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Copyright of Canadian Foreign Policy Journal (CFPJ) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article draws on recently declassified records to describe the origins of the 1957 Tripartite Intelligence Alerts Agreement. The agreement required the Governments of Canada, the United Kingdom (UK), and the United States (US) to inform each other in case they concluded that war was imminent in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization area. British and Canadian desires to influence any United States decision about nuclear weapons use provided the impetus for the agreement. Canada played a significant role in the diplomacy that led to the agreement. This suggests that Canada was a more important player in intelligence history than usually observed, and that parts of the US-UK 'Special Relationship' cannot be fully understood without attention to Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Political Science Review is the property of Canadian Political Science Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In its first 2 decades the Canadian Institute of International Affairs (CIIA), Canada's premier foreign policy think tank, never functioned merely as a neutral and apolitical research organization. Under the leadership of Edgar Tarr, president of the Monarch Life Assurance Company, and in its capacity as the Canadian Council of the transnational Institute of Pacific Relations (IPR), in the 1930s and 1940s the CIIA became an instrument that championed Canadian national autonomy and sought to expand Canada's international role, while challenging British imperialism, racism, and Anglo–Saxon dominance. Prominent Canadian diplomats and other officials were complicit in this enterprise, which reached its apogee at the IPR conference held at Mont Tremblant, Quebec, in December 1942. The CIIA's activities during this period revealed the porosity and imprecision of the boundaries in Canada between the state and non-state realms. Throughout World War II, DEA and other Canadian government representatives attended CIIA and IPR conferences as “official non-officials,” effectively cooperating with private individuals in a network of purportedly non-governmental organizations that enabled Canada to exert leverage on the British government, reject British leadership, align itself with the United States, and secure a greater world role. CIIA leaders and Canadian officials also consciously encouraged nationalist forces in India, China, and Southeast Asia that sought to reject colonial rule and Western dominance. CIIA activities thus became part of a web of diplomatic interactions across a transnational network of think tanks within and outside the British Empire that had their own impact upon international affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

On the basis of a study of American, British and Canadian records, this article examines the relationship of France to the negotiation of the North Atlantic Treaty from the perspective of the ‘ABC’ countries, particularly Canada. How did the perceived vulnerability of France influence the approach of the members of the ‘North Atlantic Triangle’ to the justification, timing and contents of the proposed pact? How did France's inclusion in Western Union and its exclusion from the preliminary talks in the Pentagon affect American, British and Canadian attitudes to the development of the draft alternatively known as the ‘Pentagon Paper’ or the ‘State Department Draft’? These questions are addressed, as well as the impact on the later ambassadorial talks of France's priority to immediate rearmament and its determination to include the departments of Algeria within the defensive perimeter of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation. Finally, the article assesses the extent to which France and its requirements influenced the policies and actions of the Canadian government throughout the negotiation of the North Atlantic Treaty. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Public diplomacy represents an opportunity for small and medium-sized states to gain influence and shape international agenda in ways that go beyond their limited hard power resources (related to size, military and economic strength). The literature on public diplomacy has been dominated by accounts of major powers, and the character of public diplomacy performed by small and medium-sized states has hardly been explored so far. Based on an elaboration of the concept of so power as being based on image and value assets of societal actors, this paper suggests a definition of public diplomacy as including activities by the state abroad and at home with the aim of increasing its attractiveness. Three areas in which the public diplomacy strategies of small and medium-sized states differ from the corresponding activities of major powers are then suggested. Finally, the development of public diplomacy strategies and their coordination by the foreign ministries of Canada and Norway — two countries with widely similar foreign policy agendas but different domestic constituencies — are then described and compared. The paper concludes by suggesting that successful public diplomacy by small and medium-sized states is well served by positioning the state not only in locally attractive image and value platforms, but also in their global equivalents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The common perception of a foreign service career emphasizes the role of high-ranking diplomats traveling the world to engage in the high politics of statecraft and negotiation. Critical geographic scholarship, however, has recently turned