Search

By 1865 British Imperial governments had accepted that colonial courts had the authority to invalidate colonial statutes which contravened the relevant colony's constitution. This situation arose notwithstanding the lack of any express grant of such jurisdiction to colonial courts in Imperial or colonial legislation. This paper evaluates the first instance of a colonial court asserting that jurisdiction, during the Dog Act crisis in Van Diemen's Land (Tasmania) in the 1840s. Part one of the paper charts the background to, conduct of and judgment in the relevant litigation. The second part, which will appear in a future issue of this journal, explores the consequential attempts of the colony's Governor to remove the judges from office and to re-enact the invalidated colonial law. The suggestion made is that the Dog Act controversy provides considerable insight into how, despite the absence of any explicit statutory grant of such jurisdiction, the power of judicial review of colonial legislation by colonial courts became established as an orthodox element of British colonial constitutional law in the latter nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this conceptual article we offer a vision and a manifesto for an anti-racist English education, focusing particularly on language. Locating our work with anti-racist efforts in the UK, we conduct a brief historical reflection of these efforts, before turning our attention to the current politico-economic context and making a case for the urgent need for English teachers and teacher educators to commit to anti-racism within their work. We then outline what contemporary anti-racist efforts in English education might look, sound, and feel like. We argue for a greater attention to intersectional positionalities and activism in English education. We argue for anti-racist language policies which work in dialogue with other broader anti-racist efforts. We argue for the need to pay attention to specific contexts and racialised dynamics of institutions and local communities. We argue for anti-racist pedagogical stances which seek to sustain the language practices of marginalised children. Finally, we end with some clarifications and warn against seeing our manifesto as a reductive, tick-box exercise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keywords: October 7; Israel; Hamas; Middle East and North Africa region (MENA); Ashkenazi Jews; Mizrahi Jews; Zionism; Jewish nationalism; colonialism; Palestinian nationalist narrative; Arab nationalism; Western imperialism; Postcolonialism. INTRODUCTION IN [...]

AbstractThere is a growing consensus that the end of empire did not necessarily equate with a severing of imperial ties. Some historians have even argued that there was a shift from formal to informal empire in Britain’s relations with the emerging Gulf States. This is especially so with respect to Bahrain which had represented the epicentre of Britain’s position in the Gulf. Nevertheless, an analysis of British relations with Bahrain from the withdrawal East of Suez to the Iranian Revolution belies any notion that Britain succeeded in establishing an informal imperial position after 1971. Not only were Britain’s economic interests in Bahrain eroded by growing competition from its industrial rivals, but also its political and military position was challenged by the encroachment of regional powers. Any hope that Britain could retain an imperial role in Bahrain was undermined still further by the emergence of new internal political forces in Bahrain beyond the direct control of either the ruling family or Britain itself. The unfeasibility of maintaining an imperial relationship with Bahrain after 1971 persuaded British policymakers to seek to establish recognizably post-imperial relations with the Emirate in the decade following the withdrawal from East of Suez. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Edward Said's critique of the English novel drew upon his classic book, Orientalism, in which he proposed that much of modern European culture justified and even promoted imperial expansion. In later work, Said illustrated this argument through a reading of works of literature in which, he argues, the place of empire was either suppressed or distorted. This essay engages Said on both his general view of empire and the particular works of Jane Austen and George Eliot that he took to be illustrative of his view., Edward Said's life project was to connect culture and the literary humanism he so admired to imperialism. He outlined his main theses in three core texts: Orientalism: Western Conceptions of [...]

Drawing on Kristeva's theory of abjection, Wallerstein's world system theory, and Petras' imperialist-centered model of capitalist accumulation, this article argues that the immigration of Changez from Pakistan to America in The Reluctant Fundamentalist demonstrates a structural shift from the periphery to the center as a highly educated and skilled human capital in the era of global capitalism. The article contends that Changez's decision to accept a funded scholarship at Princeton University is a result of the lack of economic opportunities in Pakistan and the corrupt economic and political systems that impoverished his family. Furthermore, the article critically examines America's paradoxical policies of inclusion and exclusion toward Changez. While he gains access to Princeton University and the Underwood Samson company, his economic inclusion is not accompanied by genuine acceptance. In the context of global capitalism, Changez is economically included but psychologically abjected due to his ethnic identity. Keywords: Acceptance, Inclusion, Exclusion, Abject Identity, Hamid's The Reluctant Fundamentalist, Introduction: Immigration and Global Capitalism in The Reluctant Fundamentalist This article offers a comprehensive analysis of Changez's struggle for acceptance in America by placing his experiences as an immigrant within [...]

