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Copyright of Anthropologica is the property of CASCA and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper intervenes in debates on education and social reproduction, developing the link between ‘parental choice’, class status and spatial mobility. Drawing on research in Canada and Hong Kong with migrant students and ‘returnee’ graduates, it demonstrates the relationship between ‘choice’, social class and international mobility, arguing that geographies of middle-class decisionmaking in education have been recently transformed with the growth of a multi-billion dollar international education market. The paper unpacks the meanings and consequences of international education in Hong Kong, revealing how migration to Canada has enabled middle-class families to accumulate a more valuable form of cultural capital in a ‘Western’ university degree. It argues for a geographically sensitive account of the relative value of international education and its close links with both class reproduction and place-based transnational social networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Sociology is the property of Canadian Journal of Sociology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

BACKGROUND: Studies across the globe generally reported increased mortality risks associated with particulate matter with aerodynamic diameter ≤2.5 μm (PM2.5) exposure with large heterogeneity in the magnitude of reported associations and the shape of concentration-response functions (CRFs). We aimed to evaluate the impact of key study design factors (including confounders, applied exposure model, population age, and outcome definition) on PM2.5 effect estimates by harmonizing analyses on three previously published large studies in Canada [Mortality-Air Pollution Associations in Low Exposure Environments (MAPLE), 1991-2016], the United States (Medicare, 2000-2016), and Europe [Effects of Low-Level Air Pollution: A Study in Europe (ELAPSE), 2000-2016] as much as possible. METHODS: We harmonized the study populations to individuals 65+ years of age, applied the same satellite-derived PM2.5 exposure estimates, and selected the same sets of potential confounders and the same outcome. We evaluated whether differences in previously published effect estimates across cohorts were reduced after harmonization among these factors. Additional analyses were conducted to assess the influence of key design features on estimated risks, including adjusted covariates and exposure assessment method. A combined CRF was assessed with meta-analysis based on the extended shape-constrained health impact function (eSCHIF). RESULTS: More than 81 million participants were included, contributing 692 million person-years of follow-up. Hazard ratios and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) for all-cause mortality associated with a 5-μg/m³ increase in PM2.5 were 1.039 (1.032, 1.046) in MAPLE, 1.025 (1.021, 1.029) in Medicare, and 1.041 (1.014, 1.069) in ELAPSE. Applying a harmonized analytical approach marginally reduced difference in the observed associations across the three studies. Magnitude of the association was affected by the adjusted covariates, exposure assessment methodology, age of the population, and marginally by outcome definition. Shape of the CRFs differed across cohorts but generally showed associations down to the lowest observed PM2.5 levels. A common CRF suggested a monotonically increased risk down to the lowest exposure level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Regional Science / Revue Canadienne des Sciences Régionales is the property of Canadian Regional Science Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

THIS PAPER PRESENTS a reinterpretation of the causes for the US Patriot movement of 1837-38, which rose up in support of the Canadian rebellion in Upper Canada (UC) initiated by William Lyon Mackenzie (the companion rebellion in Lower Canada is not considered in this paper since its causation was arguably considerably different). Most traditional treatments of this event, by US historians in particular, are stuck in narrative mode and lack convincing interpretation and analysis. The US Patriot war is usually quickly dismissed as the work of a few Anglophobes and adventurers seeking land and coin. The hypothesis advanced here suggests that the US Patriot movement and its progenitor rebellion in UC may be seen as an expression of the social class tensions growing out of the transition from a subsistence-barter/household economy and culture to the more impersonal commodity market economy - a transition that was proceeding in an uneven and combined manner on both sides of the nominal Canada/US border. Mackenzie's UC rebellion was both motivated by and encouragement to radical Democratic anti-bank forces in the US. Historians are urged to consider the Patriot movement in the larger context of class conflict and accommodation then being played out on a shared Canadian/American stage [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