to examine the more mundane, quotidian, and regularized work of foreign policy professionals in consulates, embassies, and foreign ministries. This paper builds a historical and institutional understanding of the work of Canada's foreign service officers, examining how ideals, practices, and structures related to professionalism, elite status, expertise, and collective bargaining matter for articulating diplomats' self-identity, and how this shapes and is shaped by institutional change in the Canadian state. We look first at the changing "institutional culture" within the foreign service, especially how FSOs understand their work and its relationship to the foreign ministry as a workplace, and how this workplace has changed through institutional shifts in the departmental configuration housing the diplomatic corps. We then examine the role of the Professional Association of Foreign Service Officers (PAFSO), which represents and bargains on behalf of foreign service officers in Canada, in shaping Canadian foreign service officers' sense of themselves, their work, and their place in the Canadian state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Public Policy is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

For sixty years, the phrase ‘North Atlantic triangle’ has been employed by Canadian scholars to describe the relations of Canada, Britain and the USA. That image was a product of its time and its originator's perspective, with particular relevance to an understanding of Canada's international relations in the Second World War and its aftermath. This paper weighs the evidence for and against the existence of a triangular relationship in the 1940s and it concludes that the geometric form conveyed an incomplete understanding at the time and it has even less relevance since then. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Foreign Policy Journal (CFPJ) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on focuses on U.S. foreign relations with Canada. The articulation of the so-called Nixon Shock of August 15, 1971, more formally called the New Economic Program, was an epochal event in the history of Canada-United States relations, that stimulated Ottawa to consider a new world in which the U.S. did not bulk so large. The Canadian assumption that the United States would always accord their country consideration when calculating the American interest as, for example, it had when it had exempted Canada from the Interest Equalization Tax in 1963, was shaken on that day.

Energy and environmental diplomacy factors were a major, though often unrecognized, part of Canada-United States relations prior to the Cold War. Hydroelectricity was the most important of these factors, particularly power exported from the Canadian side of the Great Lakes-St. Lawrence basin. The history of Canada-U.S. hydroelectricity relations, exports, and regulations offered here covers the key steps, institutions, and actors in the evolution of hydroelectricity geopolitics and governance regimes during the first two-thirds of the twentieth century. Most of the earliest large Canadian hydropower projects were built on or planned for border waters, which, after the creation of the 1909 Boundary Waters Treaty, required formal coordination with the United States. Over the following half-century, prospective power projects on border waters continued to dominate the diplomatic dialogue. Federal governments or agencies established broad export restrictions, altering them occasionally, but often subnational governments, special interests, and specific power projects played as large a role in shaping the power trade. The result was a constantly shifting political and regulatory context, albeit one that generally trended toward cooperation and reduced barriers to electricity integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the state of Russian-Canadian relations from 2014 to 2020, identifying areas where cooperation is still possible. Russian-Canadian bilateral relations are deeply affected by the crisis in Russia-West relations and are at their lowest point since the end of the Cold War. Despite the sanctions and accusatory rhetoric from politicians on both sides, 'niche cooperation' between the two countries is still possible in areas of common interest. Cooperation on non-political issues and the use of instruments of alternative diplomacy -- Track II diplomacy, para-diplomacy, business diplomacy, and parliamentary diplomacy -- are all workable approaches, with the potential for positive interactions during the crisis. One very promising area of cooperation is interaction in the Arctic region through bilateral and multilateral frameworks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the diplomatic practices of non-state actors in the history of Canadian-Eastern Asian relations in order to theorize and show empirically how diplomacies make and can transform world orders. Analysing examples of trans-Pacific missionary, commercial and labour interactions from the late eighteenth century to the Second World War, the article points to how the diplomatic practices of non-state actors, often in everyday circumstances, enacted Canadian-Asian relations. They, in turn, constituted and challenged the hierarchical social relations of the European imperial world order that was linked with race, class, gender, civilization and culture -- hierarchies that conditioned patterns of thought and action, in that order. The analysis uses and further develops the concept of 'other diplomacies', as introduced by Beier and Wylie, to highlight the centrality to world orders of practices that have a diplomatic character, even when the actors involved do not