This article addresses the question of Iraq's emergence as a state in the context of the First World War with a special focus on the interplay between British imperialism and Shiʿi activism. By the twentieth century, the majority of people who lived in the territory that would become the Iraqi state were Shiʿi Muslims. Largely ignoring the activism of Iraqis, there is a line of thinking in English-language scholarship which suggests that the process of state formation in Iraq was completely driven by British imperialists. Indeed, Britain established a military presence in the Ottoman vilayets of Basra, Baghdad, and Mosul during and after the First World War, and the empire was awarded an internationally sanctioned mandate for this territory in 1920. In an effort to decolonize the history of Iraq, this paper argues that the inhabitants of Iraq, especially Shiʿi activists, played a significant role in the formation of the new state. Research for this paper is based on the writings of Shiʿi activists with a special focus on clerical leaders, as well as British government officials. Challenging historical accounts that reflect British imperialist narratives, this paper argues that Shiʿi activists (and British responses to them) significantly influenced the course of state formation in Iraq. This is not to say that Britain was not influential in the creation of Iraq; in fact, British imperialists clearly had the upper hand. However, they did not operate in a vacuum, unaffected by the inhabitants of the Iraqi state that they wished to create. Instead of assuming that British imperialists single-handedly created Iraq or that ethno-sectarian divisions are the natural order in Iraq, this paper suggests that the relationship between Britain and Shiʿism played a critical role in the formation of the Iraqi state. Although many scholars consider Islamic sectarianism and Britain's colonial legacy in Iraq to be at the heart of the country's socio-political system, the relationship between Britain and Shiʿism in Iraq has not received ample scholarly attention. The intersection of British imperialism and Shiʿi activism resulted in several foundational threads that were woven into the fabric of the Iraqi state. The 1920 Shiʿi revolt against the British mandate for Iraq and the British counter-revolt became the outward manifestation of the British-Shiʿi divide. British officials installed a Sunni-run government in Iraq for fear of Shiʿi dominance, which could have resulted from democratic institutions. Anti-British resistance led by Shiʿi clerics completely changed the calculus of Iraq's emergence as an independent state and alienated much of the Shiʿi community from Iraq's political establishment. This process radically altered the roles that Shiʿi and British leaders hoped to play in post-Ottoman Iraq. This state of affairs was not inevitable given that the continuation of British-Shiʿi alliances that began to emerge during the First World War would have produced a profoundly different state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarly disagreements over the applicability of a colonial framework to Ireland's relationship with Britain have neglected how political actors perceived or used ideas about colonialism and imperialism. This article argues that how such ideas resonated and were used in the Northern Ireland 'Troubles' is as worthy of consideration as their validity. It examines how militant republicans conceived of Northern Ireland as having a colonial status and identified it as fitting into a broader pattern of decolonisation, seeking links with other anti-colonial forces outside Europe. It considers how a section of British politicians used the colonial framework to argue that British withdrawal was inevitable, viewing unionists as a settler community beyond the boundaries of Britishness. The dominant British discourse that opposed this framed self-determination differently, rejecting the utility of colonialism as an explanation of the dynamic of the conflict. When faced with charges of colonialism abroad, however, the rebuttal offered by those articulating this discourse had to be tailored to a suspicious international audience; the arguments available to British diplomats were narrowed by Britain's colonial past. To overcome this, the unionist cause was omitted and select Irish voices within constitutional nationalism were promoted. Colonial analogies and comparisons shaped overall thinking on Northern Ireland, whether they were valid or not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the Dutch West Indies Company (WIC) established the free port of Willemstad, Curaçao after 1674, they launched a model for economic competition that other European empires would emulate. Within a century, the Danish, Spanish, British, and French all established their own Caribbean free ports. Emulation, however, was not replication. This article argues that while the expansion of free ports into different Caribbean empires generated similar forms of economic dualism (prohibitive commercial systems in certain locales with more-open ones in others), they all served varying purposes. The Dutch and Danish maintained or expanded their free-port systems and utilised strategic neutrality to remain active players within an increasingly competitive economic arena. Britain wanted to extend its commercial empire by making foreign realms dependent on its trade. France sought to pacify recalcitrant planters desperate for reliable provisioning. Finally, Spain enacted free ports in Santo Domingo to supply and encourage settlement in a region threatened by French encroachments. Thus, although these empires all established free ports in strategic locales and jealously emulated each other, they did so with unique political-economic aims in mind. Meanwhile, merchants, enslaved Africans, sailors, settlers, and European intellectuals employed Caribbean free ports to accomplish their own ends as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Review of Untied Kingdom: A Global History of the End of Britain , by Stuart Ward (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2022) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his highly influential work Culture and Imperialism, Edward Said unravels the imperialist undertones in Jane Austen's Mansfield Park. Throughout the chapter entitled 'Jane Austen and the Empire,' Said demonstrates how this seemingly domestic novel of manners, not normally associated with imperialism, is actually densely saturated with colonialist discourse. For Said, the marginalized representation of the colonized territory of Antigua as simply a 'colonial garden' for the British imperial patriarch further accentuates the superior sense of colonialist entitlement. Thus, Said's approach in decolonizing the imperialist discourse in Mansfield Park may be extended to other canonical works not generally considered imperialist in nature. In this article, the researchers utilize Said's strategies involved in his reading of Mansfield Park to probe the imperialist nuances in Austen's Persuasion, a novel usually categorized as a romance/novel of manners which depicts two lovers' second chance at happiness despite all the social obstacles in their way. The researchers attempt to foreground the imperialist rhetoric in this novel, specifically Austen's tendency to romanticize and glorify the rising British naval society as the champions of the Empire. Furthermore, this article investigates the absent, peripheral representation of colonial terrains as opposed to the privileged, central position of the British Empire in the narrative. Keywords: Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism, Jane Austen, Persuasion, decolonization, imperialist discourse, In his seminal book Culture and Imperialism (1993), Edward Said critiques seemingly innocent, canonical literary works to uncover the implicit imperialist discourses embedded within them. Referring specifically to Austen's Mansfield [...]

