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This paper uses the deployment of animal welfare as an issue during the 'Brexit' referendum as a lens through which to explore the mutual shaping of discourses about care for animals in Britain and the British nation, or the nationalism of animal welfare. Adopting a genealogical outlook, it uses one political advertisement in particular—paid for by the official Vote Leave campaign—as a focalising image and means of opening up the issues, leading to an empirical emphasis on the issue of live animal export as it has mediated ideas about Europe and British identity. Introducing the idea of 'animal welfare chauvinism', the paper suggests that animal welfare messages in the context of this constitutional debate were products of chauvinistic and caring impulses which are mutually constitutive and crystallised through discourses formed in relation to contingent historical struggles. Analytically, stress is placed on the constructive role of situated and repeated discursive exchanges, occurring between animal advocates and other national political elites, within which 'care for animals' as a national ideal is forged. In this light, the article concludes with reflections on the stakes of entering into an already existing conversation on the 'national culture of care' for animals in Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With a focus on refugees' written personal narratives on refugee NGO websites, this paper examines ongoing transculturalism in Britain and its interplay with globalization and current international migration. Conceiving such personal narratives as cultural texts pertaining to refugee narratives as a broad genre that encompasses different storytelling modalities, those personal stories on refugee NGO websites are explored from a cultural studies perspective. CDA is employed as a methodology for this cultural studies-oriented piece. A qualitatively oriented case study is accordingly presented based on the detailed examination of an example of such written narratives on the website of one such refugee NGO in the UK so as to instantiate and contribute to disentangling the articulation of this characteristic form of ongoing transculturalism. Special emphasis is laid on the discursive construction of refugees' transcultural identities in such narratives through their participation in those global border-crossing processes characteristic of the contemporary landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I will discuss a collective research project that I designed for my History of Mathematics course. My students, who are by and large pre-service teachers, explored online, digital versions of 18th-century British almanacs that contained question-and-answer sections for mathematics. In a multi-stage research process, they explored the primary sources, investigated selected mathematical problems from the almanacs, conducted prosopographies of the contributors to the almanacs, and finally surveyed secondary sources. They then presented their results in pairs to their classmates. Through these presentations, as well as the prosopographies and notes they shared on our online classroom management system, the working pairs of students wrote research papers that placed their findings within the context of the research of the whole class. This collective research project allowed my students to begin focused and purposeful research within the first week of classes. Moreover, this project encouraged them to become highly engaged with their primary sources and enabled them to work as a team. This collective research project framework could be applied to a variety of groups of primary sources from the history of mathematics (such as textbooks and journals), now widely available online, to a variety of mathematics courses. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Every retelling of a story is an interpretation, and children's Bible stories are no exception. This paper analyzes changes made to the Biblical story of creation in a collection of thirteen Bible stories published in 19th century Britain. The aim of this paper is to answer two questions: what purpose did the story of creation serve in Bible stories in 19th century Britain, and what changes were made to the story to serve this purpose? Common themes and changes made to the Bible stories discussed here suggest that the story was told to children for various reasons. For many, the creation narrative was used to familiarize young children with the story, and changes were aimed to simplify the story. For others, the original sin was closely tied to Jesus' atonement, and in stories that stress this, Jesus often shows up as an additional character. Moreover, many versions of this story add lessons to impart moral or didactic advice to their audience. Overall, analyzing changes made to children's Bibles stories reveals how authors changed the story of creation to influence their intended audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The importance of civil society to the military is well documented in UK Defence and Army policy, doctrine, and concepts. Civilian and military analyses commonly focus on the policy dimensions of the relationship whereby British civil society is deemed important for the legitimacy of campaigns. This research paper draws together less-common references from across the literature about a more direct impact that societal perspectives can have on deployed land operations and extends them through new archival research. It uses the military's experience in Helmand to propose a model of "societal operational influence." In this model tactical behaviours across the conceptual, physical, and moral components of Task Force Helmand's fighting power altered in response to the military's interpretation of public opinion about soldiers, which arguably resulted in changes to its culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses an extensive collection of historical surveys that have only recently been made available to researchers to examine the formation of British attitudes towards the then European Economic Community. It demonstrates that – up until 1967 – the demographic predictors of support for UK membership were unstable. Thereafter, coinciding with the second UK application, these attitudes started to stabilise and harden, with support becoming highest among men, the youngest age cohorts, the middle class and those with greater education. The renewed politicization of the issue in 1967 also coincided with Labour voters becoming significantly more likely to support membership. Following the change in the parties' positions, Labour voters subsequently become substantially less supportive than Conversative voters. The paper thus supports existing analyses on the role of elite cues, while providing new, robust evidence of the change in demographic associations over this formative period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scientists and policy‐makers promote 'Nature‐based Solutions' to the interconnected challenges associated with the Anthropocene. Often these involve the strategic use of ecosystem engineers: animals, plants, and microbes with disproportionate ecological agency capable of regional or even planetary‐scale niche construction. This environmental mode of biopolitics is promoted as biomimicry: restoring, rewilding, or rewetting diverse ecological systems. This paper critically examines the multispecies relations promised by this model through a focus on beaver in Britain over the last 12,000 years. It begins with beaver making Britain hospitable for early settlers and agriculturalists as they returned after the last ice age. It traces the subsequent demise of beaver due to hunting and land use change, and then follows the recent return of beaver as tools for natural flood management and nature recovery. It attends to situations in which these multispecies world‐making projects go awry in the weird ecologies of the Anthropocene. This story of beaver helps situate enthusiasms for proactive ecosystem engineering in deeper time. It highlights the beguiling potential of Nature‐based Solutions while cautioning against tendencies towards anthropocentrism, an apolitical mononaturalism, and an ecomodernist hubris. The paper combines concepts from archaeology, ecology, anthropology, and geography into a new framework for theorising multispecies acts of worlding and weirding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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During the Edwardian period, women's physical education colleges were graduating significant numbers of gymnastics and games teachers, the demand for whom had increased rapidly following an expansion in the playing of team sports in girls' schools. Much of the subsequent development of women's physical activity in the 1920s can be credited to the passion and commitment of these women, who were not only key role models within the school setting but who also coached and organised women's sport at club, regional, and national level. Given that the education sector operated a 'marriage bar' until 1944, the critical juncture in their careers was the decision to marry or not, and several of these women decided to remain single. This, and the strong bonds they often formed with other practitioners, has resulted in a great deal of unsubstantiated speculation about their private lives. Combining evidence from a variety of primary sources, including newspapers, census returns, college records, literature, girls' annuals, specialist periodicals, photographs, and local and family histories, this paper illuminates some of the biographies and experiences of these women and questions the stereotypical image of the games mistress as an unfulfilled spinster. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Television series serve as tools for propaganda and influence, allowing political figures to manipulate public opinion and control how they are perceived. One notable example of this phenomenon can be seen in the representation of Boris Johnson in the TV series 'This England'. The representation of Johnson in the midst of scandals like Party Gate and the mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic tainted his public image as a reliable leader and a dependable Prime Minister. The resulting backlash against him was so severe that he was called to testify in the official COVID-19 inquiry (2023) following his compelled resignation. The filming of the 'This England' during his time in office and its airing just 22 days after his departure, appeared as an effort to repair his damaged image. The significance of this study resides in its contribution to our comprehension of the multifaceted ways in which television series can shape public perception of political leadership and contribute to broader societal and political discourse. Utilizing qualitative content analysis and drawing on Stuart Hall's theory of representation, this paper explores the nuanced depiction of Johnson's leadership and contributes to our understanding of how television series can shape political narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a historical analysis to demonstrate the connections and developmental links which emerged between cookbooks and television in Britain after World War II, focused on television broadcasts in the period 1946 and 1976. In this paper, I discuss how early presenters of British television cookery programmes, and their publishers, had vision and marketing skills which enabled links between visual and printed media, and established a pattern of connected cookbook and television production which is taken for granted today. I examine the connected television and publishing careers of three early