NO PERSUASIVE ACCOUNT of labour in Australia and Canada can ignore the impact that immigration has wrought on the composition of the working class and preoccupations of workers, unions, and the varied political parties they have sponsored. Highlighting both similarities and differences between countries, the paper explores the paradoxical relationship that immigration has had with the labour movements of Australia and Canada. Although immigrants have been a critical source of union recruits, new ideas, and leaders (this being especially true for British skilled men), their presence was also long a source of concern, chauvinism, and division within predominantly white, Anglo-Celtic, and male-dominated union movements that adopted exclusionary policies, particularly regarding Asian and continental European workers. A more recent shift towards non-racist and inclusive policies unfortunately has not obliterated labour segmentation along racial and ethnic lines, especially job ghettos for immigrant women. Meanwhile, global restructuring and the loss of hard-earned union protections have increased immigrant workers' historic vulnerability. In explaining differences in the two countries -for example, Australia's greater 'success' at restricting non-white immigration before 1945 and Canada's earlier experience with a racially diverse work force - the paper cautions against easy generalizations, pointing instead to a series of historically contingent factors (such as 'accidents' of geography and differing political developments) that on some occasions led to rather different outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the influence of social class, occupational experiences, and a variety of stratification factors on the ranking of a set of important life goals. Based on a national sample of Canadians from 1977, the findings indicate modest class differences in the evaluation of four "self-actualization" values. Specifically, middle class respondents rank "self-development," "achievement," and "activism" as more important than do working class respondents. There are no significant differences on the fourth concern, "independence." Multi-variate analysis reveals that the class differences in values are wholly attributable to differences in occupational experiences and educational training in the two class groupings. These findings are consistent with Kohn's thesis of "class and conformity." Additional controls on a set of stratification factors—sex, income, age, and language group (English/French)—suggest almost no differences between dominant and subordinate groups in the ranking of the four values. Only age has a significant influence, with the young rating self-actualization as more important than the old. The implications of these results for the study of dominant values and ideology and for the relationship between social inequality and values are briefly considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Sociology is the property of Canadian Journal of Sociology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Sociology is the property of Canadian Journal of Sociology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Sociology is the property of Canadian Journal of Sociology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Socioeconomic status scales have been central to the status-attainment approach to the study of stratification, an approach that became dominant in the United States and Canada in the 1960s and 1970s. In this literature, qualitative distinctions among occupations are replaced by a quantitative measure of their status or prestige. Researchers working within the status-attainment tradition often refer to socioeconomic status simply as occupation. This shorthand is revealing in that it captures the central claim of the status-attainment literature: that what is important about occupations for the study of social differentiation is their status or prestige. The purpose of this paper is to show that the conceptualization and measurement of occupational status do not bring into focus the structured inequality between women and men in the workforce. It is believed that this shortcoming is unsurprising in view of the failure of the Weberian and functionalist traditions to treat gender inequality as central to the study of stratification.

