Search

The article discusses the alleged persecution of Christian minorities in Turkey under the Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and the ruling political party Justice and Reconciliation Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP). The impact that political Islam has on the putative persecution of Christians in Turkey is discussed.

Contemporary developments throughout the world have been marked by post-truth politics. Epitomized by a disregard for truth coupled with a reliance on emotive arguments, the term ‘post-truth politics’ has not yet been adequately reflected upon by political or social theory. This article uses Turkey’s 15 July (2016) abortive coup as an entry point to address this gap and argues that the post-truth has altered both the grammar and vocabulary of politics. The term denotes the contemporary shift from a ‘regime of truth’ to a ‘regime of common sense’, which also operates as the discursive ground of new populisms. While treating three contending narratives of 15 July - ‘kamikaze coup’, ‘staged coup’ and ‘controlled coup’ - this article focuses on the post-truth elements in the government’s narrative performance that obstructed the pursuit of truth and set the conditions for a particular interpretation of the events of 15 July. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise and subsequent erosion of friendly relations between Iran and Turkey was a result of their regional ambitions. While Turkey had long seen its secular system as presenting an alternative to Iran's Islamic ideology, the alignment of their regional interests facilitated a rapport between the two states in the first decade of the twenty-first century. However, the Arab Spring proved divisive for this relationship as each state sought to advocate its model of government and secure a leadership role in the Arab world. The war in Syria widened the divide, as Iran's long-standing support for the Bashar al-Assad regime could not be reconciled with Turkey's desire to see President Assad out of office. Using a close reading of Persian and Turkish sources, the authors will analyse the Iran-Turkey divide, focusing specifically on how the Iranians have portrayed it as a clash of civilisations, citing Turkey's so-called 'neo-Ottoman' ambitions as the primary cause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the increasing authoritarianism of the Islamist Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan during his tenure throughout the early 21st century, including the impact that attempted July 15, 2016 coup d'etat had on authoritarianism in Turkey. The role that military officers and members of the Gülen movement played in the July 2016 coup, including the possible role that Muslim preacher Fetullah Gülen played in planning the coup, is discussed.

An editorial is presented which discusses the authoritarian populism in Turkey and the U.S. in the 21st century. Topics include the right-wing authoritarian move of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, authoritarianism by U.S. President Donald Trump, and influence of the U.S. in economics and politics throughout the world.

The article discusses the Islamist President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's governance of Turkey, including his calling for November 2015 elections soon after the political party Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) was defeated in June 2015 elections. An overview of Turkey's conflict with its Kurdish population is provided.

This article takes issue with the question of whether Turkey has been turning away from Europe in recent years, by adopting a critical constructivist lens to understand how, rather than why, Turkey's presumed distance from the European Union (EU) is taking place. In doing that, it seeks to analyse the ways in which the political-societal transformation of the country as distanced from the EU is enabled by certain discursive practices which in turn contribute to the growing rift between Turkey and the EU. This is mainly conducted through a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of texts produced by former Prime Minister and now President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on Europe and the EU during key election periods starting with the 12 June 2011 general election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes the political reasons that allowed the Islamic State to expand successfully in Syria and Iraq, by enabling to “franchise” worldwide, and the role of the regional governments in this issue. The article provides a different explanation from the classic approach of the “clash of civilizations” theorized by Samuel P. Huntington, ascribing responsibility for the growth and expansion of the Islamic State to the complex framework of geopolitical alliances within the Muslim civilization and the Arab world. The article highlights the attempt by Turkey to establish itself as a regional power and guidance of the Islamic world, by resurrecting the Caliphate, and, based on this, explains the contrast with the Islamic State, whose goal is the foundation of a globalized Caliphate. The plans of the Turkish President Erdoğan for a Great Turkey, allied with Egypt, have foundered with the coup that ousted the Muslim Brotherhood from power. The study relates the connection of Ankara with the Kurds, regarding the management of the crisis in Syria and Iraq, and the Turkish liaison with regional powers (Iran, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Israel) and other powers (Russia, China, and the United States). [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article looks at Turkey's foreign and military policy in the Middle East, offering evidence that its government under Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is quietly supporting the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and analyzing why it motivated to do so. It says that the Turkish government seeks the ouster of Syrian President Bashar Assad so that a Sunni-led regime can take power in Syria. It describes how Turkish policy toward ISIS has shifted over time, in part in response to ISIS's raid on the Turkish consulate in Mosul, Iraq. Topics include a joint U.S.-Turkish effort to support the Free Syrian Army opposition group, evidence of Turkish arms shipments to ISIS, and the views of Turkish Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu.