Intellectual efforts at removing the vestiges of colonialism in knowledge production and power relations in African studies are not recent phenomena. Power relations in this context refer to the binary nature of relations between Africa and the Western world in terms of knowledge production, application, and transference. In terms of its chronology, it has been in existence as far as the first decade of independence from European colonialism in the late 1950s. Despite the novelty of these cerebral efforts in African studies in the postcolonial era, little or no progress has been achieved in its application in our knowledge production processes. Postcolonialism as an intellectual binocular in the social sciences remains an under-explored standpoint even by African researchers in African Universities. Keywords: African Studies, Post-colonialism, International Relations, African Epistemology, Imperialism, 1. Introduction Intellectual efforts at removing the vestiges of colonialism in knowledge production and power relations in African studies are not recent phenomena. From the inception of the European invasion [...]

The cultural, technological, and socioeconomic dimensions of exotic animal introductions into the Malayan Peninsula have largely escaped the notice of scholars of British Malaya. At the same time, the scientific literature on exotic ichthyological introductions into Malaya has framed such introductions in largely biological terms. Biological factors alone, however, cannot explain the introduction and cultivation of exotic (sometimes temperate) fishes in tropical Malayan waters. Between 1923 and 1942, the Fisheries Department of the Straits Settlements and Federated Malay States experimented with introducing three categories of exotic fishes into the Malayan Peninsula. These fishes--the sepat siam, Chinese carp and English trout--were reared and released into demographic and geographical landscapes profoundly shaped by imperial power. These animals were thus fishes of Empire', their introduction and cultivation in the Malayan Peninsula significantly influenced by the scientific, socio-economic, technological, and cultural contexts of the British Empire. Studying the places, peoples, and technologies that shaped (and were in turn shaped by) these fishes of Empire offers insights into the intersections of imperial power, colonial science, and environmental history., In the early hours of Saturday, 18 April 1935, the S.S. Anterior slipped into the waters off Penang Island, after a long transoceanic journey that had started in Liverpool, Britain. [...]

