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Schiller masterfully tracks, at the level of everyday narratives and practices, the ways in which Catia TVe employees sought state support (including financial support) while also negotiating autonomy from the state. Community media producers envision I barrio i -based television not as a mouthpiece for the government, but rather an instrument with which to engage in statecraft, alongside with, or in "radical interdependency" (p. 17) with, state authorities. [Extracted from the article]

The primary focus of this research is on an analysis of legislation and public policy regarding community media in Bolivia and Venezuela. The purpose is to understand the differences and similarities between the two regulatory frameworks, to identify the policies that have been implemented each country to comply with current legislation, to discover the more relevant results of those policies, to know the rights and duties implied in being dubbed as community media in each of these countries, and to identify legal provisions that can trigger spurious results in relation to government intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present research aims to understand how Venezuelan media sector has changed since the implementation of the new media policy in 2000. This is a review of the media structure in the late 90 and compared with the current. This work looks to identify the changes generated in media by the new communication policies. These changes are linked to a diversification of ownership, but especially to an unprecedented growth in the public and community media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically examines the role of community media movements in articulating state-civil society relations in the establishment of a popular radical democracy in Venezuela. We employ institutional analysis and a frame-alignment approach to understand how community and alternative media (CAM) advocates negotiated issues of identity and autonomy from the state in the creation of the National System of Popular, Alternative, and Community Communication between 2008 and 2009. The analysis revealed that CAM groups reasserted unmet demands for access to the spectrum and autonomy from state agencies, while amplifying the government's 'anti-imperialist conflict frame' as a rationale for increased popular participation in the media. We discuss the democratic potential of these policies and the populist public sphere in Venezuela. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article identifies the ways that urban social movements in Caracas have sought to engage the hybrid state during the presidency of radical leftist leader Hugo Chávez. Chávez's election has created avenues for previously disenfranchised groups to participate in governance and decision-making. The structures and discourses of exclusion are being contested in multiple arenas since Chàvez has come to power. But, what lines of conflict are emerging as barrio-based movements demand inclusion in the state? In this article, I argue that as urban movements engage with the political arena, they come up against the instrumental rationalities--both liberal and neoliberal--of state administrators. Barrio-based social movements counter the utilitarian logics of technocrats with alternative visions based in "lo cotidiano" (the everyday), local culture and historical memory. We need to combine Foucault's insights about the operation of power through governmentality with Gramsci's insistence on practical politics, in order to account more fully for the contested nature of power. In this article, I suggest the refraining of a Gramscian notion of hegemony in a positive sense as "everyday wars of position," to think about the quotidian and subterranean spaces where technocrats are confronted with alternative visions from below. I use the example of community media in Caracas to illustrate the ways that social movements engage with the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at the phenomenal growth of community-based media in Venezuela and how such a free-wheeling grassroots approach to news generation and dissemination, in contrast to corporate-sponsored media espoused by the elite and wealthy capitalists, has impacted politics and the way of life in general among the Venezuelan populace. The rise of Catia TVe, Venezuela's very first community television station, along with its expanding influence both domestically and offshore is highlighted.

Deals with the proliferation and establishment of community media in Venezuela, following the coup attempt against the administration of President Hugo Ch´vez in April 2002. Factors that led to the explosion of alternative and community media in the country; Role of the government in the establishment of community media; State of community media prior to the coup; Provisions of the Organic Telecommunications Law.

Reports on the closure of community television and radio station Catia TV in Caracas, Venezuela on July 10, 2003, ordered by Mayor Alfredo Peña. Details of the establishment of community media outlets in Caracas in 2000; Statement from World Association for Community Radio representative Adela González Muñeoz about community media.