Guillermo O’Donnell’s influential work ‘Delegative Democracy’ set the discourse on a peculiar type of democracy. Lying between representative democracy and authoritarianism, the uniqueness of delegative democracy lies in its features, including an absence of horizontal accountability, strong centralised rule, individual leadership with unchecked powers, a cult figure embodying the nation and clientelist practices. While delegative democracies seem to arise out of presidential systems, Turkey, though a parliamentary system, has also displayed the distinctive features of delegative democracies. This paper identifies three characteristics of delegative democracy, which are responsible for the lack of democratic consolidation, if not the erosion of democracy itself: anti-institutionalism, an anti-political agenda and clientelism. Arguing that delegative democracy is the best concept with which to examine contemporary Turkey, the paper lays out how, post-2011, Turkey has demonstrated the three elements of delegative democracy. The final section discusses the implications of the Turkish case for scrutinising the very possibility of delegative democracy in parliamentary regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article examines the perception about Turkey by Middle Eastern media based on reports and articles published from September 2013 to September 2014. Topics discussed include Turkey's positive image projected in the region's media in relation to other Middle Eastern countries during the period 2003-2012, its AK Party government and its leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and the change in Turkey's image during the period 2013-2014.

The article explores several news reports in and about Turkey and the international media's reaction to them. These news reports include one on an attack on U.S. soldiers in a tourist district in Istanbul, some on Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan's controversial statements about a number of issues, including who discovered America and the inequality of men and women, and another on the opening of the huge Ak Saray presidential palace on October 29, 2014.

The article discusses the prospects of Turkey moving toward authoritarian form of government under Turkish political party Justice and Development Party (AKP) leader and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, referencing the country's political history and nationalism from 2002 through 2014. The Turkish government's response to the protests at Gezi Park in Taksim Square, Istanbul, Turkey in 2013 is discussed. The relationship between Islam and state in Turkey is also discussed.

The election of the first government of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in 2002 was a turning point for Turkey. People wanted change. That's what the AKP offered. Their successful economic management has seen Turkey transformed over the last 12 years. Foreign policy initiatives also prospered and relations with a number of neighbours improved.. More recent events have led some commentators to ask whether Turkey is moving forwards or backwards on the democratic path. There are concerns that the Ataturk legacy of a secular state is being slowly eroded by the forces of a conservative democracy and that too much power is now concentrated in the hands of Mr Erdogan. This is the background to the 2013 riots in (westernised) Istanbul. And the situation in the region leaves little room for optimism. The challenge now is to promote the political stability and predictability that will encourage continuing foreign and domestic investment in Turkey and to undertake the further structural reforms essential if Turkey is to rise out of the middle income trap and climb into the group of wealthier nations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article offers information on the social and political conditions of Turkey. Topics discussed include city life in Istanbul, Turkey; changes in Turkey under the power of former Turkish President Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and destroying the cultural foundations of modern Turkey through Islamization by Erdoğan; and social tensions and Gezi Park protests in 2013.

This article argues that it is fallacious to promote the Turkish democratic experience under the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) as a model for the emerging Arab democracies. Despite the early political reformism of the AKP, an empirical analysis of the government's recent crackdown on basic rights and freedoms demonstrates that the "Turkish model," defined as a marriage of Islam and liberal democracy, cannot respond to the demands of Arab reformers. In this regard, the article falls into three sections. In the first section, assets of the "Turkish model" according to various actors are examined, which casts doubt on the emancipatory discourse underlying the promotion of the model. The second section proposes the term "leader democracy"-- or, more specifically, "Erdoğanism"--as a way of denoting the governmental structure of Turkey as of early 2014. The final section depicts the current Turkish democracy in terms of the state of checks and balances and of basic political and social rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The cleavage between the secular centre and the religious-conservative periphery has been the most important dividing line in modern Turkish politics. In the past, centre-right parties have successfully appealed to the peripheral majority, emerging as victors in almost all parliamentary elections since 1950. This trend continues with the Justice and Development Party (AKP). In power since 2002, winner of three consecutive elections with increasing majorities, the AKP qualifies as a predominant party. The article focuses on the AKP's recent drift towards an excessively majoritarian conception of democracy, or even an electoral authoritarianism of a more markedly Islamic character. Topics discussed include the Gezi Park events in May–June 2013, the conflict with the Gülen movement, corruption charges against government ministers, recent legislation weakening judicial independence and restricting freedom of expression, and the 30 March 2014 local elections. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the political role and political stability of Turkey as of mid-2014. It discusses the history of Turkish political ideology, particularly Pan-Turkism and Neo-Ottomanism, and the reforms of Turkish political leader Kemal Ataturk. The article also discusses the Turkish political party the Justice and Development Party (JDP) and theologian Fethullah Gulen, moderate Islam in Turkish affairs, and Turkish political corruption during the 21st century. It also discusses the policies of Turkish prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

The article discusses municipal elections in Turkey and the administration of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan. The author reflects on Erdogan's majority win in the 2011 election and allegations of government corruption and anti-democratic behavior. Other topics include Erdogan's Islamic beliefs and their relationship to public policy, legislation on the National Intelligence Organization, and relations with the U.S. government.

