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History has placed the stamp of approval on the publication of the Pentagon Papers, the top-secret history of the Vietnam War. If WikiLeaks editor-in-chief Julian Assange is another Daniel Ellsberg, then it is possible the website's disclosures will be viewed over time as similarly in the public interest. A classroom discussion on the release of secret diplomatic cables by the WikiLeaks website can lead to important questions about the First Amendment, the Espionage Act, and press treatment of national security secrets.

At the intersection of online education and preparedness, Johns Hopkins University's (JHU) Center for Public Health Preparedness provides all-hazards preparedness and response training for public health and public safety professionals. This report comes from Jonathan Links' keynote address to the Sloan Summer Research Workshop in Baltimore, Maryland in August 2006. (Contains 6 figures and 2 tables.)

Following the U.S. Supreme Court's landmark decision in the Pentagon Papers case, the U.S. Government has been disempowered from restraining private news organizations in advance of their publication of classified information. Following that judicial ruling, news organizations that have come into the possession of information that the Government has classified for national security reasons contact the appropriate Government officials and discuss their intent to publish the information. At that point, the parties begin a process of negotiation. This Article spotlights and analyzes a noteworthy example of such a negotiation from 2009, when The Washington Post came into possession of a classified U.S. Government assessment regarding ongoing military operations in Afghanistan, which the Post intended to publish, either in whole or in part. First, this Article reviews the facts and adjudication of the original Pentagon Papers case, as it set the stage for similar negotiations in the future. Second, this Article summarizes the details of the Afghanistan Assessment Negotiation. Third, it discusses why this particular case is worth studying through the lens of negotiation methodology. Fourth, this Article analyzes the case based on principles of negotiation developed in negotiation literature. Fifth, it assesses the overall success of the negotiation and its significance as an example of adherence to interest-based principles in negotiations between the Government and news media in a post-Pentagon Papers context. This analysis aims to provide a valuable example of negotiations between the news media and the Government for further consideration and discussion by lawyers, news editors and reporters, and negotiators alike. This Article is based partially upon general research on the subject, but is derived primarily from resources specific to this particular negotiation. Much of the analysis in this Article was drawn directly from the author's personal interviews with the two key participants involved in this negotiation: Washington Post Investigative Journalist Bob Woodward and former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs Geoff Morrell. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how international education (IE), as an important tool of public diplomacy (PD) and soft power (SP), faces unique challenges as issues of national security (NS) become more prominent in this era of new geopolitics. It presents a model to understand the relationship between PD, SP and NS and then applies this model to a comparative study. The contrasting histories, approaches and perspectives of IE as it operates as a component of foreign policy and at the nexus of PD, SP and NS in both the U.S. and Canada are analysed. The paper concludes with three challenges faced by IE in the contemporary context: first, the diminishing role of the university as a distinct and valued non-state actor; second, the weakening of foreign policy as an outward looking, distinctly international investment; and third, the problem with choosing isolation over engagement as a strategy.

In this era of pandemics, asylum seekers, and conflict between super powers, social sciences are a critical subject that can help develop young people who can not only recognise racial and social discrimination but also injustices at a regional, national, and global scale. Mainstream subjects, such as sociology, routinely support learning in the social sciences area. As a science/biology teacher, I wanted to find out whether biosecurity science could be used to support learning in the social sciences area. My interest in biosecurity stems from personal and professional experiences in New Zealand. Further, in my own pedagogical experience, teaching science/biology in schools, I found young people (15-18 years) were unfamiliar with the concept of biosecurity in New Zealand. Considering my experiences, I set out to conduct research to look at the efficacy of using biosecurity in teaching and learning. This paper reports on the experience of one Year 13 social science teacher who used biosecurity content to teach in the social sciences learning area. Classroom observations and individual teacher interviews were used to gather data. The results show that biosecurity content engaged Year 13 social sciences students in the classroom and that the teacher used transformational learning theory to engage his students into undertaking social action related to biosecurity. Given the importance of biosecurity to New Zealand, this paper shows that social sciences as a learning area could support teaching and learning about biosecurity.

