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In contemporary discourse, inclusion has evolved into a core value, with inclusive societies being lauded as progressive and inherently positive. Conversely, exclusion and excluding practices are typically deemed undesirable. However, this paper questions the prevailing assumption that inclusion is always synonymous with societal progress. Could it be that exclusion, in certain contexts, serves as a more effective tool for advancing societal development? Is there a more intricate interconnection between these phenomena than conventionally acknowledged? This paper advocates moving beyond a simplistic inclusion/exclusion dichotomy and puts forth two theses. First, it posits that exclusion can, at times, be a superior metric for gauging progress. Second, it contends that inclusion and exclusion are thoroughly entwined, challenging the notion of a clear demarcation between them. The underlying premise is that, much like inclusion, there can be meaningful value associated with exclusion. Furthermore, applying a rigid inclusion/exclusion dichotomy oversimplifies the discourse on societal progress, providing an artificial representation of what constitutes advancement. Such oversimplification hampers both contemporary research in the humanities and broader political discourse. The primary objective of this paper is to introduce a fresh perspective to the discourse surrounding societal progress. By challenging the fundamental conceptual framework, it seeks to add nuance to the ongoing debate, fostering a more comprehensive understanding of the complexities inherent in measuring progress within society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is often presumed that when students complete a particular entry course at college, the acquisition of that qualification should grant access to the next, higher level of study. There is a dearth of academic research on the actual progression outcomes for so-called not in education, employment, and training (NEET) and disengaged youth, enrolled on an employability course. Purportedly, the employability qualifications should enable students to progress towards higher levels of study, but do they? Adopting a case study approach, research was conducted with seven tutors and 26 students enrolled on the 2013 and 2014 Level 1 Achieving Skills Course, an employability course delivered at The Site, a FE college in the East Region. The college’s database was also accessed to review success and progression outcomes. Highlighting discrepancy and controversy, key findings revealed that most participants were unable to progress onto higher level courses at The Site. Instead, they were recorded as either NEET or destination unknown. This paper reveals key factors impeding progression and the reification of NEET identities on this course. It calls for political debate and a sharper inspection into the quality of re-engagement provisions for so-called NEET and disengaged youth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cash crop development has been instrumental for economic growth in many countries. However, this intervention has negatively affected many local communities. The global rubber boom in the early 2000s prompted the state-owned Vietnam Rubber Group (VRG) to scramble for land to expand their rubber plantations. This paper examines the mechanisms and processes associated with state-led large scale rubber development in Vietnam's north-western region. The development of large-scale rubber plantation in the region was established on villager's devolved crop lands. Using the powers of exclusion framework developed by Hall et al. (2011), the paper asks how government regulations, legitimation and force are used to enroll villager's land into rubber development. Particularly, I unearth how these powers were used to force villagers to engage in contract farming – dubbed as a 'joint venture' by VRG. In addition, I examine how government and VRG continued to use these powers to stamp out local resistance and retain land. The unfolding contestation has important implications for state-society relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When NATO was created on 4 April 1949 by the United States, Britain, Canada, and several Western European countries with the aim to contain the Soviet Union's expansion of power, it was rather peculiar that Greece and Türkiye were excluded, while their Mediterranean neighbour, Italy, was included in this new military organisation. As Greece suffered from the communist insurgents in the Greek Civil War (1946-1949), and Türkiye was unceasingly under Soviet military and diplomatic threat over the provinces of Kars and Ardahan and the Turkish Straits settlements (1946-1953), both seemingly had valid reasons for being included in NATO. However, Britain, one of the renowned founding members of NATO, determinedly repudiated to invite Greece and Türkiye to join NATO. This paper analyses the reasons for Britain to deny these countries NATO membership. The existing literature on this exclusion subject argues that the geographical location and the forthcoming Mediterranean Pact were two apparent causes that influenced Britain to reject Greece and Türkiye's NATO membership. This paper however, investigates other rejection reasons that have yet to be studied by previous scholars. This paper offers an analysis of Britain's objections to Greece and Türkiye's NATO membership during NATO's creation years through the study of British primary historical records. The finding shows that Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin was eager to have NATO promptly formed, and he believed the proposal for Greece and Türkiye's inclusion in NATO would hamper this aim, since these two countries were in a dispute over Cyprus. Bevin reckoned that the bitter relationship between Greece and Türkiye over Cyprus would alarm the delegations, hence prolonging the discussions that would lead to further postponement of NATO's ratification. Thus, Bevin's démarche was not to propose the inclusion of Greece and Türkiye in NATO at the