Search

It is noteworthy that as the Russia-Ukraine war enters its third year, China still maintains a firm position consistent with that of the previous year, endeavouring to promote peace talks and ceasefires. This paper employs the content analysis of 97 academic papers on the Ukraine Crisis in Chinese core journals (CSSCI) from February 22, 2022, to February 22, 2024. The research results suggest that Chinese scholars offer a multidimensional analysis of the development of the Russia-Ukraine war. The paper concludes through content analysis and comparison that Chinese scholars share the same stance on the Russia-Ukraine conflict as Chinese officials. First, Chinese scholars call for promoting the transformation of the global energy system, accelerating the development and use of new energy sources, and promoting the development of innovative capabilities to cope with the multiple crises caused by economic sanctions. Second, the Russia-Ukraine war has exacerbated multiple global security crises and traditional and non-traditional security issues, severely affected the global security system, and created a new security dilemma. Third, scholars advocate the concept of “a community with a shared future for mankind” and build a post-Russia-Ukraine war world security pattern.

The aim of this article is to present the most important voices on the role of the US in the international order during Donald Trump's presidency in the debate held in the Foreign Affairs. The authors assume that Foreign Affairs expresses the opinions of the most crucial organisation bringing together the elites of American foreign affairs – the Council on Foreign Relations. The paper proposes a hypothesis according to which there is a difference of opinion due to the adopted theoretical perspective regarding Trump's role in the destruction of the liberal international order among the American power elites, even though they agree that the ideological conflict between democratic and authoritarian countries around the world is escalating. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses the position of the British institutions, of the embassy in Peking and of the consulate general in Kashgar, before the attempt of the Afghan ruler Amānallāh to establish diplomatic relations with the Chinese Republic in 1920. Amānallāh, who ascended the throne of the emirate in 1919, rejected the British protectorate over Afghanistan and his victory in the Third Anglo-Afghan War certified the country’s full independence. The provisional nature of the 1919 Treaty of Rawalpindi, followed by the Anglo-Afghan Treaty of 1921, left many doubts still open about the international status of Afghanistan. Moreover, the proximity between Afghanistan and the Russian Bolsheviks introduced a further ideological element of difficulty in the geopolitical picture of Central Asia after the First World War. Central to the diplomatic dialectic was also the status of Afghan subjects in China, particularly in Hsin-chiang, and to whom their possible consular protection should be entrusted. The last part of the paper is dedicated precisely to the analysis of a specific case, the arrest of a man considered an Afghan by the Chinese, but subject of the princely state of Chitral according to the British. The case helped to better define the boundaries of the matter. The paper is essentially based on British archival sources.

The object of this paper is a geopolitical analysis of the great powers’ competition in the Balkans. The main reason for the research is the unquestionable impact that the Ukrainian crisis, which is divided in the paper into two phases, has on the Balkans. The authors emphasised that competition between the US and Russia is dominant, while China is geopolitically suppressed. For the US, the main geopolitical framework is Euro-Atlanticism and the policy of NATO enlargement as its most important instrument. Also, it was argued that the EU’s approach is completely complementary to NATO’s. Regarding Russia, the phases of the neoEurasian geopolitical concept and their influence on practical policy were explored. Russia’s primary goal is to prevent further NATO expansion, but that policy has experienced several failures in the Balkans. Four scenarios for ending military operations in Ukraine were analysed and their influence on the Balkans assessed. The main conclusion is that the Balkans will continue to be the object of competition between the great powers, and that the extent to which the balance of power between Euro-Atlanticism and Eurasianism will be possible will depend on the outcome of the current Ukrainian crisis.

The paper emphasises the importance of information and communication technologies (ICT) in modern society. In the introductory part of the paper, the authors describe different terms, such as “information environment”, “information superiority”, “information warfare” (IW), and “information operations” (IO). The authors analyse the concepts of IW of the United States of America (US), China, and Russia. The mentioned research subject is directly related to the objective of the paper, aimed at emphasising and explaining strategic documents, manuals, handbooks, and other documents, given in the second part of the paper. The result of the research is the identification of similarities and differences in perceptions and views about information warfare. The authors conclude that at the present moment, all three countries are aware of the importance of information and ICT, especially in the case of armed conflict. The information space is increasingly an area of conflict between the mentioned countries, both in peace and in war. It is estimated that their importance will grow in the future. The advantage and dominance that the US used to have are decreasing in relation to the competitors.

