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This paper investigates the new character of the strategy of the Republican People's Party (CHP) using populism to combat the success of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). We consider populism along a left-right axis in terms of the differentiation of exclusionary and inclusionary approaches and conduct a content analysis of campaign speeches by Ekrem İmamoğlu during the 2019 local elections, as well as speeches of the party elites given during the currency crisis of 2018 and the COVID-19 pandemic. We argue that an alternative to the exclusionary right-wing populism may construct images of egalitarianism, participatory budgeting, and agrarian populism instead of mobilizing security or survival issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the impact the European Union (EU) accession process has had on Turkish political parties—the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the main opposition party, the Republican People’s Party (CHP)—as far as their internal structures and intra-party distribution of power are concerned. The paper contends that political parties in Turkey have not only been immune to any organizational adaptation that may have resulted from the accession process, but in the past decade, they have become increasingly de-Europeanized. This insularity from Europeanization impulses can be attributed to Turkey’s personalized political system and the ineffectiveness of the parliamentary institutions responsible for EU policy, especially the EU Harmonization Committee. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The rise to power of the socially conservative Justice and Development Party (AKP) in 2002 seemed to mark a shift in religion–state relations in Turkey, away from a Kemalist agenda of laiklik. This paper seeks to analyze to what extent do the socially conservative AKP's policies toward religion constitute a shift away from those of the Kemalist Republican People's Party (CHP)? The findings of this analysis reveal how unifying notions of Islam, employed by both the CHP and the AKP, often undermine meaningful differences, whether they are ethnic, linguistic, or religious. An examination of the transcripts of the Parliamentary debates on the Alevi matter from 2002 to 2012 reveals that the AKP is markedly similar to Kemalists in its approach to religion–state relations. Like the CHP, the AKP privileges a totalizing interpretation of Islam in order to promote national unity, but as this paper argues, it does so at the expense of nonconforming religious communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both principal Turkish political parties make extensive use of patron–client networks, but in very different ways. The CHP relies on competing local brokers and synchronous vote buying. The AKP is at the centre of a network of public and private funding turning social policy to clientelist ends. Socially anchored AKP activists link the party to voters, allowing it to target social assistance for political advantage and take credit for improvement in local conditions. The case presented in this paper provides a natural experiment suggesting that this distinction is an important explanation for the AKP’s electoral success in low-income urban areas. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In November 2021, Turkey’s Republican People’s Party (CHP) leader, Kılıçdaroğlu,1 shared a video via Twitter in which he made a call for helalleşme2 to Turkish society. While the repercussions of the call have been reflected differently within the political spectrum in Turkish society, this study investigates how social cohesion and reconciliation are envisaged and addressed by the main opposition party. It does this through a discursive analysis of Kılıçdaroğlu’s speeches released since his helalleşme call that builds upon theoretical discussions about reconciliation and intergroup forgiveness. Research on reconciliation and intergroup forgiveness literature associated with the Turkish case mainly revolves around the Turkish government’s or Turkish nationalists’ approach to ethnic minorities, such as the Kurdish question. However, studies investigating the stance of the main opposition party concerning the debate about fragmentation within Turkish society are very limited. Therefore, this study will aim to fill this gap. To thematically analyze the underlying messages of and motivation for the discourses, it will employ the discourse historical approach (DHA). In this way, the current study will contribute empirically to the relevant literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relative impacts of social influence and political party affiliation on electoral choices depend on the maturity of the political party system. In established democracies political party affiliation has a decisive impact on electoral choices whereas in democratizing countries political discussion influences over-time volatility in electoral outcomes. This paper investigates the significance of both factors on individual attitudes toward political candidates in Turkey. Findings from an experiment where social disagreement and candidate political party affiliation are manipulated indicate that young voters are sensitive to both partisan cues and socially supplied disagreement in forming and changing their attitudes toward political candidates. The results also show that, unlike most developing countries with weak parties, party label in Turkey is an important heuristic for making electoral choices. However, social disagreement can make political attitudes unstable. The findings suggest that Turkey presents us with a case in between the developed country voters' iron clad partisan attachment and the developing country voters' high susceptibility to socially communicated persuasive messages. