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During the Beijing 2022 Winter Olympics, Eileen Gu attracted considerable attention and sparked numerous discussions on Chinese social media. Using the method of textual analysis, this paper examines the various responses of Chinese women, particularly Chinese feminists, to Eileen's achievements on Chinese social media, framing these responses within recent studies of neoliberalism's undoing of feminism as well as long-standing debates about the relationship between feminism and nationalism. This paper argues that discussions about Eileen on Chinese social media not only illustrate how neoliberalism is absorbed, reworked, and resisted in its transnational circulation but also demonstrate how nationalist narratives can be strategically used by Chinese feminists to validate their feminist positions. It further enriches existing scholarship on neoliberalism with a transnational perspective, reaffirms the importance of contextualizing the relationship between Third World feminism and nationalism, and highlights the significance of uncovering indigenous feminist resources in Third World countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The writing reforms of the Mongolian language in Inner Mongolia from 1954 to 1980 are a notable case of Maoist China's language planning projects. In those years, the Chinese government attempted to implement two consecutive reforms featuring Cyrillization and Latinization of the Mongolian writing system, but neither reform yielded any substantial result and the traditional Mongolian script remains in use today. This article explores the domestic and international dynamics behind these two closely related reform attempts and examines their origins, rationales, processes of implementation, and reasons for failure. Although the rationales of both reforms lay in the communist doctrine favoring easier, more regular, and more universal writing systems that could improve literacy and facilitate communication, hidden behind both reforms were nationalist agendas. The Cyrillization reform sought linguistic unity with the Mongolian People's Republic, while the Latinization reform sought unity of writing systems among languages in China. In both cases, the hidden nationalist agendas undermined the original goals of the reforms, and the reforms lost momentum once contending agendas prevailed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Empirical evidence concerning the demographics and development of Chinese nationalism is sparse but important for scholarship and policy. Its collection entails methodological challenges in access and reliability. We conducted a field experiment to measure nationalism in incentive-compatible choices among a diverse group of 447 Chinese subjects in a field setting. Our results demonstrate greater nationalism in female, older, less affluent and more rural respondents. We also find support for nationalism in professional and educated individuals. Our results provide qualified support for a middle-class nationalism in China. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Considering how nationalism has flourished in China since the 1990s, it should not come as a surprise that intellectuals there have been vigorously debating its political meaning and significance to the Chinese people. Since the turn of the century nationalist trends have become even stronger and more powerful on account of China's putative rise to great-power status. One way to understand the complexity of nationalist expressions in China today is to explore how official and nonofficial nationalist discourses supplement and affect each other and how they are connected through debates within the intelligentsia. My aim is to question the assumption that nationalism in China is only imposed by the state on society and to suggest that it is also shaped by longstanding and widespread notions of China's proper place in the world as an important and leading country. At the same time, however, I want to outline the two major limitations of some nationalist arguments: one being that they take an essentialist approach to understanding the Chinese nation, and the other being that they remain evasive concerning the undemocratic political condition of much of the current nationalist fervor. Given the murky public space occupied by openly voiced speech and expression, nationalism in China today is neither just a spontaneous outpouring of patriotic enthusiasm nor merely a diversionary plot devised by the Communist Party to maintain its authoritarian regime. It is both of these, and this is substantiated and confirmed by the delicate interaction of the official and nonofficial versions of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]