For over a century from the 1830s to the 1940s, Spain was subjected to British diplomatic and economic power, designed to ensure the country complied with the British Empire's strategic and commercial interests. Supported by Britain's use of military force at key moments of crisis, this amounted to 'informal imperialism', as described by Gallagher and Robinson in their famous 1953 article, which suggested free trade imperialism drove the expansion of the British Empire in the nineteenth century. The experience left Spain with a number of economic and political legacies that undermined its capacity to develop a modernised economy. This article explores three of the most important effects: an unbalanced economy, deepened political divisions, and increasingly autarkic political and economic policies. It concludes that the Spanish experience was a harbinger of a more general process of imperial economic colonisation by the new commercial powers that emerged from the industrial revolution of the nineteenth century, led by Britain. It suggests these legacies were also evident in the newly independent post-Second World War colonies as they freed themselves from the grip of the European empires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of a transoceanic 'Indo-Pacific' region has a long historical lineage in British political thought and practice, one whose roots lie in processes of imperial colonisation, conquest and trade in Asia and Australasia. Recent discourses of a return 'East of Suez' and the UK's 'Indo-Pacific Tilt' cannot be understood as mere imperial nostalgia or post-imperial over-reach, however. Instead, there are historical political imaginaries of Britain's global role which are being put to work in the contemporary politics of shaping an Indo-Pacific strategy for the UK. British policy in the Indo-Pacific has been marked by a consistent awareness of multi-polarity and strategic vulnerability, hierarchies of alliances that give a privileged place to the US and the countries of the 'Anglosphere', and the recurrence of maritime, 'blue water' conceptions of British identity and interests. These are now being tested by the war in Ukraine and other developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the novels published in the course of the nineties, Every Light in the House Burnin' (1994), Never Far from Nowhere (1996), and Fruit of the Lemon (1999), Andrea Levy (1956-2019), a British writer of Jamaican origin, focuses on the experiences of British-born daughters of firstgeneration Caribbean immigrants in Britain. This paper will examine how Levy's young protagonists struggle to come to terms with their highly hybridized identities, which resist reductive racial categories of 'white' and 'black.' Experiencing racial bias on the one hand and confronting silences about their Jamaican heritage on the other, Levy's protagonists often find themselves in liminal spaces and are constantly compelled to negotiate private (Jamaican) and more public (British) spheres of existence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay analyses the shifting rationales of official British aid policy between the sterling crisis of the late 1940s and the oil crisis of 1973-74. In spite of changes during the transition from the colonial empire to independent states at the time, the period shows considerable continuities in Britain's aid policy, conceptions of development, and approaches to external economic and financial relations. In the immediate post-war period, development aid was closely connected to colonial development policy and imperial economy-building. In the late 1950s, however, British aid policy separated from colonial development as the result of a crisis of both development finance and the imperial bond. During the 1960s, the Overseas Development Ministry formulated a dedicated aid policy geared towards development in independent post-colonies. Yet, aid was ultimately an integral part of Britain's economic management in a wider world. In this setting, while the hierarchical organisation of aid for imperial development came to a close, official British aid policy still sought to align overseas aid to the requirements of Britain's external economic and financial relations, especially during economic crises. The argument about the contextual formation of aid policy has relevance beyond the period under review. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how the UK's selective neglect in linking the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) to its peaceful responses to Syria reinforces the claim that R2P is predominantly understood as military humanitarian intervention, which is deleterious for building international consensus for atrocity prevention and response. It does this through an empirical case study of the UK's responses to Syria during 2014-2016 when the UK's peaceful responses expanded, providing rich data for examining their underlying motivations. The article provides a case study of the UK's contestation of R2P's peaceful measures that builds upon existing work around the limits of contestation and norm degeneration due to how it feeds back to the international level. The article also explores the intersection between contestation and localisation and how the UK's particular localisation of R2P feeds into claims and fears of western imperialism, which obstructs effective atrocity prevention and response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'A strong character and sound common sense are far more valuable assets to a colonial officer than the most brilliant academic distinctions.' --Sir Alan Burns, 1949, p. 23. Professor of [...]

This article contributes to scholarship on small-gauge and home cinema by situating the advent of the Pathe Baby within interwar French politics and society. Through close analysis of period advertising, it argues that Pathe mobilized pronatalist and imperialist discourses to make 9.5mm home projection and filmmaking attractive to white, middle-class, metropolitan consumers, presenting home cinema as means of encountering the French Empire on the one hand and of promoting the so-called French race on the other. In drawing such connections, the study also seeks to enrich the growing body of scholarship on the entanglement of domestic cinema, gender, empire, and race. KEYWORDS: France, interwar, home cinema, 9.5mm, Pathe, empire, A disturbing cartoon appeared in a 1927 issue of Le Cinema Chez Soi, a French-language magazine produced for users of the 9.5mm Pathe Baby film projector and camera, devices for [...]