Central Asia, the hub of natural resources, has been the battleground of international power politics among the big powers since long. In order to have influence in the region, the Russian and the British Empires indulge in the "Great Game". However, it ended with the collapse of the Russian empire. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 created an unexpected power vacuum in Central Asia followed by a fierce competition between the big three, Russia, China and US. This competition is commonly known as "The New Great Game" in the present day international politics. The rich energy resources are usually considered the main reason of the renewed interests in the region and provide principal motivation for Russia, China and US. However, the role of energy resources is usually overstated. This paper will identify which other factors along with energy resources should be considered in order to have a broader and comprehensive understanding of the present Geo-political scenario in the Central Asia. Using the Neo-Realist approach, this paper will first analyze the significance of the Central Asian states, how they provoke strategic competition between great powers and how pipeline politics translate it. Finally, the paper will analyses the competing interests of Russia, China and US and the strategies adopted by each for the achievements of its objectives. It will be concluded by stating that how Russia, China and US struggle to attain, keep and enhance power and that energy resources are just a mean to this supreme objective. It will also conclude by asserting that although the great powers behave aggressively and self-interestedly they may find a minimum degree of cooperation to tackle common concerns such as a growing radical Islamism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes Sino-Russian relations in Central Asia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The goal of the analysis is to place the Sino-Russian relations within an appropriate theoretical context and provide a possible outcome of the current balancing in Central Asia. The analysis relies on the Chinese and Russian investments in energy resources, security initiatives, mutual cooperation and activities to contain the US expansion in Central Asia. Although over the last few decades Sino-Russian relations have been based on the US containment policy, security and economic partnership, their relationship is rather complex. The period of severe conflicts between 1917 and 1950 was followed by a progressive era of oil exploration, student exchanges and various other partnerships. The Sino-Russian rapprochement ended in 1960 and started again in 2008. Although they currently have many common interests, Central Asia remains an area of potential dispute for both countries. Analyzing recent Chinese investments in Central Asia, it becomes obvious that Beijing does not intend to withdraw from the region, while Russia is unlikely to continue tolerating the rising Chinese influence in Central Asia, as the Russian role has already been significantly reduced in this region. The pipeline that was supposed to connect Siberia with the Chinese province of Xinjiang has been postponed because Putin believes that it could give China advantage over Russia's internal, as well as external political processes. Putin's decision did not stop China's expansion in Central Asia and Russia is expected to invest significant efforts in order to avoid the Chinese dominance in the region. The Chinese expansion and Russian stagnation complicates their mutual relations, and things get even more complicated if growing US presence in Central Asia are taken into account. This paper analyzes the above-mentioned issues and provides a possible outcome of the current Sino-Russian balancing in Central Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's relationship with Russia has been on an upward trajectory since the late Soviet period, with the strategic partnership growing steadily since the end of the Cold War. Built on political-economic-strategic convergences, the two sides benefit from their cordial engagement, both at the bilateral and multilateral level, without the obligations associated with an alliance relationship. This alignment has ensured that despite the asymmetric nature of this relationship characterised by China's rise, the partnership has gone from strength-to-strength. This has particular implications for Indian foreign policy, which has been dealing with an increasingly aggressive China that is now considered a leading security challenge. The development of the Asian supercomplex has accelerated India's already growing engagement within a regional security complex that is critical for its own security and its future positioning in the international system. Due to implications for India-China ties under conditions of Asian supercomplex, as the Sino-Russian partnership continues to gain strength, its ramifications will reverberate across the whole spectrum of Indo-Russian ties. The article will track the development of Sino-Russian relationship and how it reflects in the emergent regional security complex, before examining the challenges and choices for Indian policymaking in the context of its 'special and privileged strategic partnership' with Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ostensibly, Joe Biden's victory over Donald Trump in the 2020 presidential elections should have placed United States international policy back on a familiar path. However, despite the prevalence of a highly traditional vision of US foreign policy, the Biden administration has maintained significant continuities with the previous administration, as reflected in the policy towards China and the withdrawal from Afghanistan. In part, this is due to the constraints produced by the deep divisions that exist at domestic level. This paper aims to unravel the fundamental elements of Biden's foreign policy, focusing on possible ideological and doctrinal elements, strategic priorities, and any continuities and changes relative to his predecessor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: This paper aims to explore current and perspective trends of relations between Russia and China in Afghanistan and Central Asia. It also analyzes whether the withdrawal of the U.S. and the subsequent Taliban takeover helped—and continues to help—strengthen the two powers' positions in the region and what kind of challenges and benefits they face. The paper examines the hypothesis that the U.S. troop withdrawal from Afghanistan and the Taliban's return to power added to Russia and China's benefits in the region. Methods: The research uses content analysis regarding official documents, political and military elite speeches, interviews, and reports to explain Russia and China’s official positions and policies regarding Afghanistan and Central Asia. Relations between the two powers as regards Afghanistan and Central Asia are comparatively analyzed. The paper uses the neorealist approach, which is fit for explaining relations between Russia and China in Afghanistan and Central Asia. Results: After the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, regional security is now the business of the regional powers, mainly China and Russia. Now they should bear the responsibilities and share the burdens. There is probably more ground for competition after eliminating the threats in Afghanistan and especially in Central Asia for Moscow and Beijing. However, Russia and China will continue to try to align their interests in Afghanistan and Central Asia, especially if their relations with U.S. remain at the current level or worsen in the coming years. Conclusions: Based on the findings, this paper argues that, on the one hand, Russia and China continue to try to take advantage of the instability in the region by stepping up their security and economic influences in Central Asia. However, their stabilizing efforts in Afghanistan following the withdrawal of the U.S., ironically may increase competition between China and Russia.

