policy measures requires stable social legitimacy, which other types of crises may jeopardize. This article examines the impact of the COVID-19 fear on climate change beliefs based on an autumn 2020 population survey in the Member States of the European Union and the United Kingdom. The results show that deep COVID-19 concerns increase climate change concerns, awareness, and perceived negative impacts of climate change. These effects are more robust among the lower educated Europeans. On the country level, strict governmental measures are also linked to deep climate change concerns. In contrast to the experience following the 2008 recession, the findings show that a secondary crisis can positively impact climate attitudes, which is a promising result for policy actions. • Discovers links between COVID-19 concerns and climate change attitudes. • Based on a large-scale survey in the Member States of the EU and the UK. • COVID-19 concerns increase fear of climate change, awareness, and perceived impacts. • No signs of the "finite pool of worry" hypothesis. • The secondary COVID-19 crisis offers a promising ground for climate change policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the latest Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) report, energy transition and globally collaborative solutions play a crucial role in mitigating or preferably preventing human-induced global warming. Factual, legal, security policy and economic determinants shape the field of energy use, energy transition as well as tied climate change policy. Both Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the EU, aware of this fact, are coordinating their endeavours to achieve a climate neutral future. This article discusses the energy transition in the ASEAN in the context of climate change considerations, the effects of this transition on people, and if and how the unique ASEAN way, law and economic governance in ASEAN are conducive to it. Here, the 45-year strategic partnership between ASEAN and the European Union (EU) provides opportunities to shape a socially just energy transition. The article shows which actors are affected by this transition, and which challenges and practical opportunities energy governance and the EU–ASEAN partnership offers. The article concludes that a long-termism approach is crucial in this regard to keep costs to a minimum by spurring concerted cooperation efforts to align and harmonize climate change goals, and ensuring a secure, sustainable energy supply. In particular, it is the absence of judicial control mechanisms for (private) actors, groups and individuals affected by the energy transition that precludes accountability and contradicts a path for extending and strengthening the fundamental concept of trust in informal governance structures in ASEAN. At the same time, it is argued that this also prevents an effective and efficient expansion of joint EU–ASEAN efforts, which for the time being, it seems, will remain political in nature with no assertive effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union climate policy and the subsequent energy transition are expected to cause fundamental changes in individual EU countries, their economies, and industrial sectors. Furthermore, in order to achieve them, high financial outlays are essential. The main purpose of the article is to present a comparative analysis of the pace, directions, and main factors of the energy transition in Poland and Spain against the changes in the EU energy and climate policy. In particular, the subject of the study is the changes in the fuel structure of electricity generation (energy mix) and the changes in the concentration of energy generation. The analysis concentrates on Poland and Spain against the background of the group of EU27 countries. The study adopted a long-term perspective (1990–2020). The methodology used taxonomic measures of variability of structures and measures of concentration, as well as measures of descriptive and mathematical statistics. The result of the research proves that the EU common climate and energy policy has explicitly accelerated changes in the energy mix, both in the EU27 and in the studied countries, including those traditionally based on coal. The concentration analysis demonstrated an increase in diversification resulting in a significant increase in the share of renewable and low-carbon sources. The taxonomic analysis additionally proved that there was a parallel process towards making the energy mix of the studied countries more similar to the EU27. The limitation of the research is the adopted triangulation arrangement of the studied structures (EU27, EU15, countries that accessed the EU after 2004), enforced in this pilot research, but possible to expand the field of perception in subsequent research. What serves as a proof of the originality of the study is the fulfilment of research gaps in the long-term study of the degree of changes in the concentration of the energy mix structure of EU countries, and especially the study of the degree of intensity of its similarity. The application value of the study is its use in the energy policies of countries traditionally based on coal for the indication of the taken position, the goals, and ways to achieve them based on the experience of other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) has consistently held a prominent global position in climate governance. This paper compiles 152 climate neutrality policies issued by the European Commission (EU Commission) and employs a systematic analytical framework including "Vertical Policy Hierarchy - Horizontal Policy Path – Systematic Policy instruments" to conduct an in-depth analysis of the EU's climate neutrality policy system. This study produces several findings as follows: First, the EU's climate neutrality policy hierarchy is characterized by a structure comprising "Long-Term Planning – Specific Measures - Financial Support". Second, the EU's policy formulation process for climate neutrality emphasizes the integration of a multi-party engagement mechanism involving "Nongovernmental Level - Regional Level - National Level - Transnational Level - Supranational Level", while extensively employing a "framework-content" policy-making methodology. Third, the EU's climate neutrality governance is guided by the dual objectives of achieving a "Cleaner Energy Structure" and "Recover Ecological Environment" pursuing a broad-ranging and multi-tiered policy pathway towards climate neutrality. Fourth, the EU leverages a combined approach of mandatory measures and guiding policies to propel the climate neutrality governance process, aspiring to achieve breakthroughs in new energy technology innovation through climate neutrality governance, thereby solidifying its international standing. Moreover, this study provides an outlook on the future of the EU's climate neutrality policy governance, positing that the EU's emphasis on climate neutrality governance will remain undiminished, with a heightened focus on guiding policies and an emphasis on the roles of enterprises and the public in advancing the realization of climate neutrality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against this background, our contribution discusses the effects of this double regulation and provides a clear policy recommendation for the future of EU and German climate policy in the transport and buildings sectors. However, two other groundbreaking climate policy decision in the EU and Germany have passed with much less commotion: the implementation of the German heating and transport fuels emissions trading system (ETS) in 2021 and the 2022 decision of the EU to add a similar ETS to its climate policy instrument mix. In early 2023, far-reaching decisions on climate policy were made in both the EU and Germany. [Extracted from the article]