In the present study, we investigate gender bias against politicians in a large set of news articles (n = 1,139,571) published in major media outlets in the United States between 2010 and 2020 by tracing changes in reporting about 1,095 US politicians. Using topic modeling with latent Dirichlet allocation (LDA), we identify main policy-related topics in media reports. We find gender differences in the coverage of certain policy issues, with major imbalances explained by societal factors. Specifically, we show that women in high-level political positions receive less media coverage than their male counterparts and women in less powerful positions on economic and national security issues. However, women and men in less influential positions do not differ in the amount and type of reporting they garner. Since women are still underrepresented in leadership positions, the US media may inadvertently reflect and reinforce existing gender biases in society by devoting more attention to high-profile politicians, who are overwhelmingly male. Although our longitudinal analysis shows positive changes, the gender gap in reporting continues to exist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Prevent Duty requires universities in the United Kingdom to identify and report students who might be seen as 'vulnerable' to radicalisation. Since its introduction in 2015, the duty has been subject to increasing empirical research in the education sector. However, there has been limited research that specifically explores Muslim students' perceptions of Prevent in British universities. This paper directly addresses this gap in research by drawing upon the qualitative experiences of 25 university students who self-identified as 'British Muslims'. Individual, semi-structured interviews were transcribed and analysed using Thematic Analysis. The findings demonstrate the securitisation of higher education and 'policing' of Muslim students. The paper draws on Pantazis and Pemberton's use of the 'new suspect community' thesis in order to examine participants' views and experiences. When analysing the data, three particular themes are especially prominent: as a tool of 'surveillance', Prevent hampers freedom of speech, threatens student activism and forces Muslim students to hide their Muslim identity to avoid being labelled as 'radical' or 'vulnerable' to terrorism. It will be concluded that the 'surveillance' function of Prevent is problematic on the grounds that it renders universities 'modern-day panopticons'.

On Sunday, October 14, 1962, an American U-2 aircraft, flying a photographic reconnaissance mission over Cuba, took 928 images (one is included with this article). The next day, analysts at the National Photographic Interpretation Center concluded that the photographs showed evidence of Soviet missile site construction in Cuba and conveyed their findings to McGeorge Bundy, President John F. Kennedy's National Security Adviser. Using this featured photograph and the copy of Pres. Kennedy's speech, teachers can lead a class discussion with the following questions: (1) What kind of document is it?; (2) When was it created?; (3) By whom?; and (4) For what purpose? This activity can help students recognized how helpful a group of advisors could be.

This paper theoretically demonstrates the potential of textual space in making an important contribution to school ethos and cultural pedagogy. It demonstrates how culturally-inclusive (representational) textual space can be expanded throughout the school and could contribute to social justice and decolonisation efforts beyond the English Literature classroom. This is increasingly important in an age of culturally and politically securitised schooling, where government control exercised at the macro-level (colonial/neoliberal education policy) and micro-level (teaching and learning; the enactment of the formal curriculum) reproduces cultural inequality. This paper therefore argues for textual space in the English Literature classroom to be appropriated as a representational, dialogical, historical and connected space (in opposition to neoliberalism's decontextualising and atomising agenda) for real-world political action and the democratisation of cultural production within the wider school environment.

This paper focuses on the recent political spars between Canada and Saudi Arabia as well as China and their impact on Canadian universities. It asks three questions: (1) What key issues did Canada's political strains with Saudi Arabia and China raise for Canadian universities' international education (IE) initiatives and what issues were absent? (2) What do these key issues suggest about Canada's approaches to IE in an era of new geopolitics? and (3) What implications can be drawn from these cases about Canadian university-government relations in the context of new geopolitics? Given the powerful role media plays in education policy, a systematic study was conducted across three main media sources to identify 74 articles and news releases between August 2018 and November 2019. Three dominant themes are identified and analyzed, each vividly illustrating the close ties between global politics, government foreign policy and IE within Canadian Universities. On the one hand, the narratives speak to concerns about IE as a risk to national security and, on the other, as a vehicle for Canada's economic prosperity. However, what the media has not achieved is a broader discussion on how Canada needs to revisit its IE objectives and approaches in light of broader geopolitical shifts. Using the theoretical framework of soft power, the paper speaks to the limitations and short-sightedness of Canada's approach to IE as soft power in this era of new geopolitics and concludes with three recommendations for Canada.