This paper is an essay on the last moments of a new ideological movement, trumpism, and on the arrival of a new president, Joe Biden, at the White House. Without denying some of Donald Trump's accomplishments as a president (such as moving the US embassy to Jerusalem, brokering Israel's reconciliation with the Gulf countries, strengthening US policies toward China), I believe that his flaws and especially his pathetic response at the end of his term ruined some of the few good things that he did. In the paper, I analyze trumpism as an ideology, how it came to the events of January 6, 2021, with an attack on the Capitol, and what would be the challenges that the Republican Party will face in the next years. President Joe Biden took office with an open agenda to reset, metaphorically speaking, the White House, and to reverse Trump's decisions. I analyze some of the appointments Biden made for his staff and administration, what is expected from his policies, and what his solutions will probably be. I put a particular focus on Joe Biden's possible foreign policy, analysing the Putin-Xi-Biden triplet equation.

Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper elaborates on the geostrategic significance of the Mediterranean and the Mediterranean Sea in the past, as a precondition for consideration of current and future events in this macro-region. The author firstly considers the manifestation of the power, influence and interests of the great powers in the Mediterranean through a historical and spatial perspective. The paper analyses political and economic changes in the Mediterranean through the theoretical and practical approach of great powers` navies engagement. The author points out that the geopolitical and geostrategic importance of the Mediterranean will further increase in the future, as a result of constant regional and global aspirations to increase the political and economic dynamics of this region. The growing competition between the United States and China will have a direct impact on the Mediterranean. The author concludes that the Mediterranean will remain a „testing polygon“ for the United States, China and Russia, and a region in which political and economic processes and strategic changes in the world could be witnessed most obviously.