time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I would like to tackle first Schmitt's defence of the role of exclusion in political reasoning and his attendant rejection of extreme political pluralism. I shall then move on to explain not only why there is nothing Nazi—or even antisemitic—about Schmitt's concept of the political, but rather the other way around: Schmitt's concept of the political not only must have been used against National Socialism but it did not fail to have his fair share of Jewish, or at the very least Zionist, enthusiasts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to address the issue of how evidence obtained in violation of a Charter-protected right is to be dealt with in civil forfeiture proceedings. In arriving at the answer, the governing jurisprudence in this area of the law will be canvased to provide a contextual background that informs the parameters of this discussion. However, it will ultimately become clear by the end of this paper that evidence obtained in violation of a Charter-protected right should be dealt with by way of section 24(2) of the Constitution Act, 1982, and the use of a modified Grant test. Civil forfeiture is the process by which the state commences legal action to obtain property that was seized as an instrument or proceed of unlawful activity. Although property can be forfeited through a number of different mechanisms, the scope of this paper is limited to forfeiture proceedings commenced by way of civil action under provincial legislation with a focus on British Columbia. The case law presented in this paper will focus primarily on appellate court decisions from across the country due to the scarce attention this area of the law has received. These cases will highlight the endeavours of litigants who sought to undermine civil forfeiture proceedings through the use of common law principles and the Charter. Finally, commentary will be provided on the direction future research in this area of the law should take. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Roma groups in Greece are a long-standing socially deprived population that faces extreme social exclusion and segregation. Their marginalization includes limited access to education, employment, and housing. This paper explores their spatial position and social exclusion, comparing the social profile and life conditions in two case studies of Roma settlements with those of the municipal and regional units to which they belong. Methodologically, we analyze quantitative data from the 2011 Population Census to measure life conditions at three levels (settlement, municipal unit, regional unit), and we also use qualitative data from interviews with representatives of local agencies and residents of the two settlements to document our hypotheses on the causal relations between the spatial position and the social exclusion of Roma groups. The comparison shows that the two Roma settlements are clearly different from their entourage, assembling the lowest positions in the labor market, the weakest performances in education, the largest households, and the worst housing conditions. This case of extreme social exclusion in ghettoized spatial proximity raises the question about the significance of micro-segregation and the way it works in different contexts, as well as the need for further research for a more comprehensive understanding of the relation between social inequality and spatial distance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Espanola de Antropologia Americana is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Social and physical infrastructure development needs to catch up to population growth in cities of the Global South. The infrastructures are emerging in piecemeal ways following demand, be it housing, water supply, electricity, financial, educational, health or transport services. Indian cities are typical examples of this and can be called archetypes of the problem. This paper finds that transport infrastructure development in Mumbai Metropolitan Region has not kept pace with the demand. Notwithstanding recent developments, urban mobility in the region is characterised by traffic jams, delays and a lack of integrated and inclusionary transport systems, adversely affecting the economic efficiency of the region through loss of labour time, delays in deliveries of goods and services, environmental pollution and health costs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the potential for the Mental Capacity Act (MCA) of England and Wales to incentivise the exclusion of people with dementia from research. The MCA is intended to standardise and safeguard the inclusion of people with cognitive impairments in research. This entails various procedural requirements, which in pressurised research contexts can lead researchers to exclude people with dementia as a means of simplifying bureaucratic constraints. I consider the risks of an 'unethical ethics', wherein procedural ethics indirectly causes the exclusion of people with dementia from research, undermining historic successes toward increased inclusivity. I suggest several solutions, including enhanced sensitivity to impairments and shifting the burden of proof from justifying inclusion to justifying exclusion. The paper responds to the 'ethics creep' tradition in procedural ethics, and critical appraisals of capacity legislation in dementia research. This approach recognises that institutional research ethics is itself a major ethical concern and can unwittingly beget unethical practices. Dementia researchers must be alert to such unethical ethics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