The Old Drift embodies Namwali Serpell's ideas of colonialism and postcolonialism as unstable descriptors requiring an imaginative retelling of Zambian national history, an alternate centering of marginalized figures, and a critical assessing of social protest in a society saturated with digital technologies. The paper examines how error, chance, and contingency determine the geographic, biologic, and gendered dynamics of empire, ideology, and subaltern resistance. It argues that the novel dramatizes techno-neocolonialism as the nexus of information technology, government agencies, and international businesses that generate conditions of subalternity for peoples deemed as threats or superfluous to the social order sustained by the postcolonial State. The novel foregrounds the politics of popular protest in Zambia as the drift of postcolonial mediations-imprinted with violence, haunted by imperialism, shaped by postcolonial contradictions, influenced by natural environments, crusted over with contingency, and re-narrated with subaltern agency., INTRODUCTION: FROM POST(-)COLONIALISM TO NEOCOLONIALISM AND TECHNO-NEOCOLONIALISM Post-colonialism. Postcolonialism. Two terms. One with a hyphen, the other without. Namwali Serpell's novel The Old Drift (2019) hovers between the two terms [...]

This article studies the transnational expiation movement, or Confraternity of Divine Expiation, that was promoted in Latin America by English priest Kenelm Vaughan c. 1880-1910. It argues that Vaughan's movement represented an unusual amalgam of British imperialism and ultramontane piety, albeit with significant Latin American appropriations. Essentially, Vaughan proposed to funnel Latin American funds and prayers heavenward through the Spanish-American chapel to the Blessed Sacrament that he would build at Westminster Cathedral, thus portraying London as the world's Catholic metropolis. To do this, Vaughan traversed Latin America, recruiting presidents and prelates into his Confraternity and promoting a catholicized version of English imperial claims. The article seeks to contribute to knowledge of Victorian/Edwardian English Catholic culture, Latin American penitential practice and elite diplomacy, and Catholic concepts of nineteenth-century empire. Keywords: Vaughan, Kenelm; Catholicism; expiation; Latin America; Mexico; Great Britain; empire, Introduction 'I wish you would come back speedily and begin your work in London. Cannot God put it into hearts here to give you what is needed to complete what [...]

As George Eliot was nearing the age of fifty, she conceived a daring ambition. She wanted to become one of the superior poets of her time and place, as beloved [...]

Education in the Arab world is in need of a revolution, and this revolutionary transformation is inevitably and intricately linked to the production, ordering, and dissemination of revolutionary, anti-colonial knowledge. This article emphasizes the urgency for decolonizing education, specifically English literature departments at Arab universities. Many thinkers have documented the connection between literature, culture, and imperialism on the one hand (Gauri Viswanathan's Masks of Conquest, 1989 and Edward Said's Culture and Imperialism, 1993) and literature, culture, and resistance on the other hand (Fanon, Kanafani, Cabral, Said, and others who wrote about zero point epistemology). While there have been some decolonization efforts in different parts of the world, even at Ivy League institutions (Cornell University, for example), Arab universities ironically maintain a very rigid, government accredited English and American literary curriculum with no attempt or intention at decolonizing these colonial era curricula. This article interrogates the aims behind maintaining a purely English (and American) literary curricula, especially as the Arab region continues to undergo the most violent and aggressive forms of Western intervention, which has led to massive destruction of Arab state infrastructures, the loss of Palestine in 1948, the dissolution of the social fabric of Arab societies and thousands of deaths in the past two decades. Against this destructive Western agenda, a constructive, awareness raising impulse embedded in a literature/culture of resistance is in order. It is high time that Arab universities decolonize their English literature departments, a necessary transformation that entails, to quote the title of an essay by Walter D. Mignolo, 'Epistemic Disobedience, Independent Thought and Decolonial Freedom' (2009). Keywords: decolonizing education, English literature, epistemic disobedience, revolution, Palestine, zero point epistemology, Education in the Arab world is in need of a revolution, and this revolutionary transformation is inevitably and intricately linked to the production, ordering and dissemination of revolutionary, anti-colonial knowledge. [...]

The article discusses the evolving relationship between the United Kingdom's (UK) Overseas Development Aid (ODA) and its advance of its national interest following its exit as member of the European Union (EU). Also cited are the UK's merger of its Department for International Development (DfID) and the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) to create the Foreign, Development and Commonwealth Office (FDCO), and the UK's shifting narratives of Europeanism, imperialism, and Atlanticism.