The primary objective of this paper is to trace the shifting balance of power in favour of China in South Asia by examining the Sino-Russo entente. The trajectories of their strategic relations have gained momentum after the announcement of the 'Asia Pivot ' and the unfolding of the Crimean crisis. As their synergy is currently changing the status quo of south Asian states, the paper has attempted to explore three main factors fo r the same. Moscow-Beijing-Tehran Axis; warming up of Russo-Pak ties and China's revival of the old silk route have been analysed to examine their respective consequences in altering the balance of power. Also, India's concerns have been addressed and some policy options have been discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Western Balkans has been and remains a particularly dense zone in terms of the number of actors present, where the interests of all the leading actors in world politics are bizarrely intertwined. The Ukrainian crisis has added spice to the Balkan agenda, reviving “frozen conflicts” not only within the borders of the region but also beyond its perimeter. Directly dependent on the outcome of the armed confrontation in Ukraine and separately from it, a clash or, at least, an intensification of external actors in the Balkan direction seems inevitable. The historical-systemic approach used in the study and the paradigm of multipolarity made it possible to trace the probable directions of activity of both regional and external actors. Based on a wide range of sources, the work provides a panorama of the foreign policy positioning of regional capitals; identifies major and minor external actors; shows the transformation of approaches and practical steps of key actors through the prism of the ongoing crisis. External actors - the European Union (EU), China, Great Britain, Russia and the United States - are divided into groups in accordance with their positions regarding the pre-crisis Balkans and the Balkans in the face of the fierce confrontation between Russia and the West. Among Western interests, special attention is paid to Great Britain, whose activity in the Western Balkans after Brexit is affiliated with the West in general, but not with the United States (despite all the history of strategic partnership in the region) and, moreover, with the EU separately. Against the background of the dominance of Western institutions in the region, the paper traces, however, the growing role of China, as well as external actors of the “second plan” with an oriental flavor: Türkiye, Iran, and the states of the Persian Gulf. An analysis of Russia’s prospects in the region has shown that the crisis in the system of international relations has largely nullified the results achieved earlier. The degree of Russia’s involvement in the crisis raises the question of its resource capacity, the ability to further maintain its own positions. Additional difficulties will be associated with the consolidated efforts of the Western allies and other external actors, including China, to balance Russian influence and presence in the Western Balkans.

There are a variety of literatures that illuminate the logic and character of the post -Cold War transformation of the global system. One literature explores the rise and decline of the great powers and the international orders that they establish and dominate. This paper explores the evolution of the international system in historical perspective with particular emphasis on the role of the United States before and after the end of the Cold War against a backdrop of broader global context. It concentrates on the end of bipolarity and the emergence of unipolar system with American dominance and hegemony and its further decline. Washington failed to endorse with practical means its declared goal of “benign hegemon”. The author makes a comparative analysis between the dawn of the British Empire and current stage of crisis development of the United States with principal issue of transformation of the world order from unipolarity to multipolarity or from single power dominance to a more balanced international system. The paper also touches upon the strategic errors the American elite has made in its relationship with Russia and China referring to them as ”adversaries and revisionist powers” hostile to the US. America shortsightedly opened the gates of modernisation before China in the vain hope to make it an ally against the Soviet Union only to be disappointed later. And it underestimated the significance of rapid Russian assertion after the break up of the Soviet Union only to have a unique situation of “two fronts” in American history. As a result of his research the author comes to a conclusion and thoroughly substantiates it with facts that a new world order emerges which can be referred to as “improved status -quo” or alternative order with new economic, financial and political institutions in sight as opposed to the old Breton - Woods system of post WW2 American dominance. Still the open question persists whether this transformation can be peaceful and consensual or fraught with new hardship for the people and even military confrontation among great powers.

The article deals with the main purposes, opportunities and risks of the Republic of Korea’s involvement in integration projects. The author stresses the basic principles of South Korean foreign economic strategy, including common views of the different president administrations on key foreign economic priorities, including constant support of business expansion towards the most prominent markets. The analysis focuses also on new methods of support of national business interests: the transition from rigid defense of domestic market to adoption to growing competition at home as far as foreign partners agreed to open their markets to South Korean export. The paper describes role of bilateral Free Trade Agreements (FTA) and regional mega-projects in South Korea’s foreign economic diplomacy. Comparison study of bilateral Free Trade Agreements between the Republic of Korea on the one side, European Union, the USA and China on the other sides. The author characterizes growing role of China and other East Asian countries for South Korean economy the ROK-China Free Trade Agreement, including some obstacles and limitations to upgrade development of bilateral economic exchanges. Special attention paid to positive and negative factors, influenced on economic integrations between China, Japan and the Republic of Korea. The paper describes Seoul’s interests in economic integration projects in East Asia, including involvement in joint economic projects with ASEAN. The author analyses the Republic of Korea’s attitude to regional mega-projects in Asia-Pacific region such as Trans-Pacific Partnership. Finally the article describes modern stage and possible development of Russia-South Korea economic relations and contains forecast of the main trends of the Republic of Korea’s involvement in integration projects in East Asia and in Asia-Pacific region in general.

