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The role of government size and digitization in the process of environmental quality is a matter of considerable debate in the field of environmental economics. BRICS economies have suffered from environmental pollution. This paper scrutinizes that how CO2 emissions respond to government size and digitization in BRICS economies. Empirical estimates of the ARDL approach show that government size has a positive impact on CO2 in Brazil, India, and China, while negative impact on CO2 in Russia in the long run. The long-run estimates reveal a negative and significant effect of digitization on CO2 in Brazil, India, and China. Education and e-learning activities have a favorable and crucial role played in environmental quality in Brazil, India, and China. Based on these findings, BRICS authorities should improve the efficiency of government expenditures and invest more in digitization to improve the quality of the environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The study aims to contribute towards the sustainable development of financial systems, by testing the performance of socially responsible investing alternatives in emerging BRICS countries. The study outcomes give us an insight into viability of responsible financial decisions in contrast with the conventional style of investing. Design/methodology/approach: The authors examine the performance of socially responsible indices of BRICS nations vis-à-vis respective conventional market indices using various risk-adjusted measures and conditional volatility measures. We further segregate the 12-year study period to crisis and non-crisis period particular to the respective country, as well as a common global financial crisis period to analyze the impact of market conditions in BRICS nations and observe the performance using dummy regression analysis. Conditional volatility of the stochastic index series is measured using ARCH-GARCH analysis. Fama Decomposition Model helps rank the index performance through the sub-periods. Findings: Fama Decomposition Model helps us observe that while Brazil secures a position in top rankers consistently, it is India that ranks top during crisis period. With evidence of outperformance in terms of risk-return by SRI indices of BRICS countries through the overall period as well as through different market conditions, our study contributes to the positive literature on socially responsible investing. Research limitations/implications: The study explores performance of SRI in BRICS and finds evidence of the sustainable investment to be non-penalizing to the investor, even as the performance trend remain distinct in the countries with same level of development. It has implications for the investors and asset managers to include responsible stocks, while for the companies and regulatory bodies to unite for better reporting and disclosures. Given the broad implications, future research is required to link the impact of various cultural, legislative and demographic factors on the level and performance of the socially responsible investment in BRICS nations. Practical implications: The current study evaluating and comparing performances of the socially responsible investments in BRICS nations puts forth following implications for the different sectors of the society, especially in emerging countries: (1) BRICS organization – The association of five economic giants, having significant influence over global as well as regional affairs, can aim to orient the countries' efforts towards collective sustainable development by designing uniform SRI framework. (2) Investors – In the globalization era, the investor can gain from ethical cross border investments to diversification and country benefits. (3) Companies and regulatory bodies – Only voluntary or mandatory unified efforts, to provide accurate and consistent disclosures, can upscale the mediocre growth trends of sustainable investing in emerging economies. (4) Asset Managers – Call of greater role in educating, warding off inhibitions related to RI. Originality/value: This is to certify that the research paper submitted by us is an outcome of our independent and original work. We have duly acknowledged all the sources from which the ideas and extracts have been taken. The project is free from any plagiarism and has not been submitted elsewhere for publication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the argument that the so-called four BRIC or the five BRICS economies can help rescue the global economy from its current crisis. It reviews the arguments for the positive role of these developing economies and then urges a series of reasons for caution about their capacity to act as an independent element in global economic recovery. It also draws attention to the differences between these economies and the need to consider the way that economic issues are related to geo-political considerations in the global system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Summary: How are Development Assistance Committee (DAC) donors evolving their financial flows and aid modalities in response to the growing influence and economic power of Southern BRICS? After presenting the shifting landscape of international development cooperation, we explore five hypotheses about the changing nature of DAC aid allocation patterns and modalities in BRICS countries. In our conclusion, we reflect on the evolution of DAC engagement in Brazil, China, India, and South Africa (BASIC countries) and what it might mean for all official donors. Our assessment is that the changing geopolitical environment for development cooperation is once again privileging economic diplomacy concerns within DAC donors, propelling specific kinds of decisions about the choice of instruments, sectors, and modalities in BASIC countries. It would appear that the administrative practice of foreign aid is increasingly derived from changes within the institutional environment for international development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Health Policy & Planning is the property of Oxford University Press / USA and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