This article contributes to the growing body of literature on colonial intelligence by examining the Palestine Mandate. Throughout the 1930s, Fascist Italy developed a network of local agents, informants, and intermediaries that reported on both local conditions and the British imperial administration. Yet the region was not a site of unrestrained imperial competition. Instead, I argue that the British and Italians transformed Palestine into a shared imperial space. Through colonial intelligence networks, Fascist Italy built an essential imperial infrastructure in the Palestine Mandate that overlapped with the British administration and diverted a certain degree of authority to Rome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The past few years have seen a vigorous resurgence of public and academic debate and controversy regarding the British Empire, its place within Britain's own history and the legacies of British colonial practices. In spite of this reinvigorated discussion of empire, education and schooling seem to have been an area largely overlooked within the field of new imperial history. Nonetheless, histories of education have increasingly been shaped by theoretical shifts in the imperial histories. This article discusses some recent literature concerning the British Empire, and suggests how these could prove useful for future studies of empire and education. First, it surveys a selection of key literature and developments in histories of empire and education. Then, it suggests three areas for future exploration by historians of education with interests in colonialism or empire: non-traditional sources, studies of and by indigenous and non-elite people, and research into the educational legacies of imperialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences Institute / Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Bingol University / Rectorate and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article provides an analysis of the economic cost incurred by the world through the use of the fiat international reserve currency since the end of the 1971 gold standard system. The article uses the Quantity Theory of Money to provide an empirical manifestation of how reserve currency yields income to its issuing country through the provision of an inflation buffer, which is equivalent to what the article frames as an imperial rent of reserve currency. The article then provides a method to estimate the cumulative quantity of this rent by using data on the broad money supply, nominal GDP, and world total official foreign exchange holdings of the currency of the country in question. The article estimates that the quantity of the imperial rent of reserve currency that accrued to the four major reserve currency-issuing states (US, Euro area, UK, Japan) from the end of the gold standard until the end of 2021, which was accumulated through the official channel only, is of a value equivalent to 11.1 trillion USD, 71 % of this amount went to the US singly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The speciality, Public Health Medicine (PHM), was developed in response to political and health realities in pre-apartheid South Africa (SA), following the lead of the discipline in Britain, SA's previous coloniser. This article describes a 47-year journey from its origins as Community Health through to current practice, based on reviews of archival material, databases of institutional stakeholders involved in trainee education and our own experiences. Embedded throughout PHM's history are tensions between colonial forms of public health education and practice and resistance to these. As found in complementary SA research, and globally, this review shows that concerns about unclear roles, inadequate career paths and professional boundaries have preoccupied and are innate to the speciality. To be institutionalised more definitively in SA, PHM needs to demonstrate its value as a key resource for the functioning of SA's health system and thus improve the health status of her population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the challenge the First World War posed to imperial culture by looking at representations of colonial troops in British and French soldiers' wartime writings. The Great War posed significant challenges to empires and created new dynamics of exchange and dependence within them. Never before had so many civilians joined the army nor had so many non-European soldiers served in Europe. As the face of battle changed in so many significant ways, British and French soldiers took up pen and paper to distract and amuse themselves and each other. In the process, they created discourses which also reveal the ways in which the war provided a new context for evaluating empires and their peoples and questioned existing imperial culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1970s, Michael Manley set out a vision of democratic socialism that was internationalist, anti-imperialist, and centred on the needs of poor and working-class people. Manley also recognised that [...]

The article examines the role and place of the African region as an object of international broadcasting. Various models of international broadcasting implementation in contemporary political conditions are shown on the example of countries -- former metropolises of colonial empires that covered African territories. Among other things, the author shows that international broadcasting in Africa can be considered as an element of neo-colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The translation equivalence between龍/lung and dragon as well as夷/i and barbarian embodies the way of discourse power competition between China and the United Kingdom of Great Britain with different discourse pedigrees and discourse systems. The translation equivalence between龍/lung and dragon was constructed by means of mutation and discourse rewriting, and the political implication and cultural value of龍/lung in Chinese context were ablated. The equivalence between 夷/i and barbarian in the English context was established through the translation manipulation of the British, and the meaning of夷/i was separated from the Chinese historical context forcibly. The British operated discourse mutation on core Chinese political discourses via translation manipulation to weaken the subjectivity of China and bring China into the modern international discourse system dominated by the West, providing support for the expansion and colonization of British imperial discourse. This research provides reference for dealing with the cultural characteristics and universality, and the relationship between subject and object of discourse in the translation of contemporary Chinese discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of colonialism normally focusses on the socio-economic losses of colonies, and the benefits of metropoles are a much less-studied field. Our study indicates that the flow of resources, rent and personal wealth should not be downplayed as factors of economic growth in the key Empires, although information on most subjects is limited. This importance could be demonstrated (although not fully quantitatively evaluated) by India–United Kingdom relations before 1913. We highlight the key channels of this influence (trade, investment and migration), and the persistence of the income gaps between the dominant and dependent countries until their independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Sen'yu no ikotsu o daite' (Carrying My Comrade's Ashes) (1942), a Japanese military song about the fall of Singapore on 15 February 1942, is a subversive text. Written and composed [...]