In 2014 the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation(SCO) paved the way for Mongolia to accede to full membership.Historically, Mongolia's relations with the outside world were dominated by its relationship with China and Russia, which are Mongolia's sole geographic neighbours. Even in light of the strong development of Mongolia's "Third Neighbour" policy, China and Russia continue to be important factors in Mongolia's foreign policy, besides being the largest and most powerful members of the SCO. Mongolia's decision to join the SCO, however, was made to enhance Mongolian security. The decision did not necessarily result from the Sino-Russian geopolitical pressure, but the geographic as well as political and economic realities of Mongolia's existence mean it will inevitably maintain close ties with Beijing and Moscow. This paper argues that Mongolian accession to the SCO will not fundamentally alter the country's postcommunist foreign policy of balancing between China, Russia and Mongolia's "third neighbour", but rather will bring many benefits for Mongolian security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines U.S. engagement in Central Asia over the past two decades, with specific reference to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. While alarmist voices occasionally warn of the threat to American interests from China and Russia through the SCO, the organization's influence appears limited. Washington has engaged it only sporadically, preferring to conduct relations bilaterally with the Central Asian states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Internacionales is the property of Instituto de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Focusing on the resilience of distinctive local consumption cultures, this paper challenges some of the more sweeping claims that have been advanced in the name of ‘globalization’. Thinking about a ‘globalizing’ rather than a fully ‘globalized’ world encourages us to examine the deeply contested nature of the concept and to explore the geographically uneven nature of recent economic, political and cultural transformations. This paper approaches globalization as a site of struggle rather than as an established fact, emphasizing the need for empirically grounded studies of the impact of ‘globalization’ on consumer cultures in different geographical contexts. The paper examines the way that producers have ‘customized’ their products for different markets (drawing on evidence from China and South Africa). It then reviews case study evidence from three contrasting consumption cultures: consumption and ‘public culture’ in India, ‘consumer nationalism’ in China, and ‘artful consumption’ in Russia. The paper concludes by identifying some current debates and outlining some directions for future research, including a re-emphasis on consumption and material culture; an exploration of consumption as social practice; the delineation of commodity-specific consumption cultures; and some reflections on the political, ethical and methodological issues that are being raised in contemporary consumption research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Ukrainian crisis has reverberated throughout the troubled region of the Balkans in Southern Europe, exposing deep-seated cracks and fractures that have long characterized this geopolitical area. The crisis has not only highlighted divisions between local states but also between communities and ethno-religious groups. In many cases, these intraregional contradictions are exacerbated by external actors and their demands. This article examines the foreign policy priorities and orientations of Western Balkan capitals within the "five plus one" format states (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Serbia, and the partially recognized "Republic of Kosovo") in light of the crisis in Ukraine, illustrating the interplay between regional dynamics and international crises.Drawing on a wide range of sources, including official documents and opinion polls on foreign policy, this paper identifies regional discrepancies in the perception and assessment of the ongoing Ukrainian conflict. The study employs a historical-systemic approach and neorealism principles to discern potential directions for political institutions in the external context. The analysis reveals that a fragile "balance of threats" persists in the region, heavily influenced by the goals and interests of external actors such as the EU, NATO, the United States, Russia, and to a lesser extent, China and Turkey.The military and political disengagement observed in 2022 mirrors the alignment of local players witnessed in 2014, but with a significant difference: the West now expects all participants in the "five plus one" format to fully adhere to their joint foreign policy, including implementing restrictive measures against the Russian Federation. This presents a challenging dilemma for Belgrade and Banja Luka, as they cannot overlook the widespread support for Russia's actions among the Serbian population. Any anti-Russian steps taken by local authorities may lead to serious internal political conflicts in both Serbia and Republika Srpska, with far-reaching implications for regional stability.

