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In this introduction, we thank those who supported and contributed to our special issue of Classical Sociology, on the work and life of André Gorz. We then provide a sketch of Gorz's place in intellectual history. Along the way, we explain some of our motivations for editing the special issue, then move on to a discussion of our contributors' papers. We end with a reiteration of our goals for the issue, and with thanks once more to those who helped make it happen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global pandemic has pushed many of us to online streaming services. A particular genre in these services is the 'end of the world' science fiction film, in and through which the speculated results of processes such as climate change are depicted. CGI technology is frequently deployed to create images of the end of the world, which is a backdrop to the narrative of, 'saving ourselves amidst the ruins'. This philosophy of education essay will critically examine ten films in order to: Explain how 'the end of the world' images connected to processes such as climate change, obscures and displaces attention from the real, scientifically proven processes that are not so entertaining, but are still deadly. The images are created by capital and its machines for audience attention and have little to do with real social change. Science sits in an ambiguous position in this paper in that the real processes of climate change proven by science may be funded by capitalist mechanisms that can also be their cause. Introduce a reformulated notion of ecosophy from the work of Félix Guattari, Murray Bookchin, Arne Næss and Andre Gorz. This essay will suggest that ecosophy has the potential to teach the underlying split between depictions of the end of the world through the capitalist machine and the real social change necessary under climate change. Ecosophy is in the context of this essay a specific conceptual construction designed for teaching about climate change through cinema. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we are concerned with the role of André Gorz in the development of the concept of the end of work. We draw from Gorz's stance on automation, utopia, capitalism and labour to reflect on the directions of the end of work debate, leaning towards Gorz's invitation to repoliticize the end of work. While Gorz's writings predate the rise of the gig economy, he presaged many of the developments we are currently witnessing. Even if the end of work is not in sight, we argue that it remains nonetheless a useful concept to help us cultivate possibilities and a sense of difference. Finally, it is our intention to highlight that while Gorz's work received less attention than other scholars broadly associated with critical examinations of capitalism, his scholarship holds the potential to reinvigorate, or rejuvenate, debates pertaining to the end of work as well as the future of work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the relationship between André Gorz's account of the possibility of a deproletarianised regime of labour and Bernard Stiegler's theory of the Neganthropocene. Gorz's formulation of the impact of computer and robotic systems on the turnover of capital was, I will argue, a turning point in the way critical theory conceived the social implications of technology. His account of the supervenience of work and culture over the sphere of production forms the basis of the fundamental questions about life, creativity, and freedom that have emerged in the digital age. The paper will show that it is this notion of a fragile and disputed supervenience that is re-formulated and extended in Stiegler's account of the Neganthropocene, particularly in his account of the fate of reflexive culture under the regime of global-digital capitalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper begins with the observation that the left-wing movements that have enjoyed significant political advances in Europe recently share a broad strategic orientation. They seek, that is, to combine electoral and parliamentary activity on the one hand with extra-parliamentary mobilisation on the other. Crucially, these formations seek to utilise parliamentary channels to introduce radical reforms and thus a central component of their approach is to form a 'left government' within the institutions of the capitalist state. Despite the failure of Syriza in office I argue that the radical left has little option but to work with these ascendant left formations and attempt to radicalise them from within. I suggest that in order to do so the radical left must transcend the twin dead ends of reformism and Leninism and the historical strategic impasse bound up with the counter-position of these strategic poles. I argue that a strategic perspective elaborated by a minority current within Syriza provides useful resources for navigating a route beyond this impasse. I then show that this perspective can be further elaborated and refined by drawing on theoretical resources associated with the concept of 'structural reform' developed in the late 1960s and 1970s. I argue that the work of Nicos Poulantzas and André Gorz is especially useful in this regard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues in favour of using a utopian method of thinking about the future, rather than simply extrapolating from present conditions. This opens up the possibility of thinking in terms of the kind of society we want to achieve, rather than what seems immediately probable. It criticises the Blair Government's focus on the economic and moral centrality of paid work, and argues, following Gorz, that the link between 'work' and income needs to be broken to ensure an adequate livelihood for all. This will entail a re-valuing of forms of human activity, as argued by Herbert Marcuse, and more recently by Fiona Williams. This ultimately calls in question the structures of capitalism itself, since what is entailed is, at the very least, a step change downwards in the proportion of the social product accruing to capital. The paper concludes by contending that any genuinely critical social policy must have this utopian dimension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper two conceptualizations of labour in current capitalism are reconstructed and opposed. On the one hand, Habermas and Gorz understand that labor loses centrality in social life while it is crossed by instrumental and productive logics, whereupon they propose to expand other social spheres governed by principles other than those dominant in the productive space. On the other hand, the Italian Autonomism envisions a qualitative change in current production processes, which gradually abandon the instrumental logic to become governed by others more related to communication, cooperation and the search for autonomy. Here a comparison of those two lines will take place, trying to elucidate its theoretical assumptions, and according to the requirements of a critical theory that can study the present detecting both its fissures and its inherent possibilities for social and political transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Work time reduction (WTR), or reductions in the total amount of time spent in paid work, and economic democracy, or shifting the control of firms from capitalists to workers, are discussed as strategies to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and increase well-being. Along with numerous social benefits, reduced working hours are associated with reductions in GHG emissions, energy use, and ecological footprints. Economic democracy not only increases individual and group autonomy, but also creates conditions conducive to lower energy and material throughput. A successful implementation of WTR and/or economic democracy presupposes a renewed labor movement. One tactic to help revive the labor movement is highlighting its capacity to help fight climate change. Pairing WTR and economic democracy may help overcome the false antithesis between the interests of workers and the environment. There is a genuine "win-win" scenario for people and the climate via shorter working hours in democratically controlled workplaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While many theorists and projects raise the notion of creating more ‘free time’, the implication that this will somehow be ‘beneficial’ is inadequate without a deeper understanding of how time is related to the individual and psychological well-being. This article offers some considerations for the raison d’etre of what can be termed a politics of time, taking as its trajectory the phenomenological understanding of time in Heidegger, and the view that restricted experiences of time in contemporary capitalist society fragment the phenomenological unity of individual temporalities. A politics of time is posed here as the necessary intervention to alleviate the subsequent inability to experience an authentic temporal orientation in such conditions. The article offers that any such temporal project must place such an understanding of temporality as its theoretical basis, and apodictically, the creation of ‘temporal autonomous spaces’ (TAS) as its political purpose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]