represent states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of the History of Sport is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A country's image is the product largely of one nation's socially constructed perception (or misperception) of another nation. A country's image may seem politically insignificant, but its image and associated identity are often socially meaningful and have an important impact on the overall milieu for narratives and discourses in international relations. This essay intends to make sense of Canada's image among Chinese. It first defines the concept of "image" and specifically Canada's image in China. Then, through examination of various aspects of image-making, such as symbolic individual figures, media venues, and popular topics, this article seeks to deconstruct this image. It argues that the Canadian image is important for Sino-Canadian relations because a country's image and reputation are among the most valuable assets its people possess and a key component of soft power. The political weight of public image, however, is more the product of a country's importance and less its image. For example, compared to the relatively negative public image of the United States in China, Canada's more positive public image does not make it more important to China's government or its people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Canadian Studies is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Summary Public diplomacy's scholarship and practice are evolving and seeking to adapt to the expanding interests, expectations, connectivity and mobility of the publics that have come to define the field in an organic fashion. The characteristic distinction between international and domestic publics as the key to defining the practice of public diplomacy is increasingly challenged by public audiences that are no longer constrained by such traditional delineations. The attention on the involvement of domestic publics in public diplomacy, or its domestic dimension, has to be understood within this context. This article aims to cast further light on public diplomacy's domestic dimension, with Canada and Australia - two countries that have much in common - as the launch pads for discussion. The article's first section investigates the approach and development of public diplomacy's domestic dimension in both countries and draws out the similarities and differences. The second section identifies the opportunities, challenges and tendencies in its practice as well as the conceptual implications. The article finds that while differences in approach remain, Canada and Australia have more in common than not when it comes to involving domestic audiences in international policy, especially in recent years. Their practice of public diplomacy's domestic dimension appears to be resilient and adaptive in nature, although it has been subject to fluctuations resulting from changes in the political climate, leadership styles and governmental preferences, and resource availability. Additionally, reconceptualizing public diplomacy with a domestic dimension and constructivist underpinnings opens the window on norms that are taken for granted in diplomacy and offers the potential for a more inclusive view and practice - a better fit for its time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada's post-war role as a middle power within the UN system and a strong advocate of negotiated settlement of international disputes focuses on Lester Pearson's role in the Suez Crisis of 1956 and dates Canada's new diplomatic stance from that time. This article argues that Canada's emerging diplomatic stance in fact is grounded in the diplomacy surrounding the Korean War at the beginning of that decade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the politics of border management in North America, particularly the United States' northern border with Canada, as a by-product of competing and overlapping domestic political discourses. It considers these perspectives in the context of US state-society relations and cross-border relations with Canada, focusing particularly on a case study on expanded requirements for personal identification for domestic and international travellers by Americans and their North American neighbours under the 'Western Hemisphere Travel Initiative' (WHTI). It demonstrates the capacity of domestic and cross-border interest groups to mobilize political and bureaucratic support through American political processes to modify US domestic security rules, and the factors which contributed to these policy shifts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines one aspect of Canada's early cultural diplomacy. During the late 1940s, the Department of External Affairs frequently received requests for Canadian books from foreign libraries. At the same time, many officials were eager to promote Canadian culture abroad. The Annual Book Presentation Programme was inaugurated with the intention of creating “repositories of Canadiana” which might stimulate interest in Canada among foreign readers. Although the budget for the program was always modest, over the years the department's book gifts did fulfill their aim, creating a basis for the later growth of Canadian studies in universities abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's views on how Canada is able to resist American pressures in North America. According to the author, there is an implicit trade-off inherent in Canadian remedial diplomacy in bilateral relations which diminishes Canada's independence. He further examines the structural and ideational foundations and then proceeds to a historical assessment of its effects.