Year by year, the Arctic is becoming an increasingly complex geopolitical and geoeconomic epicenter of interaction and simultaneous confrontation between Arctic and non-Arctic actors in international relations. In particular, China has already “put its hands” （插手）to the Arctic region, being a non-Arctic state. Using diplomatic language, the PRC was able not only to conduct a number of scientific studies as an official observer at the Arctic Council, but also to build up economic ties with the Arctic countries over a relatively short period of time. The purpose of our study is to identify the institutional features of China’s emerging Arctic identity. The main methodological framework of the study is the analysis of regions through the prism of mega- and meso-areas (Osamu Ieda) and the concept of regional security complexes (B. Buzana and O. Vever). The author is also actively researching the main strategic document of the PRC (the White Paper on the Arctic), the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, a number of relevant international, national conventions and agreements, regulatory legal acts, international reports, statements and media materials. The author considers the identification of institutional features of the Chinese Arctic identity to be the main result of the study. The article also forecasts China’s further geostrategic course towards the Arctic region.

This article focuses on the reasons for both increasing attention to Eurasian ideology among political and scientific circles in Russia and the Chinese interest in Central Asia. Given a realistic paradigm, the authors analyzed aspects of Russian and Chinese foreign policy in the context of strengthening their influence in the region. Based on traditional values the ideology of Eurasianism is considered as a basis of Russias foreign policy in Central Asia. The authors paid attention to an analysis of the effectiveness of the Russian concept of Eurasianism and the Chinese initiative the Belt and Road Initiative, reminiscent of the Silk Road, in Central Asia. The paper covers theoretical-analytical and systemic-historical methods that offered an opportunity both to analyze the approaches of Russia and China to strengthen their influence in Central Asia and to examine the possibilities and contradictions of cooperation between Russia and China in Central Asia. The authors consider an interface among the EAEU and the Belt and Road Initiative as an opportunity to increase the efficiency of Russian-Chinese interaction, to create significant benefits to the countries in the Central Asia, and to expand the Russian and Chinese presence in the region. The authors pointed out the strengths and weaknesses of Russia and China in their interaction with the countries of Central Asia. Although Russia enjoys significant advantages, China is strengthening its presence in the region by its investments. The main hypothesis of this article is that the interface among the EAEU and the Belt and Road Initiative initiatives may curb competition between Russia and China in Central Asia, but the authors do not rule out the Shanghai scenario, which demonstrates a gradual strengthening of Chinas position.

The ambition of the paper is to analyze the major characteristics of the Chinese energy policy towards the most important producers of natural gas in China’s neighborhood. The analytical perspectives of a strategic approach to energy security and state-centric realism are used to work with case studies of Sino-Russian and Sino-Turkmen relations from the energy security perspective. The paper concludes that China’s energy policy towards the given producers in Russia and Turkmenistan comes significantly close to the selected analytical perspectives and that natural gas has become an important part of the strategic considerations of the Chinese political leadership. This conclusion, however, applies more to Turkmenistan and less to Russia, as in the case of the Sino-Russian relations, both parties fail to achieve a mutual complementarity, and economic thinking prevails over Beijing’s strategic interests.

Tracing the debate on the importance and influence of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) on regional security integration in Central Asia, this work assesses the degree of its integration. It mainly addresses the interplay between individual state security needs, norms and identities. My proposed perspective is based on constructivism, informed by the English school. The paper concludes that security cooperation between SCO member states in the security environment is impacted by three factors 1) security, influenced by 2) identities and norms, inducing states to utilise 3) the functions of organisation to their needs. The work explores the implications of such security cooperation in the context of perceptions and the conduct of cooperation research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to examine the rigor of civilizational values in modern international law as a crucial factor and how historically different civilizational values have inculcated different approaches to international law. While critiquing the civilizational rhetoric built by European nations in creating Eurocentric international law, this article illuminates how international law has been perceived by China and Russia following their historical complexities as unique states. The results emerging from this paper will demonstrate the diversity in international law in across different countries.