Geographically, his examination of the subject extends well beyond Britain, including various imperial settings, and Knights argues convincingly that revelations of imperial corruption did much to shape the contours of domestic debates on the topic. The result is that, although there is little sense of flow to the work as a whole, this in many ways accentuates the primary message that Knights wants readers to take away from the work: that corruption and public officeholding developed in an uneven and fitful manner. In this thoroughly researched and important work, Mark Knights sets out to unravel the complex interrelations between the development of the concept of public office and definitions of corrupt activities over the course of what he describes as "long early modernity", which roughly corresponds to the period between the Reformation and the thoroughgoing public service reforms of the mid-nineteenth century. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores Britain's decision to intern over 5,000 captured Boer (Afrikaner) combatants on the island of Ceylon from 1900 to 1902 during the South African War. Using hitherto unanalysed source material, this manuscript resolves several unanswered questions regarding the experience of Boer internment in Ceylon itself and whether the internment experience matched Britain's imperial expectations. Given the sheer number of captured Boers who refused to accept British sovereignty, Britain initially resolved to send these captives overseas to prevent the possibility of prisoners rejoining the Boer struggle. With the Boers originally sent abroad for security purposes, this manuscript examines how Britain moved from simply detaining the prisoners to formally rehabilitating and reeducating them as imperial citizens. The article argues that while internment in Ceylon did pacify the Boers, Britain nonetheless failed to convince the Boers to discount their culture and heritage in favour of a greater British imperial identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship of popular imperialism has identified annual public celebrations of Western European colonial empires as important tools for the shaping of new 'imperial' national identities. Building on the analyses of British Empire Day and Belgian and Italian colonial days, this article offers the first overview of the French week of pro-Empire celebrations, La Semaine coloniale française, and assesses its reach during the interwar period (1927–1939). In thinking through the fate and transformations of French Colonial Week, from an outdoor public spectacle, to a pale replica of Empire-Day school celebrations (Journée scolaire de la France d'Outre-mer), I will focus on two aspects specific to cyclical vectors of pro-Empire propaganda in Europe more broadly: the transnational context within which they developed between the wars, and their recursive nature. After an account of the event's foreign origins, devolved organisational model and regionally-inflected public celebratory practices, I will examine more closely the two most enduring and wide-reaching traditions that it produced: the Colonial-Week radio broadcasts and school campaigns. Reading La Semaine coloniale française through this comparative and diachronic framework, I will reflect on social, political and logistic reasons why it never coalesced into as ritualised and widely-observed a festival as Empire Day in Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the mid-1990s, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has witnessed several instances of armed conflict, the resolution of which has entailed efforts to bring about the political transformation of rebel movements behind those insurgencies. This article analyses the failed transformation of the National Congress for the Defence of the People (Congrès National pour la Défense du Peuple, CNDP), the rebel group behind the Third Congo War (2006-2009). It is argued that this failure was the result of a set of factors, namely the controversial mixage policy agreed upon between government and the CNDP in the 2009 Goma Peace Agreement, the group's nature as a militarily-focused and ethnically-centred organisation, and the continued support of the CNDP by its regional backers well after the signing of the Goma Peace Agreement as well as the United Nations' decision to withdraw its support for the Goma peace process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Development aid discourses have been criticised for perpetuating othering and coloniality. They have been argued to produce and reproduce conceptual creations of a distinguishable 'us' and 'them' and uphold hierarchies where former colonial powers remain preeminent and subjugate the 'Global South'. The turn of the century, however, saw the emergence of 'development partnerships' to rebalance asymmetrical relationships between donor and recipient. Developing a critical discourse analysis framework from decolonial scholarship and applying it to the United Kingdom Department for International Development's development partnership with South Africa between 2014 and 2018, the article reveals clear examples of othering and coloniality. The suggestion of mutuality therefore appears to be just a façade, and the development partnership discourse is rather emphasising difference and justifying colonial hierarchies, contradicting its purported values. Recommendations include increased scrutiny of dehistoricised and decontextualised development narratives, and clearly stating national and political interests in bilateral partnerships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution outlines a case for reconsidering US history in the nineteenth century. The standard approach tells the "story of the nation" after 1783 from an internal standpoint that minimizes external connections. Historians of empire, however, distinguish between formal and effective independence and trace the lines of continuity that lead from one to the other. If applied to the newly decolonized United States, this perspective reveals that important ties of commerce, finance, politics, and culture with the former colonial power remained both vibrant and persistent. Some contemporaries formulated alternatives that would reduce Britain's informal influence; others cooperated with what would later be called neocolonialism. The ensuing debate set out arguments and policies that were to be carried forward into the twentieth century. Effective independence, defined as the recovery of key aspects of sovereignty, was not achieved until the late nineteenth century, after the Civil War, and when industrialization increased the power and confidence of the newly united nation. This argument suggests that existing studies need revising to recognize that the United States was the first important decolonized state in what was becoming the modern world; as such, it was the precursor of states in other parts of the world that were to follow its lead. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The British colonies, which contributed the lion's share of Britain's geographical expansion during the nineteenth century, also provided the largest material contribution to Britain's industrialization, and much-needed ecological relief (in the form of land), through trade. Nevertheless, not all types of colonialism mattered equally. The biggest land relief came from the settler colonies in British North America and Australasia. The slave-based colonies were not as instrumental in alleviating Britain's land constraints as the nineteenth century progressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the period 1922-37, both the British and Italians launched institutes for educational cinematography and collaborated in the creation of the League of Nations' International Educational Cinematographic Institute. Their leading newspapers dedicated entire sections to the advertising of educational campaigns through cinema. Comparing official documents and the print apparatus about the establishment and the activities of two institutes for educational cinema in Europe gives us a perception of how similarly and differently the British and Italians used their educational films to convey imperial sentiments and rhetoric into civilian life during fifteen years of colonial rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In step with many governments today, the current British government has consistently attacked scholarly efforts to understand imperialism and its legacies. The Johnson government tactically reframes criticism of its governance failures as attacks on Britain's historic greatness - rushing, for instance, to provide police protection to Churchill's statue after a peaceful protest against the use of police force at a vigil for the murder of Sarah Everard by a policeman, though the statue was not under attack (Figure 1). In the 1990s, scholarly historians at last began to perceive the connections between imperial history and Britain's history, how Britain's history abroad had also shaped its history at home. [Extracted from the article]