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Sociology is the property of Canadian Journal of Sociology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Sociology is the property of Canadian Journal of Sociology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background: Accessing healthcare for immigrants in Canada is complicated by many difficulties. With the continued and upward trend of immigration to Canada, it is crucial to identify the solutions to the barriers from the perspectives of different immigrant communities as they encounter them including the relatively smaller and less studied population groups of immigrants. As such, Nepalese immigrants in Canada are a South Asian ethnic group who have their own distinct language, culture, and socio-economic backgrounds, however, their experience with accessing healthcare in Canada is scarce in the literature. Methods: We conducted 12 focus group discussions with first-generation Nepalese immigrants who had experiences with primary care use in Canada. Informed consent and demographic information were obtained before each focus group discussion. The verbatim transcription of the focus groups was analyzed using thematic analysis. Results: The participants expressed a range of potential solutions to overcome the barriers, which we presented using the socio-ecological framework into 4 different levels. This includes individual-, community-, service provider-, and government/policy-levels. Individual-level actions included improving self-awareness and knowledge of health in general and navigating the healthcare system and proactively improving the language skills and assimilating into the Canadian culture. Examples of community-level actions included community events to share health information with immigrants, health literacy programs, and driving/carpooling to clinics or hospitals. Actions at the service provider level were mainly focused on enhancing communications, cultural competency training for providers, and ensuring to hire primary care workforce representing various ethnocultural backgrounds. Overall, focus group participants believed that the provincial and federal government, as appropriate, should increase support for dental and vision care support and take actions to increase the healthcare capacity, particularly by employing internationally graduated health professionals. Conclusions: Access to primary care is essential for the health of immigrant populations in Canada. Individuals, community organizations, health service providers, and governments need to work both individually and collaboratively to improve immigrants' primary care access. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: We reviewed the literature on the association between pre-pregnancy multimorbidity (co-occurrence of two or more chronic conditions) and adverse maternal outcomes in pregnancy and postpartum. Data sources: Medline, EMBASE, and CINAHL were searched from inception to September, 2021. Study selection: Observational studies were eligible if they reported on the association between ≥ 2 co-occurring chronic conditions diagnosed before conception and any adverse maternal outcome in pregnancy or within 365 days of childbirth, had a comparison group, were peer-reviewed, and were written in English. Data extraction and synthesis: Two reviewers used standardized instruments to extract data and rate study quality and the certainty of evidence. A narrative synthesis was performed. Results: Of 6,381 studies retrieved, seven met our criteria. There were two prospective cohort studies, two retrospective cohort studies, and 3 cross-sectional studies, conducted in the United States (n=6) and Canada (n=1), and ranging in size from n=3,110 to n=57,326,681. Studies showed a dose-response relation between the number of co-occurring chronic conditions and risk of adverse maternal outcomes, including severe maternal morbidity or mortality, hypertensive disorders of pregnancy, and acute health care use in the perinatal period. Study quality was rated as strong (n=1), moderate (n=4), or weak (n=2), and the certainty of evidence was very low to moderate. Conclusion: Given the increasing prevalence of chronic disease risk factors such as advanced maternal age and obesity, more research is needed to understand the impact of pre-pregnancy multimorbidity on maternal health so that appropriate preconception and perinatal supports can be developed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Issues / Thèmes Canadiens is the property of Association for Canadian Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Canada is not immune to the dramatic economic changes that are transforming society in other industrialized countries, where once-thriving factory and resource towns are dying, while educated knowledge workers in more cosmopolitan centres prosper. Where this growing inequality between communities and social classes takes root, worrisome social and political developments can develop, such as the polarization occurring in the U.S. and parts of Europe. Canada's 10 largest cities have been the primary driver of economic growth in recent years, and Canada is unusual in the degree to which its population is concentrated in a relatively small number of cities. To date, Canada's largest cities have been doing well and Canada has not so far seen the contrast so evident in the United States between highly successful cities and large cities in decline, such as Detroit and Cleveland. However, a ranking of national cities using "vitality" scores highlights a growing inequality between Canada's largest cities and its midsize and smaller cities. In many communities in the Atlantic region, in Quebec beyond its two major cities, and in the northern regions of B.C. and Ontario, harder times may lie ahead. Their populations are stagnating, their employment rates for people of prime working age are distressingly low, and their proportion of lowincome families is high. Urban decline can lead to further poverty, significant population aging and more pressure on higher levels of government to provide services that these communities can no longer afford. The strength of cities primarily revolves today around human capital and the ability of a community to develop or attract a highly skilled labour force. If Canada is to avoid a future where just a few cities are economic and demographic "winners" and the rest are "losers," policy-makers will need to consider how to help keep midsized cities from being increasingly left behind, whether that be through diversifying immigration patterns, targeted investment outside large urban areas, or other approaches. The pandemic, which has led some employers to rethink the need to keep workers in expensive big-city downtown offices, could create new opportunities to reinvigorate smaller, lower-cost centres. However, without a change in the pattern of divergence between Canada's dynamic cities and the rest, the societal and political strife that has unfolded elsewhere could someday happen here. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have only just begun to examine elements of young adolescents' social ecologies that explain naturalistic variation in trait mindfulness and its development over time. We argue that trait mindfulness develops as a function of chronically encountered ecologies that are likely to foster or thwart the repeated enactment of mindful states over time. Using data from 4,593 fourth and seventh grade students (50% female; MageG4 = 9.02; 71% English first language) from 32 public school districts in British Columbia (BC), Canada, we examined links from peer belonging, connectedness with adults at home, and peer victimization to mindfulness over time. Variable-centered analyses indicated that young adolescents with lower victimization in fourth grade reported higher mindfulness in seventh grade, and that cross-sectionally within seventh grade victimization, peer belonging, and connectedness with adults at home were each associated with mindfulness. Contrary to our hypothesis, connectedness with adults at home moderated the longitudinal association between victimization and mindfulness such that the negative association was stronger among young adolescents with high (vs. low) levels of connectedness with adults at home. Person-centered analysis of the fourth graders' data confirmed our variable-centered findings, yielding four latent classes of social ecology whose mindfulness levels in seventh grade largely tracked with their victimization levels (from highest to lowest mindfulness): (1) flourishing relationships, (2) unvictimized but weak relationships with adults, (3) moderately victimized but strong relationships, and (4) victimized but strong relationships. Overall, our findings contribute to a growing body of evidence indicating that trait mindfulness may develop as a function of ecologically normative experiences in young adolescents' everyday lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The `Willis thesis' has two component claims. The first is that class inequalities in educational outcomes occur in part through working-class misbehaviour in schools, and that underachievement is associated with male and female forms of gender traditionalism. The second claim is that this misbehaviour constitutes a working- class cultural resistance. In this paper the first component is operationalized and tested in a statistical model of student plans in Ontario, Canada. Results show that misbehaviour is a weak conduit for differential class outcomes, though expected gender patterns emerge. While noting that findings may reflect British/Canadian differences and that recent de-industrialization may mute traditional class-related student responses, I argue that Resistance theorists have over-extended their claims, and that gender, rather than class background, is a more durable source of cultural reproduction through school underachievement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to examine the extent to which the writing of the history of both women and of the Canadian working class has converged over the last ten years, to suggest other ways in which integration of the two could be sought, and also to suggest some basic conflicts between the paradigms of each which point to areas where integration seems unlikely. It argues that if the goal of writing a history of the totality of the working class is a shared one, areas of Intersection between the two fields must be consciously sought out. New ways of integrating the history of women and of the working class must be sought. For a start, this requires a reconceptualization of the way we define the working class and work, examination of the processes of class reproduction, and acknowledgement of the importance of examining how gender definitions are transmitted, shaped and reshaped. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THIS PAPER EXAMINES two basic conceptual flaws in H. Clare Pentland's influential history of the early Canadian working class, Labour and Capital in Canada, 1650-1 850. First, Pentland's eclectic use of Marxist, staples thesis, and Weberian approaches makes for a fundamentally incoherent treatment of the subject. Second, focusing on "labour" (that is, waged labour) and "capital," Pentland neglects the central features of Canada's pre-capitalist social formations: features such as the household economy of production and direct consumption, which had little to do with waged labour or capital. Because his understanding of pre-capitalist society is so defective, Pentland is unable to deal adequately with the transition to capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Studies in Population is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Sociology is the property of Canadian Journal of Sociology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background: Data on the social determinants of health can help primary care practices target improvement efforts, yet relevant data are rarely available. Our family practice located in Toronto, Ontario routinely collects patient-level sociodemographic data via a pilot-tested survey developed by a multi-organizational steering committee. We sought to use these data to assess the relationship between the social determinants and colorectal, cervical and breast cancer screening, and to describe the opportunities and challenges of using data on social determinants from a self-administered patient survey. Methods: Patients of the family practice eligible for at least one of the three cancer screening types, based on age and screening guidelines as of June 30, 2015 and who had answered at least one question on a socio-demographic survey were included in the study. We linked self-reported data from the sociodemographic survey conducted in the waiting room with patients' electronic medical record data and cancer screening records. We created an individual-level income variable (low-income cut-off) that defined a poverty threshold and took household size into account. The sociodemographic characteristics of patients who were overdue for screening were compared to those who were up-to-date for screening for each cancer type using chi-squared