In the opinion of many researchers, Sino-Serbian bilateral relations during the COVID-19 pandemic have hit an all-time high. The People’s Republic of China was the first country to aid Serbia in the face of internal problems within the European Union. The EU’s inconsistent policy during the global health crisis has enabled political and economic rapprochement of Belgrade with Beijing and Moscow. In addition, it seems that the political influence of the United States and the European Union on the domestic and foreign policy of Serbia is weakening. Due to the specificity of Serbian media, the Chinese republic is also gaining many supporters among Serb citizens. The pro-government media coverage is supplemented by the government’s praise of the Chinese leadership. Regarding the Four Pillar Foreign Policy strategy introduced by the then President Boris Tadić, it appears that despite Serbia’s ongoing EU accession process, the People’s Republic of China appears to be the most significant ‘pillar’ in Serbia’s foreign policy during COVID-19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The regular World Economic Forum (WEF) took place in Davos against the background of aggravation of the geopolitical and trade conflicts, strengthening of protectionism, deterioration in an economic situation in the EU and uncertainty with Brexit. A number of world leaders refused participation in it at the last minute. It caused pessimism of participants and raised an issue of future role of Davos as leading discussion platform on world economy and policy. The paper considers results of the 49th WEF and the prospects of the further development of WEF.

By treating militarism and personalism as institutional constraints on foreign policy, this article examines the role and influence of these constraints on the foreign policies of Russia and China. By looking at empirical evidence the authors argue that domestic institutional constraints in each country have exhibited distinctly different patterns throughout the last twenty years, and this can to some extent explain the difference in their respective foreign policies. However, institutional personalism in China has recently become more similar to that of Russia. The authors argue that current Russian foreign policy bears some elements of similarity suggesting future developments in Chinese foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current state of bilateral relations between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China is described by many international relations experts as the best in history. After taking the president office by Donald Trump, the bilateral relations between America and abovementioned powers are cooling down. Current foreign policy of the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation focuses on holding a common position in the international political arena, which is in fact an attempt to counter-weight political influence of the US administration and their allies. The dimension of the strategic partnership between China and Russia is also determining the mutual economic dependence, which is now crucial for both powers to build a strong position on the international forum. In addition, Russia is one of the crucial partners for the Chinese-led Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) – by many recognized as the Chinese attempt to break the American economic domination. The collisional course of the American foreign policy towards Russia and China forces the latter to look for Central and Eastern European allies as well as to gain influence in the region of Central Asia which is leading to a constant increase in tensions between China and Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey is well poised to become a Eurasian transport hub connecting Europe with Asia, the East with the West. While the country is blessed with a prime geographical location in this respect, it also needs infrastructure development within its territory, and enhanced connectivity with neighboring countries and the region in general. Turkey's recent cooperation with China within the framework of the latter's Belt and Road Initiative is an important development in this sense; however, there should be more cooperation with other regional powers as well, especially with Russia. Transport corridors favored by Turkey and by Russia, or routes that cross the territories of these countries, do not necessarily compete with or substitute for each other; they could rather function as parts of a holistic network of Eurasian connectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"East" and "West" have long been prominent categories in the history of technology. The historical literature that claims to deal with comparisons or connections between East and West from a technological point of view is rich and fascinating. Yet, so far there has been no attempt to succinctly summarize or synthesize the main findings. This article takes a first step towards such a synthesis. It does so by addressing technological interaction between three broadly defined geographical regions: (1) Western Europe and North America; (2) Eastern Europe, Russia and Central Asia; and (3) the non-Russian Far East. The article suggests that East-West studies in the history of technology can be divided into three sets, which would benefit from greater interaction with each other: studies of East-West and West- East technology transfer; studies comparing the evolution of Eastern and Western technological levels and technological "styles"; and studies of large technical systems that materially interconnect East and West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relations between China and North Korea are troubled and look like they will continue to deteriorate. The deterioration is largely the result of both states going through especially turbulent leadership transitions, which are changing decades-old patterns of governance. Moreover, Chinese and North Korean foreign policy goals conflict more than before, and this ensures a continued downward spiral in ties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the primary objective of international relations on the Korean peninsula is the enhancement of regional and therefore global political stability rather than de-nuclearization of the peninsula or the re-unification of the Republic of Korea (ROK) with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) as is frequently argued. While some may contend that de-nuclearization and re-unification will result in greater regional stability, this article argues that depending upon the timing and methods used, either of these events or both in concert could in fact decrease the stability of the region and even precipitate open conflict amongst the various stakeholders. The best approach to achieving the goal of stability in the region is a process of relatively slow and gradual change that will originate from within the DPRK resulting in the disintegration of the regime rather than its collapse, a process that ideally will be contained by the other states in the region in cooperation with each other. Factors that will contribute to this process include the changing dynamics of regional international relations, the specific interests of regional stakeholders, evolutions in modern communications technology, and the shifting forces of domestic economics and politics within the DPRK itself. Those who continue to advocate immediate de-nuclearization and re-unification as a means of enhancing security and stability on the Korean peninsula should be careful of what they wish for. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given China's rising power and its growing influence in post-Soviet Central Asia, Russia's active advertising of the merits of the China-inspired Shanghai Cooperation Organization looks surprising. However, when one explores the many geopolitical advantages that Moscow can extract from this young multilateral organization, its interest appears more than justified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following pages analyse the motivations behind the Russian and Chinese vetoes that prevented three Security Council resolutions from entering into force. In particular, their commonly accepted argument that they used their veto power in order to prevent a repetition of the regime change that happened in Libya will be challenged on various grounds as it seems that it was not an outright objection of regime change but rather the frustration of having been left aside during the post- Gaddafi scramble for oil and other economic benefits, that led to their voting behaviour. In addition, Russia almost had no other option than using its veto power because of its close ties to the Assad regime. Here, Libya rather created an environment of distrust that Russia cling on its ally in fear that a newly-imposed regime would not continue this special relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the author considers a number of aspects of international relations between Russia and North Korea. Of primary importance is an examination of Russia's two most important objectives in the pursuit of relations with North Korea: a ban of nuclear weapons for that country and the promotion of Russian influence in North Korea as a counterweight to the importance of the United States and Japan on the Korean peninsular. The author examines the failure of Russia's anti-nuclear campaign and its position going forward.