New powers, such as China, India and Brazil, are challenging the traditional dominance of the US in the governance of the global economy. It is generally taken for granted that the rise of new powers is simply a reflection of their growing economic might. In this article, however, I challenge this assumption by drawing on the case of the World Trade Organization (WTO) to show that the forces driving the rise of new powers are more heterogeneous and complex than suggested by a simple economic determinism. I argue that these countries have in fact taken different paths to power: while China's rise has been more closely tied to its growing economic might, the rise of Brazil and India has been driven primarily by their mobilization and leadership of developing country coalitions, which enabled them to exercise influence above their economic weight. One important result is that Brazil and India have assumed a more aggressive and activist position in WTO negotiations than China and played a greater role in shaping the agenda of the Doha Round. Thus, although the new powers are frequently grouped together (as the ‘BRICs’, for example), this masks considerable variation in their sources of power and behaviour in global economic governance. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The rise of new economic powers has seen increasing attention focused on the international role of the BRICS countries. Importantly, a common feature uniting the BRICS is that they are all resource-rich, and many analysts (and some BRICS governments) have argued that natural resources are one of the key factors propelling the rise of the group. This article explores the BRICS’ emerging status as ‘resource powers’, examining how resource wealth underpins their economic development and foreign policy strategies, and thus contributes to their growing influence in international affairs. It is argued that through the use of nationalistic mining and energy policies, the BRICS governments have exploited natural resources for both domestic economic and international diplomatic objectives. However, there are several challenges and emerging risks facing the BRICS’ resource strategies, which mean that resource wealth is making a positive – though inherently limited – contribution to the growing international status of the group. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

When analysing the data periods including the pre-financial and financial crisis periods, the results show that investors might make profits by using Variable Length Moving Average (VMA) trading rules as buying signals rather than as selling signals shown for the Brazil, Russia, India and China (BRIC) stock markets. However, investors may find it difficult to make profits in a financial crisis period, suggesting that more detailed information should be investigated, since the significant results shown during the full period might not reveal the differences between the pre-financial and financial crisis periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the backdrop of debates about ‘post-neoliberalism’, we examine the implications of the global economic crisis for three important semi-peripheral states: Brazil, India, and China. Deploying a framework which combines neo-Gramscian theory, radical economic geography, and materialist state theory, we find that all their political-economic models have undergone processes of substantial neoliberalisation, albeit to varying degrees and partly giving way to countervailing trends well before the global turmoil. The crisis has markedly accentuated ongoing developments. In Brazil, it has reinforced a transition to a neo-developmentalist strategy. In contrast, the Indian elites have quickly returned to the path of gradual neoliberalisation. In China, it is still unclear whether a fundamental social-corporatist regime change will be accomplished. Our analysis thus suggests a divergence of trajectories, rather than a general rebound of the state, let alone a full-blown post-neoliberal transformation. Contra la perspectiva de los debates sobre el ‘posneoliberalismo’, examinamos las implicaciones de la crisis económica global, para tres importantes estados semiperiféricos: Brasil, India y China. Con el despliegue de un marco que combina la teoría neogramsciana, la geografía económica radical y la teoría estatal materialista, encontramos que todos sus modelos económico-políticos han pasado por un proceso de neoliberalismo sustancial, no obstante de diferentes grados y dando paso parcialmente a tendencias compensatorias mucho antes de la agitación global. La crisis se ha acentuado notablemente con desarrollos en curso. En Brasil, ha fortalecido una transición a una estrategia nueva especialista en desarrollo. En contraste, las élites indias han regresado rápidamente al camino de la neoliberalización gradual. En China, aún no está claro si se logre un cambio de régimen social corporativo fundamental. Por tanto, nuestro análisis sugiere una divergencia de trayectorias en vez de una recuperación general del estado, y ni hablar de una verdadera transformación neoliberal. 在围绕“后新自由主义”进行各种辩论的背景下，我们考察了全球经济危机对三个重要的半边缘国家即巴西、印度和中国的意义。运用一个把新葛兰西主义理论、激进经济地理学和唯物主义国家理论结合起来的框架，我们发现它们所有的政治-经济模式都经历了实质性的新自由主义化的过程，尽管程度有所不同，且在全球性动荡发生前已部分让位于相反的趋势。这场危机清楚地指出了当前的各种发展。在巴西，它加强了向新发展主义战略的转变。相比之下，印度的精英们迅速地回到了渐进新自由主义化的道路。在中国，仍不清楚的是一个根本性的社会法团主义的政权转变是否将得到完成。因而，我们的分析表明了轨迹的歧异，而非国家的总体重归，更不用说是一个充分发展的后新自由主义的转型了。 우리는 ‘포스트 신자유주의’에 대한 논쟁의 배경으로 브라질, 인도와 중국 세 개의 중요한 반주변부 국가에게 주는 지구적 경제위기의 함의를 검토한다. 우리는 신그람시 이론, 급진적 경제지리학과 유물론적 국가론을 결합시킨 분석틀을 적용하여, 정도가 다르고 이미 지구적 혼란 이전에 부분적으로 신자유주의화에 반대되는 추세로 후퇴함에도 불구하고 세 나라가 상당한 신자유주의화 과정을 겪었다는 것을 발견했다. 위기는 진행중인 신자유주의를 뚜렷하게 강화시켰다. 브라질에서 위기는 신발전주의 전략으로의 이행을 촉진시켰다. 반대로 인도의 엘리트들은 재빨리 점진적 신자유주의 길로 돌아갔다. 중국에서는 본질적인 사회적 조합주의 레짐의 변화가 이루어졌는지는 불분명하다. 우리의 분석은 완전한 포스트 신자유주의적 전환에도 불구하고 국가의 재부상보다는 세 나라 경로의 분화를 제시한다. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study focuses on comparison of perceptions of ethical business cultures in large business organizations from four largest emerging economies, commonly referred to as the BRICs (Brazil, Russia, India, and China), and from the US. The data were collected from more than 13,000 managers and employees of business organizations in five countries. The study found significant differences among BRIC countries, with respondents from India and Brazil providing more favorable assessments of ethical cultures of their organizations than respondents from China and Russia. Overall, highest mean scores were provided by respondents from India, the US, and Brazil. There were significant similarities in ratings between the US and Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of RAE: Revista de Administração de Empresas is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines the countries of Brazil, Russia, India, and China (BRIC) as political factors in international relations. Global investment banking and securities firm Goldman Sachs projected that the combined gross domestic products (GDPs) of these four economies would be greater than the Group of 7 (G7) countries by 2050. In 2006 financial information company Dow Jones introduced the BRIC 50 index. Also discussed are emerging markets and the world's population, the global GDP, and the goals of the BRICs.