States combine the routine refusal of citizenship to migrants with policies that grant newborns of citizens (or residents) full membership of society without questions asked. This paper asks what, if anything, can justify this differential treatment of the two types of newcomers. It explores arguments for differential treatment based on the differential environmental impact, different impact on the (political) culture of the society in question and differences between the positions of the newcomers themselves. I conclude that, although some justification for differential treatment exists, the case for it is weaker than one may expect and the grounds on which it can be justified are surprising and problematic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even after almost two years from coming into effect, there are certain grey areas in the practice of the University Grants Commission (Promotion of Academic Integrity and Prevention of Plagiarism in Higher Educational Institutions) Regulations, 2018. This paper presents and discusses in detail the provisions of the regulations that are intended to safeguard the students from any kind of exploitation. Lack of awareness amongst the researchers has allowed others to exploit them. Sample university plagiarism reports have been used to demonstrate a blatant violation of the provisions of the regulations. Some myths carried by the researchers have been clarified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Demográficos y Urbanos is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Women are recognized as proactive catalysts for societal change in rural Bangladesh because of their significant socio-economic contributions to agricultural practices. Historically, they have been closely associated with various agricultural activities ranging from seed preservation to crop harvesting. Despite their vital role in the rural economy, women farmers have encountered a number of obstacles resulting from the adaptation of neoliberal agrarian policies. In recent decades, women's participation in the agricultural sector has declined, which can be attributed to the influence of capitalist patriarchy on agricultural practices. Grounded on this argument, this present study aims to investigate a research question: What are the major challenges to women's participation in agricultural practices in Bangladesh? In order to answer this question, data has been collected through in-depth interviews and household surveys from three villages of Jaldhaka Upazila in the Nilphamari district of northwestern Bangladesh. The findings of this paper argue that women's participation in agriculture is challenged by the effects of the neoliberal policy perspective, such as the mechanization of agriculture, commercial land use, and land inequality, which continue to ratify patriarchy in agriculture. In such a situation, this study suggests women's empowerment could be effectively facilitated by adopting agricultural policies that are specifically tailored to address gender dynamics, emphasizing the active engagement and meaningful representation of women in the processes of policy formulation and execution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to open a window into diversity and inequity issues unveiled by COVID-19 in accounting education in a context of social and political unrest. Following interviews and autoethnographic written reports, a survey of Colombian accounting professors was examined and complemented by a student survey. The study drew on the concepts of conscientização and dialogic pedagogy, proposed by Brazilian social scientist Paulo Freire. The findings showed that the pandemic enabled students and faculty to move from a magical to a critical stage of conscientização (critical consciousness). The pandemic led them to reflect on their context, question the role of accounting, and advance their liberation from oppressive positions. We ended our research with the claim a student posted on their profile: "How hard it is to study while they are killing my people!" Future studies may extend the scope of research to other periods and geographic contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Prolegomena: Journal of Philosophy is the property of Society for the Advancement of Philosophy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Inclusive education has featured strongly in the South African education landscape since it was first incorporated into policy in 2001. Although parents are key stakeholders in the successful implementation of inclusive education, there has not been much research exploring parents' understanding within this space. Therefore, this study aimed to explore parents' understanding of inclusion and exclusion in education from seven primary schools in the Johannesburg area. This paper is based on the qualitative data drawn from a larger mixed methods study where 559 written responses exploring parents of primary school learners' understanding were analysed and 13 semi-structured interviews were conducted. Thematic analysis was used to analyse the results. Four core themes were identified, namely, inclusion/exclusion criteria, levels of inclusion and exclusion, effects of exclusion and the effects of inclusion. Sub-themes of interpersonal and extra-personal characteristics emerged for the theme of inclusion/exclusion criteria, while further analysis of levels of inclusion/exclusion resulted in the sub-themes of formal and epistemological access. It was clear that parents' understanding of inclusion and exclusion was grounded more in the practices of inclusion/exclusion as opposed to a more abstract, theoretical understanding. These results are discussed within the context of the SASA and Education White Paper 6 policy within South Africa, as well as literature around the types of educational access. