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Western democracies are experiencing a widespread shift towards greater recognition of transgender rights in public policy, yet the timing of change differs across states. To explain this variation, I present a novel theoretical framework called "policy momentum." Unlike existing work on policy diffusion, which typically emphasizes domestic or international processes, I theorize how the combined pressure from each level creates the conditions for policy change to occur. Empirically, I contrast the creation of national human rights policies to protect transgender individuals in Canada (2017) and Australia (2013). Using process‐tracing and within‐case analyses, and drawing on elite interviews, primary documents, and Hansard records, I demonstrate the decisive interaction of subnational legislative changes with an emerging global norm to produce transgender policy change. This paper thus contributes to our understanding of LGBTQ+ public policy while also providing a framework for explaining the conditions for cross‐national policy change more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to critically analyse the concept of mandatory reporting in adult safeguarding in the jurisdictions of Australia, Canada, England, Northern Ireland and Scotland. Design/methodology/approach: A rapid realist evaluation of the literature on this topic was carried out in order to answer the question: "what works, for whom and in what circumstances?" Particular attention was paid to Context(s), Mechanism(s) and Outcome(s) configurations of adult safeguarding reporting systems and processes. Findings: The evaluation found a range of arguments for and against mandatory reporting and international variations on the scope and powers of mandatory reporting. Research limitations/implications: This review was undertaken in late 2018 so subsequent policy and practice developments will be missing from the evaluation. The evaluation focussed on five jurisdictions therefore, the findings are not necessarily translatable to other contexts. Practical implications: Some jurisdictions have introduced mandatory reporting and others are considering doing so. The potential advantages and challenges of introducing mandatory reporting are highlighted. Social implications: The introduction of mandatory reporting may offer professionals increased powers to prevent and reduce the abuse of adults, but this could also change the dynamic of relationships within families, and between families and professionals. Originality/value: This paper provides an accessible discussion of mandatory reporting across Ireland and internationally which to date has been lacking from the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on three studies conducted in Australia, Canada and Ireland which explore the factors influencing research utilisation in the child protection sector in each country. The paper recognises that research uptake is complicated by a number of factors. It also acknowledges critiques which cite the equally significant influence of ideologies, context, unpredictability, time constraints and political expediency. However, all three studies recognised the increasing importance of evidence-based practice. The methods used in the three studies were not identical but the frameworks used were sufficiently similar to enable the classification of both common and dissimilar barriers and facilitators to research use. Those which they identified were categorised into four types: individual, organisational, environmental and characteristics relating to the nature of research material. Implications were identified for policy makers, service providers and research producers. The point was made that we now live in a period where unprecedented means of knowledge transfer and exchange provide unique opportunities to improve the lives of children and families. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Key Practitioner Messages Avail of opportunities to attend learning events., Draw on research findings when conducting assessments, writing reports, devising intervention plans, evaluating programmes and tendering for funding., Establish links with research centres., Become involved in the conduct of research., Support colleagues (champions) who display particular interest and motivation in the use of research evidence by recognising and/or rewarding effort., Avail of opportunities to undertake further study that includes a research component. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to outline some of the key issues related to migrant workers, work, public policy and HRM while introducing the five articles included in the special issue. Design/methodology/approach - The paper reports on the issue which is made up of articles that present research based on surveys, interviews and longitudinal census data. Findings - It is evident that high-performing economies attract migrants from lower-performing economies. However, with influxes of migrant labour there are a number of challenges that need to be met at the organisational and policy levels. Research limitations/implications - The indications are that some economies are beginning to slow and this means that migrant flows will also slow or reverse. The implications for migrant-dependent sectors and countries are not clear, although all five papers indicate areas for further research. Practical implications - Each article includes practical implications depending on the sector, skill and country being examined. Practical implications include the role of day labour centres as HR mediators between organisations and employees, the need for culturally sensitive and tailored training programs to assist professional migrants and the need for policies geared towards the assimilation of migrants and return migrants in order to assist their integration into the labour market. Originality/value - The five articles presented here represent a wide range of approaches, skill levels and sectors within the five counties examined: the