Russia and China are two big players in the international system, both of which share interests and concerns and compete for preponderance and affirmation at the regional level. As a framework for political-military cooperation, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) frames this relationship in an institutional setting that might be understood as a tool for rapprochement between Moscow and Beijing or as a strategic manoeuvre for balancing an unbalanced international order. Thus the following question arises: is Russian-Chinese cooperation discourse mere political rhetoric or does it imply the intentional forging of a goal-orientated partnership? The relationship between Russia and China in political and security terms reveals identifiable common concerns, such as counter-terrorism or the fight against organised crime, while simultaneously masking the underpinning drivers, based on realpolitik dynamics and image construction on both sides (power projection, regional affirmation). This means that the strategic partnership dialogue between Moscow and Beijing is still far from being real. Realpolitik considerations rise above institutional goals, showing the lines of (dis)continuity in discourse and practice in this bilateral relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the debate among relevant sections of Russia's foreign policy elite regarding the country's military-technological cooperation policy with China and changing views under Presidents Yeltsin and Putin. Russian views are ambivalent at best and significantly affected by the dynamics of U.S.-Russian relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The unconventional and non-traditional trajectory of the US foreign policy, in the regime of Donald Trump, has already undone decades of the American diplomacy, evoking an intense reaction from friends and foes alike. This downward trend is not only bewildering America's staunch allies in Europe and Asia but also bringing new realisation to the rising and resurgent powers that the era of unprecedented US global hegemony is over. The retreat in the US global leadership has neither been because of "imperial overstretch" nor the "domestic under-reach" but through voluntary relinquishing of power and responsibility along with abdication of power, however, inadvertently. The US foreign policy, under the Trump administration is altering the US relationship with erstwhile allies and affecting its ability to obtain the desired outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]