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper tests four hypotheses of “losers' consent”—that is, the extent to which evaluations of democratic governance are shared by citizens who voted for the Justice and Development Party (AKP), the winner at the 2007 Turkish elections, and those who voted for the opposition parties, the Republican People's Party (CHP) and the Nationalist Action Party (MHP). It uses survey data about governance evaluations from the 2007 Turkish Election Study. The evidence rejects the idea that losers withhold consent, creating polarized pluralism. It gives some support to a winner's effect. It finds a substantial degree of similarity in views of governance across party lines. Differences between voters for the two losing parties are sometimes greater than differences with the AKP. Regardless of dissatisfaction with some features of governance, there is an overwhelming consensus rejecting a change of regime to military or Shari'a rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses the prospects of social democracy in Turkey in light of two prominent debates regarding social democracy: the challenge of populism and the proper balance between a politics of redistribution and a politics of recognition. By focusing on the Republican People's Party (CHP), it shows that the main problem the party faces is to find ways of addressing the issues of recognition and redistribution. Success in addressing these issues would provide an effective alternative to the populist agenda of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and build channels for participatory democracy and institutions of accountability. We argue that social democracy, with its legacy of democratic rule and institutions, can serve as a significant anchoring point in such an effort. We point out, however, why current social, institutional, political, and cultural factors make the CHP's task of pursuing a social democratic agenda in Turkey particularly difficult. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Arastirma Merkezi Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Arastirma Merkezi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences Institute / Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Bingol University / Rectorate and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Istanbul Commerce University Journal of Social Sciences / İstanbul Ticaret Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Istanbul Commerce University Journal of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Arastirma Merkezi Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Arastirma Merkezi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On 30 March 2014 Turkish voters elected their local (city) councillors. Their party preferences seem to indicate considerable correspondence with the national vote choices. So, do voters' choices in local elections differ from voters' party preferences at the national legislative elections? Based on previous research findings on Turkish voting behaviour, a list of hypotheses was compiled and tested, using binary logistic regression analyses and survey data collected immediately prior to the 2009 and 2014 local elections. The main findings are that the party lists are supported at the ballot boxes on the basis of the voters' party identification, ideological positions, and economic (dis)satisfaction, whether in national or local elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Marketing activities have a significant impact on aims and objectives of companies. This situation has also drawn the attention of political parties. Marketing methods and techniques have been used by political parties under "political marketing" during their election campaigns which became very important for them. Political parties have tried to inform voters about their leaders, candidates, service and promises by meetings, rallies, advertisements and news. In this paper, initially, the relation between marketing and politics is examined and political marketing mix elements are explained. In the research part of this study, it has examined the role of Ulus and Zafer newspapers communicating the political products of Democratic Party and Republican People's Party, which joined at 1957's election, to voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government has initiated a number of democratic opening initiatives to tackle with the Kurdish question, the Alevi question, the Roma question, and the minorities question. This paper focuses on the reaction of the main opposition party, the Republican People's Party (CHP) to the initiative. It seeks to explain the CHP's reaction through the concept of "electoral hegemony", which refers to a situation where one party becomes an uncontestable actor in the electoral process, which, while weakening the possibility of the opposition parties winning elections, also weakens the faith and trust of their supporters that these parties could govern Turkey through winning elections. It is argued that the CHP's reaction to the democratic opening initiative is in fact directly related to its need to respond effectively to the electoral hegemony of the AK Party, and that it has developed its response through the concept of sovereignty which has always been integral to its historical identity as the main carrier of the state-centric Turkish modernity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi is the property of Tarih Incelemeleri Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Yearbook of the Faculty of Political Sciences / Godisnjak Fakultet Politickih Nauka Beograd is the property of University of Belgrade, Faculty of Political Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