Development of rapid, sensitive, and visual detection of nitroaromatic explosives is of great importance for homeland security and human safety. Herein, three novel fluorescent nanoporous polymers (FNPs), HPP-1–HPP-3, were first prepared by Heck reactions of octavinylsilsesquioxane with ethene derivatives containing bis-, tri-, or tetrakis- bromophenyl groups. Based on highly sensitive detection of explosives, including p -nitrotoluene (NT), 2,4-dinitrotoluene (DNT), 2,4,6-trinitrotoluene (TNT), 4-nitrophenol (NP), 2,4-dinitrophenol (DNP) and picric acid (PA), and high selectivity for detecting TNT and PA, by HPP-2 dispersion in ethanol, a fluorescent paper sensor was developed by a new fabrication process, i.e. , vacuum filtrating of HPP-2 dispersion in ethanol, followed by washing and natural drying. The resultant paper sensor was found to be sensitive to explosives in the solution, solid and vapor phase with a rapid response time of < 10 s by visually observing the fluorescence quenching phenomenon. Moreover, this paper sensor is recyclable with desirable fluorescence resuming ratio, which is higher than 75% after 10 times recycle detection. This developed paper sensor is promisingly applied for rapid, on-site and visual sensing of explosive residuals. The remarkable fluorescence and reusability of this sensor could be expanded to other fluorescence detection of residuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes how Senator Molan sees Australia's future unfolding over the next century, including likely opportunities and challenges ahead. While Australia is now the world's 14th most economically powerful nation, it has only been able to focus on its economic development because, heretofore, it has not had to provide for its own defence. With United States' power diminishing and China's power increasing, Australia's historic grand strategy is becoming unsustainable both militarily and economically. To craft a way forward for the next century, Australia needs develop a national security strategy and should do so urgently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article studies the evolution of the military-political course of the French Fifth Republic. The authors provide a comprehensive analysis of the four editions of the French White Paper, which are the conceptual foundations of the country’s defense and national security strategy. Particular attention is paid to the impact of the domestic political situation, international political and economic processes, as well as membership in the European Union and the North Atlantic Alliance on the formation of France’s defense policy. The methodological basis for the study of the French military policy evolution is a systematic approach: a comprehensive study of the Fifth Republic’s defense and national security strategy as parts of the global European security architecture, which consists of closely related components. In addition the authors use the concrete-historical method, as well as induction, deduction, content analysis and comparative analysis of the Fifth Republic’s regulatory and legal documentation in the field of national defense and security, which allowed identifying elements of the specifics and continuity of the military-political course of France. With the help of forecasting, as well as a statistical method based on official data from government departments and research centers, the authors assessed the state of the French Republic Armed Forces. The excessive involvement of the French armed forces in various external and internal military operations, accompanied by a reduction in the number of personnel and deterioration of their equipment, weakens of the combat potential of Paris.

Scholarly efforts to predict the future character of the U.S.-China relationship abound. Few however looks to leaders’ beliefs as valid explanatory variables. In this paper, we argue that state leaders’ belief systems are key to understanding both the states’ intentions and policy choices. We analyze China’s national defense white papers (1998-2015) published to date as the source material to gauge the core collective beliefs of three generations of Chinese leadership. The operational code framework is employed to conceptualize and measure these beliefs. Our results identified important crossgenerational changes in a few belief indicators. In the Xi Jinping era, for instance, the political world is seen as less friendly and cooperative strategies are viewed less favorably. In terms of tactics, the policy tools “threaten” and “promise” are viewed as significantly more useful by the current leadership than by past Chinese leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Currently, the standard method for identifying biological agents of potential threats to national security and public health, such as pathogens, virus, and toxins, mainly rely on microbiological cultivation. This method is time-consuming and it requires sophisticated equipment and well-trained personnel, which are often unavailable in remote areas or at point-of-need. Therefore, an alternative rapid, simple, and sensitive method for detecting bio-threat agents is in crucial need. We report a paper-based Vertical Flow Immunoassay (VFI) device that can overcome these limitations. The VFI device utilizes a nanoporous nitrocellulose membrane encapsulated in a stainless steel filter holder. As the sample is pushed through the membrane, which is pre-functionalized with capture antibody, a sandwich assay is formed and colorimetric signal is generated to reflect the presence of target antigens. Through theoretical analyses of antigen-antibody binding process inside a porous membrane, we identified two critical factors – membrane pore size and sample flow rate that can be optimized to improve the assay sensitivity. Then, the effects were demonstrated through experimental studies using Burkholderia pseudomallei (the causative agent of melioidosis) as a model pathogen. The B. pseudomallei VFI was based on an immunoassay targeting the B. pseudomallei surface capsular polysaccharide (CPS). The experimental results agreed well with the theory showing that increasing the flow speed (up to 1.06 mm/s) and reducing the membrane pore size (down to 0.1 µm) could improve the sensitivity by at least 5 times. The VFI's limit-of-detection for CPS spiked in buffer solution was determined to be 0.02 ng/mL. The developed VFI shows great potential as a point-of-care tool for detection of bio-threat agents in a variety of clinical and resource-restricted conditions. Graphical abstract fx1 Highlights • Paper-based vertical flow device was developed to detect bio-threat pathogens. • Limit-of-detection for B. pseudomallei surface capsular polysaccharide was 0.02 ng/mL. • Sample flow rate and membrane pore size was studied in theory and experiment. • Multiplexing diagnostic of melioidosis and anthrax was demonstrated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]