tests. Results: We analysed data for 5766 patients for whom we had survey data. Survey participants had significantly higher screening rates (72.9, 78.7, 74.4% for colorectal, cervical and breast cancer screening respectively) than the 13, 036 patients for whom we did not have survey data (59.2, 65.3, 58.9% respectively). Foreign-born patients were significantly more likely to be up-to-date on colorectal screening than their Canadian-born peers but showed no significant differences in breast or cervical cancer screening. We found a significant association between the low-income cut-off variable and cancer screening; neighbourhood income quintile was not significantly associated with cancer screening. Housing status was also significantly associated with colorectal, cervical and breast cancer screening. There was a large amount of missing data for the low-income cut-off variable, approximately 25% across the three cohorts. Conclusion: While we were able to show that neighbourhood income might under-estimate income-related disparities in screening, individual-level income was also the most challenging variable to collect. Future work in this area should target the income disparity in cancer screening and simultaneously explore how best to collect measures of poverty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Electronic medical records (EMRs) used in primary care contain a breadth of data that can be used in public health research. Patient data from EMRs could be linked with other data sources, such as a postal code linkage with Census data, to obtain additional information on environmental determinants of health. While promising, successful linkages between primary care EMRs with geographic measures is limited due to ethics review board concerns. This study tested the feasibility of extracting full postal code from primary care EMRs and linking this with area-level measures of the environment to demonstrate how such a linkage could be used to examine the determinants of disease. The association between obesity and area-level deprivation was used as an example to illustrate inequalities of obesity in adults.Methods: The analysis included EMRs of 7153 patients aged 20 years and older who visited a single, primary care site in 2011. Extracted patient information included demographics (date of birth, sex, postal code) and weight status (height, weight). Information extraction and management procedures were designed to mitigate the risk of individual re-identification when extracting full postal code from source EMRs. Based on patients' postal codes, area-based deprivation indexes were created using the smallest area unit used in Canadian censuses. Descriptive statistics and socioeconomic disparity summary measures of linked census and adult patients were calculated.Results: The data extraction of full postal code met technological requirements for rendering health information extracted from local EMRs into anonymized data. The prevalence of obesity was 31.6 %. There was variation of obesity between deprivation quintiles; adults in the most deprived areas were 35 % more likely to be obese compared with adults in the least deprived areas (Chi-Square = 20.24(1), p < 0.0001). Maps depicting spatial representation of regional deprivation and obesity were created to highlight high risk areas.Conclusions: An area based socio-economic measure was linked with EMR-derived objective measures of height and weight to show a positive association between area-level deprivation and obesity. The linked dataset demonstrates a promising model for assessing health disparities and ecological factors associated with the development of chronic diseases with far reaching implications for informing public health and primary health care interventions and services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study considers three questions: 1. What are the Canadian public's prioritization preferences for new government spending on a range of public health-related goods outside the scope of the country's national system of health insurance? 2. How homogenous or heterogeneous is the Canadian public in terms of these preferences? 3. What factors are predictive of the Canadian public's preferences for new government spending? Data were collected in 2008 from a national random sample of Canadian adults through a telephone interview survey (n =1,005). Respondents were asked to rank five spending priorities in terms of their preference for new government spending. Bivariate and multivariable logistic regression analyses were conducted. As a first priority, Canadian adults prefer spending on child care (26.2%), followed by pharmacare (23.1%), dental care (20.8%), home care (17.2%), and vision care (12.7%). Sociodemographic characteristics predict spending preferences, based on the social position and needs of respondents. Policy leaders need to give fair consideration to public preferences in priority setting approaches in order to ensure that public health-related goods are distributed in a manner that best suits population needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During World War II the Canadian Army was a small cadre force augmented by citizen volunteers. It was a colonial institution, dependent on the British Army for doctrine and staff training. After the war, the army became involved in a lengthy struggle to define its concept of professionalism. Modernizers aimed for a well-educated officer corps that was integrated with other elites and able to influence national security policy. Traditionalists wished to preserve regimental traditions and leadership based on social class. Contention between these factions resulted in stalemate, with modern management undercut by internal politics. The result was the failure of professional norms in the 1993 Somalia operation. Subsequent reforms have put a modern “constabulary-realist” model of professionalism in place. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Sociology is the property of Canadian Journal of Sociology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The author describes the role that high school theater played on his identity formation as a sociologist. Many details are given concerning the impact of the ethnic and social stratification of St. John, New Brunswick in the 1950s and 1960s. The author describes his isolation and the importance of Yiddish culture to his family. The importance of the author's role as "Tony" in the musical "West Side Story" is highlighted, along with the acknowledgement that a role a person plays is sometimes valued more highly than an authentic self.