USA, UK, Australia, Canada, and Finland. Some, such as the US paper which includes the first national survey of day labour worker centres, present findings from a highly under-represented area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Many countries are enacting tobacco treatment training, guidelines and policies in order to fulfil Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) treaty agreements. This study tapped the perspectives of international treatment providers to identify challenges and recommendations for improvement. Methods: The cross-sectional survey included closed- and open-ended items. Distribution included professional listservs (ATTUD; Global Bridges; ENSH Global) and word-of-mouth. The survey collected data using an open-source platform (Enketo Smart Paper/Ona). We used R for quantitative analysis and Google Sheets to categorize open-ended responses. Results: There were 155 respondents from 49 countries. Most (78.6%) provided direct services. Almost half (48.1%) reported receiving less than 6 hours of tobacco treatment training; respondents from low and lower-middle income countries (LMICs) received significantly less training (Fisher's p < 0.014). Likewise, among all respondents, 43% rated poor access to treatment; this rose to 100% among LMICs (Fisher's p < 0.001). To improve treatment and training, respondents suggested increasing government funding for pharmacotherapy and behavioural services; providing training in local languages and in the treatment of smokeless tobacco forms; trainee certification and access to online support for providers. Conclusions: Globally, half of front-line treatment providers reported having poor access to training; this was true for all providers in LMICs and most in upper middle-income countries. Existing online trainings, available mainly in English, could be migrated to open-access formats to permit countries to tailor them to their local needs and languages. Countries in geographical proximity or historical linguistic/political alliances could forge cross-country mentoring relationships and mutual support for training. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The widely held view is that effective action on climate change requires commitment by national governments to international agreements. Developed nations like Canada and Australia continue to fall short in their commitments to emissions reduction targets established under the 1997 Kyoto Protocol. Australia refused to ratify its Kyoto commitments until 2008 and Canada withdrew its commitment in 2011. Subnational governments in both countries have been active in developing policy responses to climate change yet remain largely excluded as serious policy partners in national mitigation and adaptation initiatives. This paper utilizes Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Framework to consider why subnational governments address climate change and the main factors shaping their policy choices. The experiences of the Australian state of Victoria and the Canadian province of Ontario provide examples through which to explore the factors contributing to climate policy opportunities and constraints faced by subnational governments in these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to move beyond what Martin and Ruhs described as the numbers versus rights equation in temporary labour migration programs. We do this by examining the ideology of temporary labour migration. This ideology has three key elements: temporariness, labour markets and rights. The paper describes how these concepts obscure key features of temporary labour migration programs. The argument is developed by examining points of contrast between current programs in place in the USA, Canada, Australia and the UK. The paper concludes by demonstrating how unmasking the power imbalances of this ideology will lead to new policy directions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines a discrete set of issues pertaining to the constitution of addiction in law. Based on qualitative interviews undertaken with lawyers in Australia and Canada, I examine how addiction figures in lawyers' daily practice. Drawing on ideas from science and technology studies scholars Sheila Jasanoff, Michael Lynch and Bruno Latour, and building on recent research I undertook on legal addiction veridiction, I explore the constitution of addiction 'facts' in law. I examine how and when lawyers claim to make decisions about addiction in the course of their legal practice. Lawyers report playing a central role in the making of decisions about addiction, at multiple stages of the legal process including: before taking cases on, while running cases in court, and while negotiating and/or settling cases. I argue that these decisions can be properly described as 'quasi-expert' determinations with important parallels to scientific, technological and medical claims often made in legal settings by more conventional 'expert witnesses'. I call these 'quasi-expert' decisions because they are decisions of the kind that might be assumed to be the purview of scientific or medical experts and because they have tangible implications for clients. Lawyers uniquely constitute addiction in unique ways, drawing on a combination of factors, including their own experience with and observations about addiction, the experiences of family members who have experienced alcohol and other drug problems, relevant legal concepts and frameworks, popular and scientific claims about addiction, emotions and values, including the gender politics of alcohol and other drug addiction. These addiction 'facts' can have a range of material and discursive effects, including potentially adverse implications for people characterised as 'addicts'. I conclude the paper with a discussion of some implications of these practices, and with reflections on how we might address these issues in future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background Characteristics of preschool and child care centres have previously been shown to be associated with children's