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examined the impact of the 2017 Recognition of Irish Travellers as an Ethnic Minority through the lens of Fraser's model of justice. A number of interviews were held with a community development worker, a Traveller support worker, a Traveller education officer and three groups of Traveller women in relation to the impact of the recognition, and several themes emerged. Overall, the recognition as an ethnic minority was celebrated by Traveller organisations but for Travellers in the community there was little to no impact on their daily lives and on education provision, and no impact on Traveller status and recognition of the Traveller culture. Gaps in educational provision persisted with insufficient literacy and other learning supports. Awareness of Traveller culture was needed in schools for staff and students, and discrimination continued to be an issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The studies framed in embodied cognition that analyze the metaphor of temperature and its relationship with the feeling of inclusion or exclusion always do so in the first person. That is, they take the perspective of the protagonist who is made to feel included or excluded to see how it affects his or her body thermally. However, there are no studies in which the participants morally evaluate other protagonists who are the ones who feel the inclusion or exclusion and the temperature, projecting these feelings onto them. This paper analyzes the relationship between terms related to temperature (cold or heat) and the moral judgements made toward a person who helps and another who does not help. All this occurs in a situation in which the person making the judgement is not involved in the first person and has to put themself in the place of the other. In addition, the possible difference in these judgements is examined by comparing children in the fourth grade of primary school with those in the sixth grade. The results indicate that older children give less extreme responses, but these are more influenced by temperature when it comes to morally judging a lack of help. When the behavior is helpful, they judge it morally the same regardless of temperature. In addition, interaction between the two variables appeared. These results have implications in promoting helping in the classroom in order to promote inclusion and represent a useful and accessible resource for such promotion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract The paper draws on the notion of State though as critically discussed by Sayad and on related concepts (nationalism at a distance, integration) to analyse how the State naturalises the division between nationals and non-nationals, building unequal social hierarchies between immigrants and natives that affect the construction of the (social and individual) identities of the migrants themselves. The paper starts with a historical contextualisation of the relations between Tunisia and Italy. First, we show how the opposite migrations that have crossed the Mediterranean have been embedded in unequal racial and symbolic hierarchies characterising Italy and Tunisia, Europe and Africa. Then, we further delve into this dynamic by exploring the identity constructions of Tunisian migrants in Italy, which are sensitive to the demands of the country of immigration (seeking to maintain a given social hierarchy within its borders) and those of the country of emigration (striving to remain connected to its emigrants to extract maximum profit from them).

Copyright of Social Sciences & Humanities Studies / Društvene i Humanističke Studije (DHS) is the property of Faculty of Humanities & Social Sciences, University of Tuzla and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Movimento (0104754X) is the property of Movimento, da Escola de Educacao, Fisica, Fisioterapia e Danca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bajo Palabra: Journal of Philosophy is the property of Bajo Palabra: Journal of Philosophy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The school system in South Africa has only in recent years begun to more deeply grapple with issues of power and privilege along a number of axes of oppression including race, gender, class and recently, sexual and gender diversity. As a result, learners who embody sexual and gender diversity experiences spaces of belonging and exclusion in school settings. As a result, this paper asks: What needs to be done in the school system to reconstruct the "African child" to include sexual and gender diversity? Possibilities include inclusive policy implementation; inclusive learning and teaching resource materials; teacher preparedness to teach about and affirm sexual and gender diversity in the classroom and a clear rejection of homophobic and transphobic violence. The lessons learnt through the process of challenging racism in the school system - such as around essentialising, othering and systemic violence - have yet to be fully applied to sexual and gender diversity in schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globally, nations are targeting to achieve the “Green Deal 2030” and “Biodiversity Strategy 2030” to protect and conserve forest ecosystems. Forest land rights that define the nature of forest use have been rendered useless in many developing countries. Uganda is an African country endowed with tropical rainforests. Forests and other protected areas continue to decline due to deforestation and forest degradation in Uganda. Moreover, Uganda is an example of a country with a high allocation of virgin forest land to investors for development projects including agriculture. This paper examined perceptions of Ugandans on property rights and associated factors that impact the implementation of these rights in Uganda. The study conducted a questionnaire survey and obtained a sample size of 199. Key informant interviews (KIIs) on land and forest land rights in Uganda were conducted to get to the bottom of the problem. The results confirm high corruption (82%) and crime in Uganda’s land and forest rights management. Respondents highlighted limited transparency in implementing land and forest property rights. The study concluded that corruption and a lack of transparency frustrate property rights implementation in Uganda. The study recommends the government to prioritize fighting corruption and promoting transparency in the management of land and forest property, among others resources. Properly implementing land rights is vital in protecting and conserving forest ecosystems and other resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Pädagogik is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Elimination in George Orwell’s Animal Farm and William Golding’s Lord of the Flies. The present paper discusses the aspect of “Elimination” and its existence with so􀅌ly and influential