[L]eft to itself all power tends ultimately to construct a chimeric coherence for itself--with its fixations, its archaic landscapes, its arbitrary importance, and its pathological forms. Achille Mbembe, 'Thinking, in [...]

Abstract Critics have read Howards End as if Forster 'specifically barred' the poor from the novel (Trilling), so that only the middle classes are considered and not in a 'truly [...]

Katherine Mansfield's Urewera Notebook and 'The Woman at the Store' and Una Marson's 'Little Brown Girl' and 'The Stranger,' share politically charged strategies for representing the psychological violence of imperialism. Although they write about diverse socio-political contexts, both Mansfield and Marson aestheticize the surfaces of bodies in stylistically commensurable ways in order to highlight how the forces of imperialism shape racial and gendered politics in the early twentieth century. The complex interrogations of race and gender found in Mansfield's and Marson's representations of Maori and Afro-Caribbean women and their dramatized treatments of these women as objects help transnational feminist scholars recover unrealized lines of modernist affiliation. These lines are formed by affectively shared but historically distinct experiences of colonial politics and forms of legitimation that have historically marked the surfaces of female bodies. Keywords: Una Marson / Katherine Mansfield / race and ethnicity / transnational modernism / weak theory, INTRODUCTION Katherine Mansfield and Una Marson might at first glance appear to have very little in common outside of the alliteration of their last names. Both women were born in [...]

Countering the representation of the end of the Cold War as the end of History, this essay argues for the urgent need to think the positive, anti-imperialist, possibilities for thought and practice of the Heideggerian 'Nothing' that, in different forms, haunts liberal capitalist democracy. Keywords: History; Post-Cold War; Martin Heidegger., On the basis of the Greeks' initial contributions towards an Interpretation of Being, a dogma has been developed which not only declares the question about the meaning of Being to [...]