British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) television cooking pioneers: Marguerite Patten, Philip Harben and Fanny Cradock, who collectively dominated on-screen cooking programmes from the late 1940s until the mid-1970s. By analyzing their cookbooks, particularly their jackets and promotional materials, and interpreting archival research conducted in the BBC Written Archives and other documentary archives, their contributions will be discussed alongside the development of the television-connected cookbook in Britain. I conclude that these television cooks and presenters made a significant contribution on and off our screens during that period which established the connection between television cooking programmes and cookbooks in Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the establishment of the first Protestant church in midnineteenth-century Jerusalem, under Ottoman rule, relying mainly on British Foreign Office archives. It begins with an introduction to the geopolitical context for the spread of Protestantism in Greater Syria, with particular focus on Palestine, including Britain's initial diplomatic efforts to achieve this goal and the challenges it faced on different fronts. The discussion situates these challenges and the ways Britain overcame them within the context of Ottoman imperial regulations, which recurringly stalled or halted construction efforts. As a result, Britain's hopes of establishing a Protestant church in Jerusalem, and the Ottoman sultan's frequent obstruction of these efforts, reflect the layered British-Ottoman relations in the nineteenth century. The paper ends with an examination of the ways the British government managed to secure an Ottoman permit (firman) issued by the sultan, that allowed the completion of the church's construction in 1849. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on Indo-British interactions at the United Nations during 1945–47, a significant and hitherto overlooked episode of India's transition within the British Commonwealth from a colony to a dominion. In this twilight period of the British Raj, India sent its first delegations onto the international stage—forays that were critically received by London and subsequently employed to anticipate New Delhi's global role in post-1945 international affairs. The delegations' delicate composition, combative activities and difficult interactions with their British counterparts established the diplomatic implications of decolonisation for London. The focus of existing literature on India's international identity at this time has been on the formulation of Jawaharlal Nehru's non-aligned approach to the Cold War. This article, instead, concentrates on its presentation and reception. Secondly, the story of India's presence at the UN usually begins with the Korean War (1950–53). This article shows that in fact it was in 1946–47 that the first impressions of the country's independent foreign policy were given by an interim Indian government. Based on the papers of Frederick Puckle, advisor on Indian affairs at the British Embassy in Washington (1943–47) and of Vijayalakshmi Pandit, leader of India's UN delegation, and supplemented by relevant official records, oral histories and memoirs, the article presents an unheralded facet of India's emerging independent identity in this period of pre-Independence. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In July 1966, the South African Non-Racial Olympic Committee (SANROC) re-emerged in exile in London. The arrival of Dennis Brutus, the coloured Rhodesian-born activist, poet, and educator, into the British capital provided the stimulus to renew calls for the exclusion of apartheid South Africa from international sport. In the years 1966–1970 that marked Brutus's exile in Britain, SANROC elevated apartheid sport to the world's attention. As this paper contends, SANROC's success in discouraging foreign contact and competition with racialist sporting organisations, teams, or individuals from South Africa rested largely on Brutus's ability to position himself at the nexus of an emergent human rights discourse that dominated the agendas of state institutions and international organisations throughout the 1960s. Brutus skilfully tethered the issue of racism in South African sport to broader discussions of human rights. SANROC's anti-apartheid activism, however broad its transnational horizons, must also be read in its national context. As this paper will further contend, a deeper comprehension of the political and racial climate of 1960s Britain is central to understanding Brutus and SANROC's experiences in exile in the years 1966–1970. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the question of Iraq's emergence as a state in the context of the First World War with a special focus on the interplay between British imperialism and Shiʿi activism. By the twentieth century, the majority of people who lived in the territory that would become the Iraqi state were Shiʿi Muslims. Largely ignoring the activism of Iraqis, there is a line of thinking in English-language scholarship which suggests that the process of state formation in Iraq was completely driven by British imperialists. Indeed, Britain established a military presence in the Ottoman vilayets of Basra, Baghdad, and Mosul during and after the First World War, and the empire was awarded an internationally sanctioned mandate for this territory in 1920. In an effort to decolonize the history of Iraq, this paper argues that the inhabitants of Iraq, especially Shiʿi activists, played a significant role in the formation of the new state. Research for this paper is based on the writings of Shiʿi activists with a special focus on clerical leaders, as well as British government officials. Challenging historical accounts that reflect British imperialist narratives, this paper argues that Shiʿi activists (and British responses to them) significantly