We explore the differential permeability of three class boundaries--the boundaries determined by property, authority and expertise--to intergenerational mobility among men in four developed capitalist economies: the United States, Canada, Norway and Sweden. We conclude: (1) In all four countries, the authority boundary is the most permeable to intergenerational mobility; (2) in the two North American countries, the patterns of permeability of class boundaries are broadly consistent with the expectations of neo-Marxist conceptualizations of class--the property boundary is the least permeable, followed by the expertise boundary, and then the authority boundary; (3) in the two Scandinavian countries, especially in Sweden, the property and expertise boundaries do not differ significantly in their degree of permeability; (4) the class boundary between workers and capitalists is less permeable than would be predicted from a strictly additive model of the permeability of the three dimensions of the class structure (property + authority + expertise); and (5) in the United States and Canada, the patterns of class boundary permeability to mobility are similar to the patterns of permeability to friendship and cross-class marriages, while mobility patterns in Norway and Sweden differ from friendship and marriage patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada stands out sharply as a country in which the relationship of social class to electoral politics appears to be almost non-existent The class vote in Canada is re-examined using a new measure which takes into account voter perceptions of the class positions of the political parties. The results indicate that voter interest in class issues is greater than previously thought This, in turn, suggests that the main source of the anomaly associated with the Canadian case resides, not with the Canadians themselves, but with the nature of the electoral options presented to them. This finding suggests that one cannot assume that the politics of a democracy faithfully reflect the salient concerns of its citizens. The results also suggest that conventional measures of voting behaviour, which normally fail to take into account the variable nature of electoral options, provide a poor indicator of the nature of mass sentiment [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The changing forms and processes of social reproduction undertaken by Canada's elite independent schools are examined. Ideology, values, recruitment, and socialization processes and mechanisms in the member schools of the Canadian Association of Independent Schools are analysed. The focus is on reproduction theory (both the reproduction of the structure of classes and the intergenerational reproduction of families). The various forms of reproduction are examined in relation to class, ethnicity and gender. All have undergone considerable change; while the schools have remained critical agents for the reproduction of elites in Canadian society, the rise of meritocratic ideology and recruitment have had a paradoxical effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Sociology is the property of Canadian Journal of Sociology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The entry of large numbers of women into the paid labor force is one of the most dramatic social changes in twentieth-century Canada. Sociologists have therefore been keen to study the impact of women's increased labor force participation on the class structure, family life, political affairs, the educational system, and so forth. Neo-conservatives and feminists have increased the salience of issues surrounding women's "proper" role in society, and the distribution of attitudes towards those issues is therefore important in its own right. This article sets out to help answer the questions raised above by analyzing data from the 1988 Canadian National Election Study. The regression analysis suggests that more Canadians will come to favor women pursuing careers to the degree that younger, better-educated, and more secularized members of the population with pro-career orientations replace older, less well-educated, and more religious members of the population with pro-home orientations. In addition, career-orientations will strengthen to the degree that Canadians are prepared to invest in public daycare facilities and to the degree that men are prepared to undertake domestic work, thereby helping to relieve most women of the double burden of work in the labor force and at home.