impact of certain literary works. The aspect deals with the varied classes in society to touch the truth of human nature and to uncover the deepest dirty state of him also. Notedly, Elimination relates to the political issues due to the viciousness minds of the politicians no exceptions as it is shown in Orwell’s Animal Farm. Also, it connects to the social individuals in reality with cunny manners as it is illustrated in Golding’s Lord of the Flies. The paper explains the whole sides and kinds of elimination with examples of the suffered characters but the religious side hasn’t been discussed because of the two selected novels don’t interact with religion. Moreover, it presents the reasons behind practicing elimination against people and introduces the different methods in using exclusion to achieve the aim even with blood. All in all, the writers have discussed a unique technique in modern literature, with high style and strange ideas. The suffered characters end tragically, but other characters end with less damaging because of two reasons. Firstly, the characters that end tragically have faced criminal minds and have received the destiny proudly more than others. Secondly, the less damaging characters have faced their destiny cowardly. So, the technique is too close to the reality allowing the reader extremely interact with it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will analyse the use of genealogy in the context of race, place, and justice via the concepts of nationality/citizenship and cultural/national identity, including "imagined communities". Analysis is undertaken through the legal concept of "jus sanguinis" and simultaneous differing interpretations of "citizen", including the concept of "effective nationality". The latter incorporates the Nottebohm principle "shared sentiments and interests" and is particularly relevant in "security situations. This article argues that "effective nationality" is indicative of the Anderson's famous landmark study of nationalism, "Imagined Communities". The legal concept of jus sanguinis draws upon genealogy: "A line of descent traced continuously from an ancestor". However, the imagined communities to which someone perceives they belong, through ancestral lineage, or cultural, political or religious affinity are often highly contested cultural notions, not least in times of political unrest. This article will focus on the UK and show how liberal policies and criteria initially aimed at the expansion of citizenship have, in the 21st century, similarly enabled exclusion. However, I argue that the current exclusion process is the simultaneous use of jus sanguinis and cultural interpretations of "effective nationality" when applied to those who supported proscribed groups, for example ISIS in Syria. This paper uses legislation, media comment, and the legal case studies of Nottebohm and Shamima Begum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ánfora is the property of Universidad Autonoma de Manizales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ciencia Ergo Sum is the property of Universidad Autonoma del Estado de Mexico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Mahesh Dattani is one of the leading Indian dramatists who responded to the problems of sexuality on the canvass of Indian theatre. He examined various facets of subjugation and marginalization rampant in Indian society. His plays focus on the sub-urban Hindu family and its trifle with gender and alternate sexuality. His plots revolve around the damaging implications of patriarchal constructs and his characters strive for liberty and self-satisfaction beneath hegemonic masculinity, compulsive heteronormativity and prejudiced cultural domain. Regarding his famous play Dance Like a Man, this paper critically examines the existing socio-cultural domain which practices politics of exclusion of androgynous identities behind the façade of peacefully cohabiting heterosexual Indian family and shows how Dattani, has remarkably countered the presentation of the polarized association of gender roles with conventional practice through performance of his protagonist. Set against the backdrop of patriarchal mindset, this paper delineates that the victim of patriarchal norms is not a woman but a man, who has traits of androgyny. It gives a brief account to highlight the significance of androgyny and portrays how androgyny is directly proportional to creativity. It elucidates how androgynous men undergo searing experiences of stigma and social untouchability in a traditional setup and how patriarchal norms reinforce dominant powers of society to stunt the growth of their personality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a critical and historical analysis of the transformation of citizenship in China in a way that challenges both legal orientalism and the overall discourse on Chinese "characteristics" and "exceptionalism". It aims to uncover how citizenship has been transformed "structurally" (Solinger 1999) as well as through "acts of citizenship" (Jakimow 2012). The paper will therefore not only look at how the One-Party State defines citizenship, uses it as an instrument of repression and population control, but also how citizens themselves can contribute to a new narrative on citizenship and driver of contestation in China. The paper will argue that the transformation of citizenship has contributed to the reinforcement of the fragmented and transnational nature of Chinese citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews the long-term trend of economic inequality and exclusion in Indonesia since the country embarked on its democratic transition in the late 1990s. While economic inequality was largely stable and relatively low during the high-growth New Order phase that lasted from the 1970s until the 1990s, it sharply increased during the first decade of the new millennium, reaching a record high in 2011 when the expenditure Gini coefficient touched 0.41. The Gini has started to decline since 2015, albeit slowly. Using earnings data from the labour force survey, six sources of exclusion are identified, including: belonging to the lower income group; low educational attainment; residing in a rural area; working in the informal sector; being female; and having a disability. In general, there has been no meaningful trend of inclusion for the identified groups relative to the reference groups. While Indonesia has placed more serious attention on tackling rising inequality, particularly by expanding infrastructure, connectivity and social assistance, policymakers need to start efficiently targeting those categorized as disadvantaged groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of a study released by the Public Health Agency of Canada in 2012 that focused on student belonging, safety, and inclusion in schools, the Ontario government introduced the Accepting Schools Act (Bill 13), which was successively passed into law that year. As an amendment to the longstanding Education Act, Bill 13 was a turning point for discourse surrounding safe and accepting schools, due to a specific focus on bullying, discrimination, and inclusion in fostering positive school climates. Following the recurrent rhetoric of inclusion, however, Bill 13 - as both policy and practice - failed to locate and identify discrimination and exclusion as both systemic and structural problems. In doing so, Bill 13, and similar inclusive policies to follow, merely advocated for the inclusion of marginalized and "at-risk" students, while continuing to cite and valorize heteronormative, ableist, and colonial values as the benchmark of inclusion and belonging. Using the insights of critical pedagogy, queer studies, and critical disability studies, this paper aims to extend the dialogue of inclusion beyond the student "at-risk," and instead, examine the ways that policy rhetoric upholds hostile and oppressive school climates. Thus, this paper argues for a critical reexamination of the ways in which colonial, ableist, and heterosexist standards of normality manifest in inclusive discourse and practice. In doing so, schools, policy-makers, students, and staff can move beyond damaging discourses that hinder the positive development of queer, two-spirit, trans, and questioning students, and in particular, students whose queerness intersects with their race, class, and/or disability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the tension between Canada's three evidence law goals, the search for truth, the protection of constitutional rights, and the proper administration of justice, by reference to the utilitarian philosophy and jurisprudential theory of Jeremy Bentham. At first glance, Bentham's theory and Canadian evidence law appear incompatible. Bentham's system of evidence is concerned primarily with the search for truth and the rectitude of decision. In this system, all relevant evidence is presumptively admissible. The exclusion of relevant evidence is contrary to the greatest good for the greatest number because exclusion frustrates the search for truth and risks false acquittals. Evidence can only be excluded from trial when exclusion is necessary to avoid a preponderant injustice, such as delay, expense, or vexation. The Canadian approach to the admission of evidence is less inclusionary. While all relevant evidence is presumptively admissible under Canadian law, the Canadian evidence system contains categorical exclusionary rules, Canadian trial judges possess the residual discretion to exclude evidence, and illegally obtained evidence may be excluded from trial pursuant to the Charter. This approach is justified on the grounds that the search for truth must be fair, constitutional, and consistent with the proper administration of justice. This paper uses the example of the contemporary mistrial application to establish that Bentham's theory and Canadian law can be reconciled. While a successful mistrial application will bring an immediate end to the search for truth, Canadian law recognizes that the mistrial remedy may be necessary to avoid a greater injustice. Analysis of the mistrial application and Canadian evidence law goals from a Benthamite perspective demonstrates that Bentham's system of evidence and Canadian evidence law are reconcilable because the philosophy which underlies them is the same. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to land-use conversions for palm oil, mining and other extractive industries, Indonesia remains the largest contributor of greenhouse gases from primary forest loss in the world. Nowhere are solutions to large-scale forest loss more urgently required. To reverse the trend, the Government of Indonesia is banking on carbon market mechanisms like the Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation (REDD+) programme. REDD+ is designed to enable the provision of economic compensations to protect forests by making them more valuable standing than cut down. The Sungai Lamandau REDD+ demonstration activity is unique in Indonesia as the first REDD+ project officially proposed by a community group upon land they hope to manage autonomously. Despite the project's 'bottom-up' architecture, for some, access to Sungai Lamandau's REDD+ benefits remain exclusive. These exclusions are not only something imposed by powerful external actors, but has emerged endogenously, through the everyday functioning of gendered market relations, and community-based socio-environmental and ethno-territorial movements. This paper adopts a feminist-inspired intimacy-geopolitics to explore the nuanced powers of exclusion used by Sungai Lamandau's farmers to access the project's non-monetary REDD+ benefits. The paper focuses on 'intimate exclusions' - everyday processes of accumulation and dispossession among villagers and small-holders. In doing so, it highlights the hazards of developing REDD+ projects structured with limited sympathy for marginalised actors. Although the seemingly 'inclusive' benefits sharing structure attracted excellent ethical carbon credit ratings, the project still failed to address (and even exacerbated) existing inequalities - a root cause of Sungai Lamandau's forest degradation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]