influenced the course of state formation in Iraq. This is not to say that Britain was not influential in the creation of Iraq; in fact, British imperialists clearly had the upper hand. However, they did not operate in a vacuum, unaffected by the inhabitants of the Iraqi state that they wished to create. Instead of assuming that British imperialists single-handedly created Iraq or that ethno-sectarian divisions are the natural order in Iraq, this paper suggests that the relationship between Britain and Shiʿism played a critical role in the formation of the Iraqi state. Although many scholars consider Islamic sectarianism and Britain's colonial legacy in Iraq to be at the heart of the country's socio-political system, the relationship between Britain and Shiʿism in Iraq has not received ample scholarly attention. The intersection of British imperialism and Shiʿi activism resulted in several foundational threads that were woven into the fabric of the Iraqi state. The 1920 Shiʿi revolt against the British mandate for Iraq and the British counter-revolt became the outward manifestation of the British-Shiʿi divide. British officials installed a Sunni-run government in Iraq for fear of Shiʿi dominance, which could have resulted from democratic institutions. Anti-British resistance led by Shiʿi clerics completely changed the calculus of Iraq's emergence as an independent state and alienated much of the Shiʿi community from Iraq's political establishment. This process radically altered the roles that Shiʿi and British leaders hoped to play in post-Ottoman Iraq. This state of affairs was not inevitable given that the continuation of British-Shiʿi alliances that began to emerge during the First World War would have produced a profoundly different state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting from the ambivalent discursive constructions of belongings and attachments, this paper is a description of the uneasy and uncomfortable relation between the UK and the 'continent'. It discusses the historical British insular attitude looking at the metaphorical language used around Brexit, with a special emphasis on the metaphor "have one's cake and eat it", referring to the "cherry-picking" attitude that the British government wishes to have, retaining EU membership benefits without its obligations. Boris Johnson admitted that his policy on cake was "pro having it and pro eating it", expressing an argument that, on withdrawing from the European Union, Britain would still retain many of the benefits that it had enjoyed as a member, since Britain was already "cherry-picking from the European tree without bothering to water the soil or tend to its branches". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the way the British historian Jonathan Parry narrates the economic and political penetration of the British Empire in the Ottoman lands. The author of the paper recognizes that Parry has provided many new and useful information, however notices in his book some questionable aspects: for example, in Parry’s representation, British expansionism was little more than a continuous, necessary reaction to French and Russian ambitions; the “cultural history” side of the book is intriguing but doesn’t provide a deep insight and a comparative pattern; important aspects of the “Ottoman commitment” of some of the dramatis personae (for instance David Urquhart) are ignored. Criticism of the various sections of Parry’s book is the starting point for a subjective conceptual road map, where reference is mainly to either old and neglected books or recent and scarcely known ones. A big parenthesis is devoted to the 3 November 1839 “Rose Garden Edict”. Indeed, the British historian belittles the importance of this document and, in particular, doubts it affirmed the juridical equality among all the subjects of the Ottoman Empire. With an integral translation from Turkish of the first (and more important) part of the edict the author of this paper demonstrates that this famous document really envisaged equality, albeit in the sole possible way the fences of the Koranic law and the spirit of the times allowed, i.e., in an implicit and ambiguous way. In this section and along the paper philological clarifications are provided as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a comparative analysis of the tenure of John Campbell, fourth earl of Loudoun, as a regional commander in the Scottish Highlands during the Jacobite uprising of 1745–6 and as commander-in-chief of the British forces in North America from January 1756 to December 1757. It challenges historiographical interpretations of Loudoun as an incompetent bully, instead emphasising his attempts to negotiate with local elites in both imperial fringes for the realisation of the state's aims, albeit within the confines of his own understanding of imperial subjecthood. This article argues that Loudoun's experiences of waging war and pacifying the Highlands directly influenced how he approached the challenges he faced in implementing British military strategy in North America. In doing so, it contributes to the growing body of scholarship investigating the role of the army in British imperial policymaking and the direct and indirect influence British army experiences in the Scottish Highlands had on the transatlantic implementation of empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using multilevel modelling, this paper investigates ethno-religious penalties in unemployment and inactivity among men and women using the Understanding Society survey. The paper confirms previous findings of a Muslim penalty and a British labour market hierarchized by colour (ethnicity) and religion (culture). However, by including a greater range of ethnic groups the paper provides a corrective to accounts in the sociological literature that being White is not a protection against the Muslim penalty. Rather, while affiliation