health behaviours such as physical activity and screen-based sedentary behaviour. This paper investigates differences in physical environments, policies and practices between child care centres in Melbourne, Australia and Kingston, Canada which may be associated with such behaviours. Methods Audits of child care centres were undertaken by trained research assistants for the Healthy Active Preschool and Primary Years ( Melbourne, Australia; n = 136) study and the Healthy Living Habits in Pre- School Children ( Kingston, Canada; n = 46) study. Twenty-one of the audit items (nine physical environment; 12 policies and practices) were assessed in both samples. Example items included outdoor play and shaded areas, availability of equipment, physical activity instruction for children and staff, opportunities to use electronic media and staff/child interaction during physical activity time. Analyses were completed using SAS version 9.2. Results Compared with Australian centres, a higher per cent of Canadian centres had a formal physical activity policy, reported children sat more frequently for 30 min or more and allowed children to watch television. A higher per cent of Australian centres provided an indoor area for physical activity, shade outdoors and physical activity education to staff. Children in Australian centres had access to more fixed play equipment and spent more time outdoors than in Canadian centres. Conclusions These findings may help inform the development of best practice and policy guidelines to enhance opportunities for healthy levels of physical activity and screen-based sedentary behaviour within child care centres in both countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various scholars stress that traditional regulatory regimes will benefit from greater private sector involvement. There has been little empirical study, however, on the impact of the 'amount' of privatization on certain policy goals. This paper aims at filling that knowledge gap. Based on an analysis of private sector involvement in the enforcement of Australian and Canadian building codes, it argues that a certain threshold exists after which more privatization no longer results in effectiveness and efficiency gains. It furthermore discovers that the relationship between the public and private sector within a regime matters in reaching certain policy goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Europe lags far behind Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the USA in terms of implementing regulatory procedures for the import and release of invertebrate biological control agents (IBCAs). A number of standards, documents and guidelines have been produced over recent years in an attempt to harmonize regulation of IBCA introduction into Europe. Despite these efforts, the number of member countries implementing any form of IBCA regulation remains low, with many industries, biological practitioners and regulators fearing that a regulatory system would render the process of approval for IBCA introduction into a country costly and time consuming. Europe’s priority is therefore to formulate a regulatory system that will be readily approved of and adopted by all member countries. In this paper we review the current regulatory processes operating in Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the USA. There is potential for Europe to benefit from the years of experience that these countries have in IBCA regulation. We therefore propose recommendations based on features of the regulatory processes in each of the four countries that work well and that could be adopted to generate a workable Europe-wide regulatory system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how federal systems of government in Canada and Australia deal with the challenges of promoting regional innovation and knowledge-based industries. It focuses on selected cases of federal and regional (provincial or municipally based) policy initiatives and structures that support cross-sector collaboration between ‘knowledge institutions’ (such as universities) and locally based industries. The study reveals both anticipated commonalities in and unexpected differences between the Canadian and Australian innovation environments and policy approaches. Federalism, resource-based economies and sparse population have led to similar concerns and solutions. However, building local innovation systems and networks is a question of building on social capital and Canada seems rather more inventive and effective than Australia in turning social capital into sustainable organisations. Several regions of Canada have developed very strong community involvement in networks and institutions for improving technological skills, awareness and programmes—examples which provide valuable lessons for Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia and Canada have been active participants in international climate change negotiations since the early 1990s and have often shared negotiating positions. This paper discusses why, in spite of considerable similarities in national circumstances, the Canadian government chose to ratify the Kyoto Protocol in 2002, while the Australian government decided against doing so. It is argued that a range of factors led to a narrower conception of the national interest in the case of Australia, which encouraged a focus on the short-term, economic costs of implementing the Protocol. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Harmful alcohol consumption contributes to poorer health for all people. For Indigenous Peoples of Australia, Canada, and New Zealand alcohol impacts their wellbeing significantly, this is partially explained by both their experiences of colonisation and the resulting impact on structural and social determinants of health. Indigenous Peoples have a recognised right to self-determination, which includes their right to contribute to policy decisions that affect them. This right is based on international recognition and principles, and acknowledgement of historical culture and law. The aim of this narrative review is to examine the processes of inclusion of Indigenous Peoples in policy development processes for evidence of self-determination to inform alcohol policy development.Methods: Ninety-eight peer-reviewed journal articles were identified through four databases. Twenty papers describing the inclusion of Indigenous Peoples in policy development processes were included; one focusing on alcohol. Two authors reviewed and coded the papers by four domains of Indigenous inclusion in policy processes: Indigenous representation; method of inclusion; reasons for inclusion; and stage of inclusion.Results: There is no single model for the integration of self-determination into policy. However, the nature of participation is key in ensuring that Indigenous Peoples' self-determination is recognised. While all the papers reported Indigenous Peoples being included in processes, there was little evidence of self-determination.Conclusions: Self-determination is a right, and critical to effective policy and action. The inclusion of Indigenous Peoples in policy development alone is not self-determination; however, creating the conditions that ensures Indigenous Peoples have influence throughout policy processes is one integral component of self-determination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Immigration policies in most host nations of the west have undergone significant changes in recent years. Based on the four country-specific papers that appear in this section of the journal, and also on our own research, we present an overview of these changes and their context. In all countries, economic considerations play a central role in shaping immigration policy and greater importance is given to scientific research. Several common policy changes are noted in Australia, Canada and New Zealand which include: a shift away from a human capital focus toward more targeted selection based on labor market demand for specific skills, increased emphasis on temporary foreign worker programs, attraction of international students, an overhauling of the refugee system, and regionalization of immigration. In the U.S., while adoption of some of these changes has often surfaced in public policy and academic discussions, legalization of unauthorized migrants remains an important policy debate, with recent arguments focusing on the economic benefits of legalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: There appears to be considerable variation between different national jurisdictions and between different sectors of public policy in the use of evidence and particularly the use of randomised controlled trials (RCTs) to evaluate non-healthcare sector programmes. Methods: As part of a wider study attempting to identify RCTs of public policy sector programmes and the reasons for variation between countries and sectors in their use, we carried out a pilot study which interviewed 10 policy makers and researchers in six countries to elicit views on barriers to and facilitators of the use of RCTs for social programmes. Results: While in common with earlier studies, those interviewed expressed a need for unambiguous findings, timely results and significant effect sizes, users could, in fact, be ambivalent about robust methods and robust answers about what works, does not work or makes no difference, particularly where investment or a policy announcement was planned. Different national and policy sector cultures varied in their use of and support for RCTs. Conclusions: In order to maximise the use of robust evaluations of public programmes across the world it would be useful to examine, systematically, cross-national and cross-sectoral variations in the use of different methods including RCTs and barriers to and facilitators of their use. Sound research methods, whatever their scientific value, are no guarantee that findings will be useful or used. 'Stories' have been shown to influence policy; those advocating the use of RCTs may need to provide convincing narratives to avoid repetition about their value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of the two world wars on welfare legislation in 16 western countries. We use Poisson regressions to test our hypothesis that war was a catalyst of welfare legislation, especially in countries that were heavily exposed to the dreadful effects of war. By welfare legislation, we mean the inaugural adoption and major reforms across four programmes (old age and disability benefits, sickness and maternity benefits, unemployment compensation and family allowances). Our findings suggest that both world wars are key factors for explaining the timing of comprehensive welfare reforms and outweigh the significance of other factors such as regime type or level of economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims: To examine whether norms towards nicotine vaping product (NVP) use varied between Australia, Canada, England and the United States and by socio‐demographics, smoking and NVP status. Design Cross‐sectional data from the 2016 ITC Four Country Smoking and Vaping Survey. Setting: Four countries with distinct regulatory policies relating to the sale and advertising of NVPs: Australia (most restrictive), Canada (restrictive), England and the United States (least restrictive). Participants: A total of 10900 adult (age 18+) current smokers, former smokers, or at least weekly NVP users. Respondents were from Australia (n = 1366), Canada (n = 3309), England (n = 3835) and the United States (n = 2390). Measurements Questions permitted the categorization of respondents as current smokers, former smokers, NVP users and socio‐demographic categories (sex, age, country, ethnicity, income and education). Further questions were asked regarding the frequency of exposure to NVPs in public, whether they had a partner or close friends who vaped and whether they believed society or those considered important to them approved of NVPs. Findings Adjusting for relevant covariates, compared with Australian respondents, those in England, Canada and the United States were more likely to report frequent exposure to NVPs in public (83.1%, 57.3% and 48.3%, respectively, compared to 19.8% in Australia; P < 0.0001), having a partner who vaped (13.8%, 7.1% and 7.7%, respectively, compared to 2.1% in Australia; P < 0.0001) and having close friend(s) who vaped (31.7%, 25.3%, 20.9%, respectively, compared to 10.0% in Australia; P < 0.0001). Compared with Australian respondents, respondents from England were more likely to report that society (27.6% compared to 12.3% in Australia; P < 0.0001) and people important to them approved of NVP use (28.9% compared to 14.3% in Australia; P < 0.0001). Conclusions: Norms towards nicotine vaping product (NVP) use appear to vary among countries with different regulatory contexts regarding sales and advertising. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article disaggregates high- and low-status care work across eight liberal welfare regimes: Australia, Canada, Iceland, Ireland, Israel, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and the United States. Using Luxembourg Income Study data, descriptive and multivariate analyses provide support for a 'migrant in the market' model of employment, notwithstanding variation across countries. The data demonstrate a wage penalty in both high- and low-status care employment in several liberal welfare regimes, with the latter (service jobs in health, education and social work) more likely to be part-time and situated in the private sector. Migrant care workers are found to work disproportionately in low-status, low-wage types of care and, in some cases, to incur additional wage penalties compared to native-born care workers with equivalent human capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on early childhood education and care (ECEC) policy focuses overwhelmingly on formal, centre-based provision and, to a lesser extent, on family day care (or childminding) provided in the homes of registered carers. Comparatively little research addresses the policy treatment of care provided in the child's home by nannies and au pairs. This article examines the position of in-home childcare in Australia, the UK and Canada, and the varied nature and extent of public funding and regulation. Introducing a new dimension into comparative studies of ECEC, it also explores how shifts in migration policy in each country have intersected with ECEC funding and regulation to reshape the recruitment and employment of in-home child carers. Australia, the UK and Canada are all liberal, market-oriented countries, but there is considerable diversity in the way governments support and regulate in-home childcare, their rationales for so doing, and in the connections between childcare and migration. We argue that connecting the analysis of in-home childcare to migration policies raises new questions about the classification and comparison of ECEC policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States each endorse a national objective to protect the safety and well-being of children and preserve families, while dually seeking to re-establish self-governance within indigenous communities. This review presents a collective overview of indigenous peoples’ experience with child protection systems and evaluates the different national approaches used to improve child welfare practice and re-establish the sovereignty of indigenous populations within each of these countries. Key strategies for improving child protection, developing cross-cultural partnerships, and increasing the effectiveness of child welfare service delivery within indigenous communities are also provided. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Measuring the power of the political left with the ‘share of social democratic cabinet seats’ is the gold standard in the literature on partisan effects. We argue that this measure of left power suffers from conceptual ambiguity and propose an alternative approach to measure the ideological orientation of governments based on their power in cabinets and data on party positions. We see several shortcomings of the traditional measure: the social democratic cabinet share neglects the fact that parties’ ideological profiles differ across countries and have significantly changed over recent decades. Also, specific policy measures of party preferences are often more appropriate to gauge the government’s position than relying on highly aggregated left/right measures. In addition, the social democratic cabinet share does not take into account the impact of coalition partners, cabinet decision making and the possibility of minority governments relying on parliamentary support outside the cabinet on the ability of parties to implement the social policies. After discussing the reasons for the conceptual ambiguity of existing indicators for the power of the left, we present alternative measures for the ideological orientation of the government based on the composition of cabinets and different information about party positions. We demonstrate how these measures can be combined to a single indicator that takes into account both the ideological position of governing parties in a particular policy domain and their power to affect cabinet decisions. We critically discuss the availability and merits of data on party positions and cabinet compositions and provide recommendations for constructing measures in welfare state research. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the claim that democratic states are justified in restricting access to asylum seekers on the grounds that failing to do so reduces public support for humanitarian refugee policies - referred to here as the humanitarian defence. Drawing on detailed historical, comparative and interpretive analysis of migration policy in Canada and Australia, the author builds on Matthew Gibney's development of practically guided normative theory to assess cases in which political elites may legitimately enact restrictive policies in response to strong public opposition. Challenging the normative basis of the humanitarian defence, the article engages in a detailed discourse analysis of asylum crises in Canada (1987, 1999) and Australia (1979, 2001). The findings suggest that political elites do not respond to an independently arrived at, and objectively established, public opinion as implied in the humanitarian defence. Rather, political elites play a crucial role in shaping the discourse on asylum seekers and consequently, influence the very 'public opinion' to which they claim to be responding. The author concludes that political elites should attempt to foster an environment in which the public accepts international obligations to refugees but accepts that in some cases political elites may be justified in implementing restrictive measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an argument on the need for public policy in Australia and Canada to be divided into four areas for evaluation purposes including process, goal attainment, distributional outcomes and political consequences. It explores transportation as a useful field of public policy for illustrative purposes due to transportation projects frequently involve big capital expenses, collaboration between private and public sectors, and disputed social outcomes. It discusses the goal of evaluation which is to assess public policies with a perspective to making adjustments and recommending improvements.

Selective migration policies are proliferating worldwide as governments try to attract scientists, highly skilled engineers, medical professionals and information technology professionals. Selective migration policies can be grouped into three ideal-typical models: the Canadian 'human capital' model based on state selection of permanent immigrants using a point system; the Australian 'neo-corporatist' model based on state selection using a point system with extensive business and labour participation; and the market-oriented, demand-driven model based primarily on employer selection of migrants, as practised by the US. After providing an overview of each model, the article compares the three models in terms of policy outcomes as measured by various metrics and then explains how Canadian, Australian, and US governments have recently adopted policies from one another and deviated from their respective selective migration policy models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Governments increasingly seek to implement skilled migration programmes. Yet, the policies that ultimately result differ in important ways, particularly with regard to the human capital assets required of applicants. These differences in policy outputs can be attributed to important variations in the policy-making process, in particular in the extent of bureaucratic control over policy-making, and in the capacity for venue shopping on the part of internal and external actors. This article develops ideas around bureaucratic control and how it interacts with venue shopping in two Westminster-inspired systems of government in the skilled immigration area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is about the transnational movement of policy discourses on childcare. It considers whether the spread of neoliberal ideas with their emphasis on marketisation, on the one hand, and a social investment discourse on the other, are leading to convergence in childcare arrangements in Nordic countries (Finland and Sweden) and liberal Anglo-Saxon countries (Australia and Canada). We find points of convergence around both themes at the level of policy discourse and continued diversity in the way these ideas are translated into actual policies. In other words, convergence is mediated by institutions and political realignments. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Following the rapid progression of Internet gambling, governments internationally are struggling to create and enact appropriate and effective regulations. A situation of inter-jurisdictional inconsistency exists and regulatory frameworks are constantly changing, with international policies of prohibition, legalization or partial legalization, or imprecise legal limbo. The ambiguity of the current situation and questionable effectiveness of policies in place makes it difficult for gambling operators, treatment providers, players and other stakeholders to formulate appropriate responses to online gambling. This article aims to bring some clarity and offer guidance for the effective implementation of gambling policy by examining the comparative evolution of Internet gambling in Australia and Canada, and the respective social, legal, economic and political responses. The differences in the development of online gambling highlight the unique paths possible, yet the similarities between these jurisdictions provide key examples of how policymakers, gambling operators, researchers and consumers can respond to this phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Objective: To analyse rural–urban and intra-rural disparities in health status in Canada and to compare Canada with Australia with respect to such disparities. Design: Four indicators were used to show rural–urban and intra-rural differences in health status: (i) mortality due to circulatory diseases, (ii) mortality due to cancer, (iii) injury-related mortality; and (iv) all-cause mortality. Rural was disaggregated into finer categories based on degree of remoteness, using the Metropolitan Influence Zone classification in Canada and the Accessibility/Remoteness Index of Australia. Comparisons were made using age-standardised mortality rates and standardised mortality ratios. Participants: Rural and urban populations of Canada and Australia. Results: The study confirmed previous findings that rural Canadians tended to have poorer health status than their urban counterparts. However, when rural was disaggregated into finer categories, different health status patterns emerged. Although the most rural areas tended to have the worst health status, the least rural areas generally enjoyed good health. The Canada–Australia comparisons revealed convergence