An interview is presented with Kemal Kilicdaroglu, a Turkish politician and leader of the social democratic political party Republican People's Party (CHP). Kilicdaroglu comments on corruption in Turkey and the role of Prime Minister of Turkey Recep Tayyip Erdogan who is also the leader of the Turkish political party Justice and Development (AKP). Further topics include Turkey's goal to integrate the European Union, an assessment of AKP's foreign policy, and the Armenian Genocide of 1915.

For more than a year, Turkey has been embroiled in a multi-layered political crisis—with the future of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his Justice and Development Party (AKP) in the balance. However, based on his party's victories in the March nationwide municipal elections, Erdogan has indicated that he may adopt an even tougher line on his opponents, including some within AKP who have reservations about his allegedly autocratic style. Self-confidence renewed, Erdogan enters a year-long campaign for parliamentary seats and the presidency. Erdogan's belief that voters have endorsed his no-compromise stance might well intensify the nation's decades-old identity crisis—the root of rising political and social tensions in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses efforts by Turkish prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan to suppress and criticize the Turkish media as of late 2013. It examines television network CNN Turk owner Aydin Dogan and CNN Turk's lack of coverage during demonstrations known as the Gezi Park protests in Turkey in June 2013. The article discusses Dogan's career, Erdogan's public denunciations of the media during weekly speeches in the Turkish General Assembly, and the propaganda of the Turkish political party the Justice and Development Party (AKP). It also discusses Erdogan's political success, the fundraising entity known as Deniz Feneri, and sympathetic journalists close to Erdogan.

The anti-government protests in Turkey emerged as a legitimate and even necessary reaction against police brutality to evolved into violent revolts targeting Prime Minister Erdoğan. Since the initial protests, commentators sought to make sense of the phenomenon with reference to the Gezi youth. A closer examination, however, would reveal the Leftist-Kemalist aura of the protests that came under the tutelage of Taksim Solidarity, an umbrella organization of left-wing associations, and the Republican People's Party. Meanwhile, the general public kept its distance from the violent demonstrations. Not only AK Party supporters but also many liberals and secular-minded democrats found the developments alarming. While the protests marks a step forward for Turkey's once-apathetic opposition groups, their failure prevented a revival of authoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Turkey's involvement against the government of Syrian President Bachar el-Assad and highlights Turkey's weak diplomacy and its effects on the administration of Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The author discusses the history of Turkish-Syrian relations, the power and influence of the Turkish Islamic political party Justice and Development Party (AKP) since 2002, and Turkey's reputation concerning its policy toward Syria's Civil War, which began in 2011.

The article provides a deeper analysis of the Gezi Park protest in Istanbul, Turkey that began on May 28, 2013 as an environmental protest in reaction to a planned construction project. A survey by think tank GENAR in June 2013 among 498 protestors indicated that 58% believed that the main reason behind the protest was Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan's authoritarian attitudes. Some 13.7% cited the government, 8.2% police violence, 3.4% tree felling in Gezi and 2% limitation of freedom.

The article discusses political developments in Turkey as of September 1, 2013. The Gezi Park protests is still the main political agenda in Turkey which Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan blame on a conspiracy against his democratically elected government. The Constitution Reconciliation Commission which has been working to draft a new constitution is facing urgency to finish its task as local and national election in 2014 would make it extremely difficult to agree on charter negotiations.

There were huge expectations that Turkish–American bilateral relations would be improved during Obama's office term. Obama's coming to the office as president raised hopes for further cooperation because of common interests and vision in strategic matters particularly those relevant to the Middle East. However, the expectations have gone unfulfilled due to mutual mistakes that could have been avoided provided that greater attention had been paid to the regional developments. Despite occasional deterioration in the bilateral ties, there is still huge potential in the relations between Turkey and the USA in case the parties act prudently and wisely in the nascent regional political setting. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan as of March 2013, focusing on his vision for Turkey. According to the article, Erdogan's reputation for reconciling democracy with Islam is cast into question by some critics who focus on his limiting of free expression and his promotion of Islamic values in an attempt to reduce Kurdish terrorism. Topics include the 2023 centennial anniversary of the founding of the Turkish Republic, the Justice and Development political party (AKP), and Turkish foreign policy including Turkey's relations with Israel.