The article argues that in spite of the common assumption that decision makers will systematically favour the interests of the social classes from which they emerge, elite policy positions are primarily a function of the values and interests they represent as elites. Although the analysis confirms a bias in the membership of Canadian elites favouring dominant social groups and classes, this bias largely fails to account for the contours of elite debate over policies of welfare state retrenchment. It uses data from a 1977 survey of 600 senior decision-makers in Canadian government, business, and labour to investigate the relationship between the social background characteristics of elites and their responses to social policy issues. The article concludes that elite politics should not be conceived primarily as a function of the personal characteristics of decision makers and therefore, that substituting individuals with different social backgrounds within existing institutional arrangements and power relationships should not be expected to substantially change the nature of elite politics in Canada.

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Sociology is the property of Canadian Journal of Sociology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Descriptive accounts of working class consciousness ultimately obtain warrant from the strength of explanations that underline them. This article examines the explanation which asserts that working class consciousness is fragmented because of internal structure differentiation according to gender, ethnicity, religion, region and skill. The conclusion is that this explanation finds little support from an examination of evidence concerning the political attitudes of the contemporary Canadian working class. Regional differentiation is the only structural basis that affects a modest impact. The implication of this is that students of collective action should move beyond purely internal examinations to consider the impact of class relations and political strengths.

In the article, the author focuses on a recent review of the book "The Superbureaucrats," by C. Campbell and G. Szablowski in 1980 issue of this journal by Lorna Marsden. Marsden was impressed by the findings of Campbell and Szablowski to the effect that this elite is minimally accountable to the Canadian public and her review quite naturally emphasized that point. However, she hardly mentioned what, according to the author, was an even more interesting finding. The significant finding to which the author is referring to is the social origins of their "superbureaucrats," which were highly representative of the Canadian population. Furthermore, their data indicated that recruitment to this elite was remarkably open. Indeed, their interview data shows that there has been a substantial amount of mobility into this elite from working class origins. The author beleives that given the importance attributed to elite social origins and recruitment in the powerfully influential tradition in Canadian sociology, these findings should be of interest to sociologists in Canada generally.

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The standard method of estimating the rate of voting on the basis of social class has been to cross-tabulate the social class position of the respondents with the social class position of the political parties and to measure the strength of the association. This article reports on the political distinctiveness of class voting in Canada in 1965 using three different measures. The first is the conventional one. The others utilize party image variables. The study hopes that this discussion will help illuminate the Canadian case whilst illustrating use of a new measure. It gives us some additional insight into the nature of voter perception and motivation. In particular, it may give us a tool for the assessment of "the extent to which voters make the link between their interests and the party which supports these interests." It is felt that further research with comparable data from other countries is needed before any great confidence can be placed in the tentative interpretations of the Canadian case, which has been presented here.

The article is the author's response to Peter R. Sinclair's comments on author's literary work. Sinclair makes some minor points with which the author disagrees, although his main point strikes me as sound: a new interpretation of Social Credit is needed. He also outlines some strategies for further research which are believed to be valuable. Sinclair states that the author has challenged the conventional view of Alberta's class structure and the distribution of Social Credit votes by reviewing what is now known about these issues, implying that the author had access to some relatively new materials not available to earlier researchers. The author states that election results used were available in 1935, the census materials in 1936. No new materials of this kind have become available, although the existing ones have appeared in different publications over the years. He also states that his assertion that Social Credit received disproportionate support from the petite bourgeoisie was based on higher rates of voting for Social Credit in small towns and rural areas. The author has shown that in 1935 only 11 of 27 small towns had a Social Credit vote that exceeded the provincial average.