The European Union's climate policy is considered quite ambitious. This has led to a growing interest among political scientists investigating the European Parliament's ability to negotiate such ambitious climate legislation. These studies generally focus on the voting behaviour of members of the European Parliament, which allows us to know more about their positions when it comes to accepting or rejecting legislative acts. However, we know surprisingly little about how they debate and justify their positions in Parliament. In these debates, members of the European Parliament not only identify the problem (i.e., climate change and its adverse effects) but also discuss potential solutions (i.e., their willingness or ambition to fight and adapt to climate change). In addition, plenary debates are ideal for making representative claims based on citizens' interests on climate action. Therefore, this article aims to understand how climate policy ambitions are debated in the European Parliament and whose interests are represented. We propose a new manual coding scheme for climate policy ambitions in parliamentary debate and employ it in climate policy debates in the ninth European Parliament (2019-present). In doing so, this article makes a methodological contribution to operationalising climate policy ambition from a parliamentary representation and legitimation perspective. We find debating patterns that connect quite detailed ambitions with clear representative claims and justifications. There is more agreement on what to do than how to get there, with divides emerging based on party, ideological, and member-state characteristics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union and Germany have recently committed themselves to greenhouse-gas neutrality by 2050 and 2045, respectively. This substantially reduces their gaps in ambition to the Paris climate goals. However, the current climate policy mix is not sufficient to reach these targets: There is a major implementation gap. Based on economic, legal, and political science perspectives, this article identifies key obstacles in legislating stringent climate policy instruments and making them effective. Using a simple framework, we map the stage of the process in which the obstacles are at work. Moreover, we discuss the potential effectiveness of a select list of prominent drivers of climate-related regulation in overcoming said obstacles and conclude by pointing towards conditions for closing the implementation gap. In doing so, we focus on the current legislative processes of the "Fit-for-55" package by the European Commission and the 2021 Federal Climate Change Act in Germany. Our analysis builds on the extant literature, and we suggest avenues for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Paris Agreement, adopted in 2015, paved the way for a new hybrid global climate governance architecture with both bottom-up and top-down elements. While governments can choose individual climate goals and actions, a global stocktake and a ratcheting-up mechanism have been put in place with the overall aim to ensure that collective efforts will prevent increasing adverse impacts of climate change. Integrated assessment models show that current combined climate commitments and policies of national governments fall short of keeping global warming to 1.5 °C or 2 °C above preindustrial levels. Although major greenhouse gas emitters, such as China, the European Union, India, the United States under the Biden administration, and several other countries, have made new pledges to take more ambitious climate action, it is highly uncertain where global climate policy is heading. Scenarios in line with long-term temperature targets typically assume a simplistic and hardly realistic level of harmonization of climate policies across countries. Against this backdrop, this article develops four archetypes for the further evolution of the global climate governance architecture and matches them with existing sets of scenarios developed by integrated assessment models. By these means, the article identifies knowledge gaps in the current scenario literature and discusses possible research avenues to explore the pre-conditions for successful coordination of national policies towards achieving the long-term target stipulated in the Paris Agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European transition to green economy is based on long-term strategies. The Europe 2020 Strategy was launched in 2010 in order to promote smart, sustainable, and inclusive growth in the region. Later, the ambitions regarding this strategy were followed by the Green Deal and Sustainable Development Goals. Now, the effort of countries towards the green economy is even more relevant than ever because of the context of today's global energy crisis and economic uncertainty due to many challenges such as the COVID-19 pandemic or Russia invasion of Ukraine. This paper seeks to assess the countries' achievements in seeking climate change and energy targets of the Europe 2020 Strategy by applying the innovative multi-criteria decision-making (MCDM) technique. The kernel-based comprehensive assessment (KerCA) method was applied for the calculations of the progress achieved and countries' rankings. It allows to evaluate countries' achievements and compare them using the mathematical models. The analysis of the national target implementation in the countries allows to determine the compliance of countries with their commitments and liability towards other countries and the European Union (EU). An analysis of the implementation of the strategy can serve as a guide to further develop climate change and energy policy in the region. Furthermore, the added value of the article is systematic overview of scientific studies proposing different methodologies for the analysis of target implementation at the whole region level. The novelty of this paper also relies on the approach, which considers not only the level of achievement of the target, but also assesses the excess. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At international climate conferences, the European Union (EU) and its member states both are negotiating partners. The EU signs the treaties to protect the climate, the member states ratify and translate them into national policy. Based on the literature on actorness, we identify different dimensions in which the EU's actor quality is articulated. Actorness has internal dimensions, such as the transfer of responsibilities, and external dimensions, such as the recognition as a contracting party by other states. Actorness, however, cannot be grasped by analysing institutions alone, but also arises discursively and situationally. We trace EU actorness for four critical points in time in international climate policy and can thus show that actorness in the policy field has increased overall over time, but that the full potential has not yet been exploited. In some dimensions, a temporary decline in actorness could be observed, especially at the Copenhagen summit. The analysis of actorness can also contribute to the explanation of a possible lack of effectiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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