with the Muslim White British group does not appear to be associated with penalization, Muslim Arabs who traditionally identify as White are found to experience significant disadvantage. This suggests that the Muslim penalty might also be moderated by a person's country of origin. The paper also finds that considerable penalties remain for Muslims even after adjusting for so-called "sociocultural attitudes", challenging the assumption that value orientations offer a suitable explanation for the Muslim penalty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'right of public meeting' has historically been a key demand of extra-parliamentary political movements in England. This paper examines how public assembly came to be perceived as a legally protected right, and how national and local authorities debated and policed political meetings. Whereas previous histories have suggested that a 'liberal governance' dominated urban government during the nineteenth century, this paper offers an alternative framework for understanding the relationship between people and the state. It points to rights paradoxes, whereby the right of free passage and to 'air and recreation' often conflicted with the demand for the right of political meeting in challenges to use of public spaces. Local authorities sought to defend the rights of property against political movements by using the common law offences of obstruction and 'nuisance'. By the first half of the twentieth century, new threats of militant tactics and racial harassment by political groups necessitated specific public order legislation. Though twentieth-century legislation sought to protect certain types of assembly and protest marches, the implementation and policing of public order was spatially discriminatory, and the right of public meeting was left unresolved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines significant diplomatic moments during the Grant administration – the Cuban neutrality proclamation and the Treaty of Washington – and the methods employed by Secretary of State Hamilton Fish to manage diplomacy and to keep the United States out of war with Europe. It argues that Fish was a pragmatic adviser to the President, not a manipulator pushing Grant towards his own ends, or a savior pulling Grant back from disaster. Rather, Fish counseled Grant to make sound diplomatic decisions that insured peace, leading to greater autonomy in decision-making and a successful relationship between president and secretary of state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Later Iron Age in Britain was a transformative period: material culture, settlement patterns, technology, trade networks, and the structures of power changed, ultimately leading to the Roman invasion. This paper examines the significance of investigating animal economies in this period within the broader context of socio‐economic developments. It reviews the available evidence regarding animal economies in this period, integrates new osteometric analyses, and discusses diachronic changes using the Roman evidence on a comparative basis. The investigation shows a broad pattern of continuity of practice, with relatively uniform livestock types and management strategies until the very end of the Iron Age. This suggests that the trajectory of local farming practices was largely independent from Mediterranean developments. This study contributes to a deeper understanding of Iron Age societies and their response to external influences, while also informing future research directions in archaeology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the role of BIAs in the promotion of trade across the Cold War divide during the 1950s, when the creation of a new political and economic ensemble in Western Europe intertwined with the re-elaboration of imperialist entanglements and the emergence of Socialist economies. The focus on everyday business practice allows us to identify the nature and the purpose of these BIAs, revealing a great variety of logics, but a unifying interest: creating a new role for their national economies in China's nascent economic progress. In the absence of full diplomatic relations, these organisations were identified in many cases as main reference points by the Chinese authorities and were, thus, in a privileged position to change the image of West European countries from colonisers into viable partners at a time when the PRC was shaping a new national narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The retail arcade was an innovative format that proliferated across the urban landscape in the late nineteenth century. However, it has attracted limited research attention from business historians. This article addresses this research gap by identifying the reasons for arcade development and the business relationships that enabled their widespread commercialisation. The retail arcade provided a thoroughfare between two centres of urban activity. The realisation of this transitional retail space required civic support and a commercial framework that facilitated the reification of experiential retailing. It provided financial rewards to multiple business interests whose complex relationships underpinned its operational characteristics. Britain provides the research context. Adopting an institutional logics theoretical perspective, this paper considers the interinstitutional shaping of this hybrid organisational form over more than half a century. A rare and rich source of archival material facilitates the study of quotidian activity within this innovative retail format. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's engagement model with Africa has received little scholarly attention from international relations scholars and practitioners in the past. Scholars who have written more about China's engagement with Africa have far more focused on other significant aspects emanating from alternative sister disciplines of econometrics, economics, political science, and so forth. While this is the case, this paper sought to extensively delve into the subject of China's Africa engagement model and compare and contrast China's Africa engagement model with that of the British and French colonial models of the earlier imperial period. This paper argues fundamentally that China's Africa engagement model--although not far different from that of the European colonial powers--advances pillars that champion a soft foreign policy stance while it hides its extensive disregard for African countries and their economies. Methodologically, this paper relied on complete interdisciplinary discourse analysis and prevailing continental relevant literature on the subject of China-Africa relations, British-Africa relations, and French-Africa relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The formulation of a Finnish isolate of the saprotrophic wood-rotting fungus Phlebiopsis gigantea into the biocontrol agent (BCA) Rotstop, which is used to prevent infection of Norway spruce stumps by aerial basidiospores of H. annosum, has led to its application to more than 200,000 ha of forest in Scandinavia and North Europe. The success of this treatment opens the possibility of introducing the Rotstop strain into Britain for use on Sitka spruce stumps, which at present (2022) are lacking adequate prophylactic treatment. However, Rotstop is probably non-native to Britain and to North America (the ancestral home of this spruce), and we do not know if this xylem-decaying BCA can invade standing trees. In this paper, we describe a trial into this issue conducted for the U.K. Forestry Commission in Denmark, in a country where both Rotstop and Sitka spruce have been naturalised. It was preliminary to further stump treatment trials, and is relevant to long-term issues surrounding stump treatment in Britain. Inoculations into 44-year-old standing Sitka spruce with 20 mm wooden Scots pine plugs pre-colonised with Rotstop resulted in decay of the S1, S2, S3 and middle lamellae of sapwood above and below the wounds after 11–18 months. In contrast, infection of sapwood occurred in only one of 39 wounds on the same trees challenged with oidial spore inoculants adpressed to undamaged xylem sapwood during the same period. While the results suggest that release of Rotstop into the productive stands of Sitka spruce in Britain would be unlikely to cause long-term commercial losses to wounded trees, the work highlights issues relating to the assessment of risk associated with the introduction of non-native BCAs within the forest environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The late 1960s to the mid‐1980s in Britain was a period of intense industrial struggle, with strike levels at their highest since the 1920s. Concerns surrounding trade union power became central to broader anxieties about British "decline" and "crisis." These issues took a spatial form in conflicts around the nature of the picket line. This paper discusses the picket line in 1970s Britain in the context of recent debates on the geographies of violence, particularly in relation to questions of class and property, and the mutually constitutive temporalities of structural and direct violence. Rather than focusing on the diffuse processes of an abstract capitalism, I argue for greater attention to be paid to class conflict in shaping experiences and epistemologies of violence. This paper therefore places more emphasis on agency in the production of violence than has been prevalent in recent debates in geography. Drawing on extensive archival research, the paper focuses on three key disputes in this period. Building on work in labour geography, it explores how the assertive working‐class presence of mass pickets were portrayed as violent through an account of the miners' strike in 1972. It then considers a similar process in relation to flying pickets during the 1972 builders' dispute, emphasising the threat of a politicised working‐class mobility. Finally, the paper considers the coercive state response in the violent policing of the picket line during the 1976–8 Grunwick dispute. The radical right‐wing project of neoliberalism emerged in part as a solution to the perceived threat of the labour movement; critical to its success and consolidation was challenging the "enemy within" of militant trade unionism. These violent class struggles around picketing in the 1970s, I argue, are crucial for understanding the long‐term, structural violence of neoliberalism. This paper discusses the picket line in 1970s Britain in the context of recent debates on the geographies of violence, particularly in relation to questions of class and property, and the mutually constitutive temporalities of structural and direct violence. Through accounts of the 1972 miners' and builders' strikes, and the 1976–1978 Grunwick dispute, the paper explores the mass picket, the flying picket, and police violence. Rather than focusing on the diffuse processes of an abstract capitalism, I argue for greater attention to be paid to class conflict in shaping experiences and epistemologies of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against a backdrop of racialised nationalism and widespread securitisation of Muslim communities, how are those on the British political left responding to the issue of Islamophobia? This paper draws together empirical accounts from anti-racist activists with a series of theoretical contributions from scholars in the field of ‘race’ and racism studies. I point towards an ambivalence in talking about and challenging Islamophobia amongst non-Muslim activists, and highlight accounts by Muslim activists of marginalisation and Islamophobia on the British left. I argue that these trends are best understood – and critically addressed – by drawing on understandings of racialisation and nationalism. Finally, I consider how we might think about the role of Muslim activists on the left, drawing on the concept of the ‘racialised outsider’ (Virdee [2014. Racism, Class and the Racialized Outsider. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan]) to argue that their experiences and analyses place them in a unique position from which to challenge Islamophobia in the current moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Compositional analysis has proved to be a powerful tool for investigating the recycling of transparent glass in the Roman and Byzantine periods. This paper expands the focus further to explore the recycling of coloured and opaque glass in the Late Iron Age and Roman periods in Britain. A review of the findings to date, predominantly for beads and bangles, illustrates how a combination of methods is needed to identify when coloured glass has been recycled and altered in the past. Chemical analysis, microstructural examination and experimentation have been used to understand how coloured glass was mixed, diluted, and modified with novel colourants and opacifiers, in ways that are not apparent from non‐destructive chemical analysis alone. The paper discusses the possible types and sources of trade glass, the challenges of recycling mono‐ and polychrome glass in different colours, and the unconventional methods used by glassworkers on the periphery of Roman influence to extend and modify coloured glass to produce distinctive items in order to express their identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

World War II nostalgia in the UK is mired in a postcolonial melancholia that not only fuels Brexit nationalism, but carries implications for how the UK relates to the European Continent. This paper presents an empirically engaged examination of Gilroy's concept of postcolonial melancholia by exploring how British migrants negotiate this "complex ailment". Engaging with empirical research conducted with British migrants in Berlin, I will examine how migrants negotiate this form of nationalism through their relationships with family members in the UK. The particular position of the British migrant in Germany illuminates how postcolonial melancholia's entrenchment shapes British nationalism and Britain's relationship to mainland Europe. It explores discourses of British exceptionalism before examining how Brexit's foregrounding of empire nostalgia pushes migrants to redefine their relationship to Britain. Meanwhile, black British migrants inhabit a different orientation to the postcolonial through their practical engagement with complex colonial histories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the current COVID-19 pandemic reveals and in a sense crystallizes a series of long-standing tensions about sovereignty that have become increasingly salient in the advanced capitalist democracies of the European Union. The spread of the pandemic led first to the activation of a conflict between a 'sovereigntist reflex' privileging the expression of national capacities and national self-reliance and a more 'perforated' understanding of sovereignty stressing the interdependence of peoples and states, both geographically and institutionally. As the response to COVID itself became more politicized we see the emergence of a second tension, between a libertarian 'reflex' supporting a residual state protecting liberties and facilitating individual choice and a sovereign-statist 'instinct', calling for an empowered guardian of the public good capable of ensuring collective security. A third tension relates to the seemingly growing opposition between a conception of sovereignty founded (and contingent) upon the will of the people and one in which the sovereign is, simultaneously, the discerner, defender and ultimate guarantor of the public good. After having mapped out these interwoven tensions and their main fault lines in general terms, the paper proceeds comparatively, tracking and tracing their (differential and specific) presence in governmental responses in two advanced capitalist democracies, France and Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The excavation by T. C. M Brewster and J. S. Dent between 1964 and 1989 of the multiperiod site at Wetwang Slack, East Yorkshire, has gained international importance for its square barrow cemetery and multiple Arras‐style Iron Age cart/chariot burials. A lesser known fact is that the excavations also produced the largest Iron Age faunal assemblage identified outside of southern Britain, in addition to several late Iron Age/early Romano‐British articulated animal bone groups (ABGs). The presence of pathological human and articulated faunal remains provides the unique opportunity to review the macroscopic evidence for zoonotic diseases, specifically bovine tuberculosis (bTB) in an Iron Age community where close working relationships with animals, the use of animal by‐products, and the consumption of infected dairy products all form potential avenues of infection. This paper presents the palaeopathological evidence for possible infectious disease in the ABGs at Wetwang Slack with a focus on bTB. Several cases of suspected tuberculosis are described in the human remains, with one example of gastrointestinal infection that could potentially indicate a case of bTB. Ancient DNA (aDNA) samples were taken from five ABGs testing for both Mycobacterium tuberculosis complex and Brucella pathogen DNA. The results were negative, but DNA degradation was highlighted as a contributing factor. This paper highlights the importance of considering the evidence for zoonotic diseases at sites where human and faunal assemblages are recovered and especially where articulated animal skeletons are present. The paper also emphasizes that future aDNA studies of diseased faunal remains should focus on smaller amplicons or whole genome sequencing to amplify pathogen