Employing information gathered chiefly from the archives of France's Ministère des Affaires Étrangères (MAE), this article examines official French perceptions of the October Crisis, and how these were influenced by evolving attitudes in Paris regarding Quebec and Canada. It is argued that French official perceptions of the October Crisis were shaped foremost by a belief that arose in the 1960s among elements in the French political class that Quebec was evolving toward some form of international sovereignty. The October Crisis, thus, was perceived in French circles as a manifestation of Quebec's larger political evolution; Ottawa's hard-line response was seen as misguided and ultimately exacerbating the crisis, and as consistent with federalist resistance to Quebec épanouissement. These French perceptions were reinforced by the invocation of the War Measures Act. The result was a rather ambiguous response from Paris that condemned FLQ actions out of a general opposition to political violence, but that was tempered by a concern that the reaction of Canadian and Quebec authorities, notably the former, not be permitted to interfere with the French view of the Québécois interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For much of the nineteenth century, Canadian education-related international activities resided outside the realm of traditional diplomacy. This situation was exacerbated by Canada's colonial link with Great Britain. Obstacles that prevented educationalists from playing a more substantive role in diplomacy were local, imperial, and ecclesiastical in origin. Educational activities were also a tool in the service of governments in the era between the zenith of British Imperialism in the 1890s and the founding of the United Nations in 1945. In the post-1945 era there was greater collaboration between the federal Ministry of External Affairs and provincial ministries of education. Education also emerged in the late twentieth century as part of the new diplomacy. A flowering of new international governmental organizations dedicated to furthering creative diplomacy brought new energy to this field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Diplomatic representation, both as a concept and in terms of its structures and processes, does not receive the attention that it deserves. This is surprising given that it forms a central concern for both analysts and practitioners of diplomacy, with the latter confronting multiple challenges in adapting modes of representation to changes in their international and domestic political environments. One facet of this can be identified in responses to factors that have assumed a significant place in the development of diplomacy — namely distance and proximity. To the growth of proximity in both spatial and issue-oriented terms, the challenge of the 'special relationship' is added in specific contexts. Both factors come together in the case of Canada's attempts to manage its policies towards the United States. Here, strategies have moved through distinct phases responding to domestic and international changes. The latest phase, which is associated with substantial rethinking of the role and structure of Foreign Affairs Canada, assumes the form of what has been labelled the Enhanced Representation Initiative (ERI). The ERI is interesting not only in the Canadian-US context, but because it reveals more general problems for governments seeking to manage the pressures of proximity and a growing number of relationships that assume aspects of 'specialness'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1945 to 1947 Canada shifted from a dependency on Great Britain for wartime operational intelligence to a junior partnership with the United States in the production of strategic threat assessments of the Soviet Union. Working through the Military Cooperation Committee the primary objective of Canadian and American officials was to update the wartime Defence Plan (ABC-22), with a Basic Security Plan for the post-war defence of North America. Each country was to produce a detailed 'Implementation' based on an intelligence 'Appreciation' of the threats facing North America in the 'air-atomic age'. Towards this end, the Canadian Joint Intelligence Committee prepared JIC 1 (Final), a report on when, where, and in what capacity the Soviet Union would strike Canada in the event of the next major war. The basic problem facing the Canadian Joint Intelligence Committee was to incorporate American sources in the assessment of Soviet capabilities without simply producing a carbon copy version of the assessment of their continental ally. Moreover, the Canadians were particularly concerned that they produce a 'made in Canada' assessment of Soviet intentions. The report was completed and approved by Canadian and American defence officials in 1947 and updated versions became the basis for continental defence planning until the signing of the 1957 Norad agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A content analysis of material generated by the 1994–1995 foreign policy review process in Canada was conducted in an effort to understand how culture came to be officially constituted as the third pillar of Canadian foreign policy. The analysis showed significant differences among actors in terms of modes of legitimization of cultural diplomacy. State agents, by refusing to consider culture as a referent object in a broadened notion of security and by assimilating it into a system of civic values, resisted pressures from academics and groups that favored introducing societal conceptions of culture as relevant for the making o f foreign policy. The result is nevertheless a new, albeit defensive and still ambiguous, form of implication of foreign policy in the cultural mission of the state in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]