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This article critically examines the formation of the BRICS alliance, comprising Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, with a specific focus on the pivotal role played by the United States in shaping this strategic partnership. It explores the extent of US influence and the accompanying responsibilities it assumes within the alliance. The article highlights the proactive efforts of Brazil, Russia, and China to expand their global influence while concurrently aiming to reduce US interference. Brazil, in particular, seeks partnerships with Russia and China as a means to attain autonomy and foster development. Simultaneously, Russia and China strive to challenge US global dominance and solidify their own spheres of influence. The article concludes by emphasising the importance of critically evaluating Europe's military support to Ukraine, suggesting that such support may primarily serve US interests. Additionally, it underscores Europe's potential to promote peace and stability by pursuing independent and principled foreign policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1974 China and Brazil began the building of a dialogue that consolidated, ever since, an important partnership for both countries, especially in areas of trade, infrastructure, finance, technology, energy and food. Such connection became closer after Brazil's inclusion as a member of BRICS, an entity formed by Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. However, could it be said that relations were intensified from this inclusion? Giving the question, the purpose of this paper is to identify how the creation of the BRICS influenced in the relationship between China and Brazil, using a theoretical and exploratory research. Given the findings, it is understood that these diplomatic exchanges between the two states have been intensified due to interaction in the BRICS bloc, however, some warning signs are perceived about a Brazil's dependency on Chinese political and economic directions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Outras Fronteiras is the property of Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso, Outras Fronteiras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Scholars studying BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) have traditionally argued that it is a development-focused partnership and not a military/security-based alliance. Yet BRICS members have been deepening their security integration, and Russia and China have been creating an alliance in the background. Although BRICS middle powers have traditionally demonstrated an aversion towards alliances, Brazil actively deepened security cooperation among BRICS members during its BRICS presidency in 2019. How does Brazil view alliances in contemporary power competition? This study examines Brazil's perceptions by introducing and analysing a new data set of Brazilian expert discourses on alliances since 1990 and using its participation in BRICS as an empirical case. It finds that Brazil does not consider its security relationships with BRICS states to be more significant than those with non-BRICS states. However, BRICS enables Brazil to advance its specific security agenda that becomes embedded within the group's developmental orientation. While theorising about middle powers traditionally links these powers to international organisations, their pursuit of development–security agendas in rising power groups is an important front in contemporary power competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the argument that the so-called four BRIC or the five BRICS economies can help rescue the global economy from its current crisis. It reviews the arguments for the positive role of these developing economies and then urges a series of reasons for caution about their capacity to act as an independent element in global economic recovery. It also draws attention to the differences between these economies and the need to consider the way that economic issues are related to geo-political considerations in the global system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With four out of the five BRICS members belonging to what has been referred to as the global South, it was believed that this would stimulate south to south cooperation. It was seen as a given. Although birthed in the Cold War by the Non-aligned Movement, South to South cooperation has experienced different dynamics in the post-Cold War era. In the current globalising world, countries face different challenges and define their interests differently. Thus, this article sets out to examine whether South Africa and Brazil's membership of BRICS has fostered south to south cooperation. The study uses mixed methods with quantitative indicators like foreign direct investment (inward and outward) and trade volume (import and export) before and after the countries joined BRICS. Qualitative data were drawn from key informer interviews and the literature. The study found that Brazil and South Africa perceive their membership of BRICS differently. Although South Africa has invested heavily in African countries and fostered dialogue between BRICS and its regional states, Brazil has pursued a more internationalist approach in an attempt to win over allies in the Global North and, in the final analysis, has not strongly fostered South to South cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Papel Político is the property of Pontificia Universidad Javeriana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Summary: How are Development Assistance Committee (DAC) donors evolving their financial flows and aid modalities in response to the growing influence and economic power of Southern BRICS? After presenting the shifting landscape of international development cooperation, we explore five hypotheses about the changing nature of DAC aid allocation patterns and modalities in BRICS countries. In our conclusion, we reflect on the evolution of DAC engagement in Brazil, China, India, and South Africa (BASIC countries) and what it might mean for all official donors. Our assessment is that the changing geopolitical environment for development cooperation is once again privileging economic diplomacy concerns within DAC donors, propelling specific kinds of decisions about the choice of instruments, sectors, and modalities in BASIC countries. It would appear that the administrative practice of foreign aid is increasingly derived from changes within the institutional environment for international development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents characteristics of journalism as a profession in the Brazilian context. The data consist of an extensive sample gathered in four Brazilian cities: Brasilia (the federal capital), Rio de Janeiro, Juiz de Fora and Vitória. The analysis is part of the exploration of journalism in the BRICS countries. The results serve to illustrate some of the political, economic and cultural factors impacting on Brazilian journalism. The article presents and contextualises data on professional characteristics, gender relations, career motivations, ethics as well as both the perception of journalists on media regulation and differences between journalism in online and traditional media. By doing so, this article uses the Brazilian sample of the BRICS project to introduce some of the ongoing conditions and debates relating to journalism in the largest country of Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade, power dynamics within the South Atlantic region have undergone significant changes. While the area has historically been dominated by North–South ties, both in terms of material flows and with respect to political influence, more recently there has been a surge in cooperation between developing countries within this space. As trade, investment and other forms of exchange and dialogue increase among actors from within the region (notably between South America and Africa) and with states located outside the region, the BRICS countries become more relevant to the South Atlantic. Individually, they have become relevant players in the South Atlantic's economic, political and security dimensions. Collectively, as inter-BRICS flows and political coordination intensify, new configurations of cooperation emerge within the South Atlantic. These initiatives suggest that rising powers are contributing towards making the South Atlantic – long dominated by North–South ties – a space where South–South cooperation and norms predominate. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Brazil–Russia–India–China–South Africa (BRICS) is a popular yet poorly conceptualized group. This article builds a parallel between BRICS and OPEC in order to assess the former using a weak cognitivist version of the regime theory. The five countries created an international regime whose members cooperate in view of acquiring, collectively and individually, increased influence in international financial and economic institutions. As they do not concern this domain, the diverging interests of the five members do not hamper the rather limited socialization process at work and the implicit development of the regime. However, they will most likely prevent BRICS from reaching generalized political cooperation. Consequently, the group can be expected to increase its influence significantly in comparison to the present level but not to become one of the world's leading actors. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study focuses on comparison of perceptions of ethical business cultures in large business organizations from four largest emerging economies, commonly referred to as the BRICs (Brazil, Russia, India, and China), and from the US. The data were collected from more than 13,000 managers and employees of business organizations in five countries. The study found significant differences among BRIC countries, with respondents from India and Brazil providing more favorable assessments of ethical cultures of their organizations than respondents from China and Russia. Overall, highest mean scores were provided by respondents from India, the US, and Brazil. There were significant similarities in ratings between the US and Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]