and divergence. Conclusions: The similarities between Canada and Australia show that rural–urban disparities in health status are not limited to a particular country. For several causes of death, whereas the mortality risks in Rural 1 areas in Canada are significantly lower than in urban areas, the opposite is true in Australia, suggesting that although there are some common patterns across the two countries in relation to rural–urban health status disparities, nation-specific uniqueness is to be expected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes a comparative look at the development of the public administration discipline in three countries: Australia, Brazil and Canada. The nature of the international public administration academic community is assessed through content analysis of articles in the Australian Journal of Public Administration (AJPA), Revista de Administração Pública (RAP), and Canadian Public Administration (CPA). The method is based on that used by existing United States (US) research, allowing for comparison with that national context. The focus is on the diffusion of theoretical approaches between these national contexts, assessing whether the international public administration discipline better approximates an epistemic community, in which theoretical approaches move seamlessly between the national contexts; or a ‘Tower of Babel’, in which the different national contexts remain largely isolated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The three fold purpose of this study is to (1) review the incipient age discrimination legislation in the U.K., (2) offer comparisons with the U.S., Australia, and Canada and (3) examine the new legislation in relation to relevant gerontological theory and research. Reviewed are Britain’s Employment Equality Age Regulations, the Age Discrimination in Employment Act of the U.S., the Age Discrimination Act of 2004 in Australia, and Canadian Human Rights Act of 1985. A comparison of the new legislation on age discrimination in the U.K. with existing legislation of this type in the U.S., Canada, and Australia reveals that the British law appears to be weaker on many facets relative to those in the other countries. By permitting more exceptions to the law than are allowed under other types of civil rights statutes, restricting applicability of the law to the workplace, and maintaining compulsory retirement, the power of the law may be circumscribed. Gerontological theory and research do not, by and large, support these choices comprising the new British law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on an actor-centred institutionalist approach, parliamentary oppositions in Westminster democracies are analysed through three dimensions. Firstly, through institutional opportunity structures for opposition parties: in all four countries there are comparatively few opportunities for the opposition to affect policy-making. However, there are variances between the four countries and they change over time. Secondly, they are analysed through the parties' policy positions and the potential for cohesive behaviour by non-governmental parties. Within this aspect, there are different constellations. In most cases, opposition parties do not coordinate their strategies. Thirdly, they are viewed through bicameralism and federalism, as external veto points that may be employed by opposition parties in Australia and in Canada. Therefore, there is not only one pattern of parliamentary opposition in Westminster democracies, rather, a considerable diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent comparative studies find Canada, Australia, and New Zealand to be among world leaders in tobacco control, but the explanations differ. Are cultural or institutional factors, especially federalism, more important in making these three English-speaking countries among the strongest tobacco-control regimes in the world? This study employs data on policy instruments that have been commonly used in tobacco control policy. Paradoxically, the federation that is more fiscally centralised, Australia, has had the most decentralised process of tobacco control, which has allowed it to initiate new policies earlier. Through similar underlying 'secular morality' values of public health promotion and diffusion, both within and across countries, similar outcomes are achieved through different institutional processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses implications of political executives losing control over the implementation of their policy following managerial reforms in Australia, New Zealand, Canada, Great Britain, Austria, and Malta between 1980 and 1996. Borrowing from the world of private-sector management, the vocabulary of the new public management has so far shown a remarkable degree of consensus among the political leadership and opinion makers of various countries about the desired nature of change. The striking outcome of this process is that the senior servants who are removed from policy making and thus supposed to be less political, find their positions becoming more insecure due to the political executives' desire for more control. The contradiction between reduced policy making of senior servants and enhanced policy control over them raises two hypotheses. First, the more authority and discretion public managers are given to manage programs, the less secure political executives want them to be. Second, making senior civil servants less secure is most likely to have the following systemic influence on the public administration.

The author discusses protecting public consultation on plain and standardized packaging for tobacco products of Canadian government from tobacco industry interference. Topics include the argument of tobacco companies that the rule would violate the country's obligation under international trade and intellectual property agreements, the industry's move on trying to use trade law to battle public health efforts, and significant role of Canadian media in challenging industry-affiliated sources.