DNA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Genealogies of life assurance have tended to focus on the governmental possibilities of actuarial calculations of mortality, but the case of foreign residence assurance draws attention to other ways in which British companies calculated climate risk between 1840 and 1940. Drawing on archival research, this paper demonstrates that the extra charges imposed on life assurance policies for foreign residence invited conversations about the risks of climate and mortality in countries beyond Britain, drawing on both contemporary climate science and other arguments about climate pathology. Climate risks, however, had to be made to work for both life assurers and policyholders through far‐reaching social‐material networks, and firms frequently tinkered with arrangements of people, ideas, and artefacts in ways that enabled a mapping and governing of such risks. Whether ideas of climate circulating in life assurance were believed or not, they had effects and policyholders submitted to them. Drawing on archival material from several British life assurance companies, including some detailed cases of assured migrant lives, the paper explores how companies made risk calculations in ways that had consequences for ordinary decisions and practices. In so doing, the paper contributes to debates about life assurance and governmentality, showing that foreign residence policies enabled businesses to secure their risks in an era of imperial expansion. But this is no simple story of power and imperialism. Businesses constantly tinkered with their policies, drawing on climate science and medical understandings, but only as part of an always messy, changing assemblage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

British actress, Sarah Mayer's light and racy attitude to the bathing arrangements after judo training sessions in Japan in the 1930s belies a dangerous and volatile time in Anglo-Japanese relations. This paper seeks to demonstrate that her pioneering achievement as the first western woman to be awarded a black belt in Japan, was part of the political machinations of the day. As Japan campaigned for the 1940 Tokyo Olympic Games, the use of Mayer's image and persona to promote not only nationalism, but internationalism and modernity, was related to a rift forming in the League of Nations. Mayer's story shows the use of sport as a political tool. Originally developed as part of a wider doctoral thesis on the contribution of Mayer to the history of judo, and using mainly primary source research, this article charts Mayer's life leading up to and following her time in Japan, detailing how her position in society and her work as an actress and theatre entrepreneur impacted on the development of women in judo. Understanding the history of women in judo is integral to an understanding of the sport itself and this paper hopes to contribute to the scant literature in the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In modern day Britain, the discourse of national heroification is routinely utilised by politicians, educationalists and cultural industry professionals, whilst also being a popular concept to describe deserving 'do-gooders' who contribute to British society in a myriad of ways. We argue that although this heroification discourse is enacted as a discursive device of encouraging politically and morally desirable behaviour, it is dissociated from the largely under-explored facets of contemporary popular heroism. To compensate for this gap, this paper explores public preferences for heroes using survey data representative of British adults. This analysis demonstrates a conceptual stretching in the understanding of heroism, and allows identifying age- and gender-linked dynamics which effect public choices of heroes. In particular, we demonstrate that age above all determines the preference for having a hero, but does not explain preferences for specific hero-types. The focus on gender illustrates that the landscape of popular heroism reproduces a male-dominated bias which exists in the wider political and cultural heroification discourse. Simultaneously, our study shows that if national heroification discourse in Britain remains male-centric, the landscape of popular heroism is characterised by a gendered trend towards privatisation of heroes being particularly prominent amongst women. In the conclusion, this paper argues for a conceptual revision and re-gendering of the national heroification discourse as a step towards both empirically grounded, and age- and gender-sensitive politics of heroes and heroines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While politicians and scholars have debated the meaning, value, and purposes of multiculturalism for decades, less attention has been paid to the views of a broader group of Britons. In this paper I analyze the meaning of multiculturalism for elite university students in Britain. Many British leaders spend their early adulthood in elite universities. Do they hold the same conceptions of multiculturalism that scholars, the media, and politicians espouse? And, do they express strong support for multiculturalism (as they understand it) as discussions about political division in Britain assume? This paper answers these important questions by analyzing 67 in-depth interviews with undergraduates at Oxford University. I find that students define multiculturalism as a diverse array of ethnic groups living in the same society. Most simultaneously report little impact on their lives. Still, a significant minority express concerns about a perceived lack of integration and impingement on traditional British culture. These findings demonstrate precarious support for multiculturalism even among those who express more tolerant, inclusive understandings of British society related to immigration and Brexit in opinion polls. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]