European officials veer towards exceptionalism in their policy communications concerning the EU’s global role, particularly in terms of African development. This article poses a rejoinder to such tendencies through examination of the rise of ‘virtuous power Turkey’ in Africa. It examines how Turkish elites constructed a moralised ‘neo-Ottoman’ foreign policy in wake of stalled EU accession. It then underscores how elites framed humanitarian interventions in sub-Saharan Africa in contrast to the perceived neo-colonialism of an EU ‘other’. In this vein, the article explores the meaning of normative ‘neo-Ottomanism’ for ostensible beneficiaries in Africa, for the EU, and for Turkey itself. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article compares the EU accession discourses, during the 2002, 2007 and 2011 elections, of Turkey's governing Justice and Development Party (AKP) with those of the two main opposition parties, the Republican People's Party (CHP) and the Nationalist Action Party (MHP), tracking the continuities and shifts in their discourses. In the light of Habermas's distinction between pragmatic, ethical and moral justifications, the discourses are analysed on the basis of three explanatory logics - interests, rights and identity - by means of a theoretically guided qualitative content analysis of the election manifestos of these three political parties. These logics, emerging and shifting in line with periodical dynamics, have been instrumental to varying degrees in the discourses of Turkey's political elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey held two consecutive parliamentary elections in an interval of five months that produced entirely different results. The June 7 elections saw the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP) lose its parliamentary majority and the rise of the Halkların Demokratik Partisi (HDP) as a game-changer. Following the collapse of coalition talks, the subsequent snap elections held on November 1, 2015 took place under a dramatically different context, being marked with issues of security and stability that trumped the issues that were decisive in the June 7 elections, such as the economic slowdown, growing authoritarianism, and allegations of corruption. The electorate's search for a stable and strong government, the AKP's adjustments in an apparent response to the criticisms of the electorate, and the mistakes made by opposition parties gave the AKP the opportunity once again to form a single-party government after the November 1 elections. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the effects of law no 6360 legislated by the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP) before March 2014 local elections in Turkey. The law created 14 new metropolitan municipalities and greatly expanded 14 existing ones. It manipulated the elections first by adding all non-urban districts that were within the administrative borders, and second by dissolving all villages and towns by merging them with metropolitan municipalities. Analyzing the mayoral and councilor competitions, this article models how the elections would have ended had they been held within the pre-6360 borders, and concludes that election results were significantly altered because of distorted representation introduced by the law. Law no 6360 not only created advantages for AKP, but more importantly, it significantly weakened the main opponent Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Free Republican Party (FRP; Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası), founded and dissolved in 1930, represented the second attempt to transition to a multi-party system in Turkey, following the formation of the Progressive Republican Party (Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet Fırkası) in 1924. In contrast to the oppositional establishment of the latter, the FRP seemed to be a state-originated project whose establishment was decided upon by the elites of the day, led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Its representation in contemporary cartoons is deemed important today given the political cartoon’s ability to simplify complex political messages into understandable symbols and metaphors and to address or reach those who may not be literate. Taking into account the social structure of society during this period, this aspect of the reach of cartoons becomes particularly important. Political cartoons’ ability to both support the text in a newspaper and penetrate historical memory through stereotypes is also significant in terms of the representation of personalities and events. This article will attempt to analyze the formation of the FRP and the depiction of its elites through newspaper cartoons. Three prominent and pro-Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi) newspapers of this period—namely Cumhuriyet, Milliyet, and Vakit—will provide the material for the content and thematic analysis of the study. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article seeks to account for the prolonged inability of the Republican People's Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi, CHP) to be considered as a credible alternative to the governing Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP). Accounting for this is relevant from two perspectives: the emergence of a dominant party system during the AKP decade, and the increased rhetoric and public discourse stressing the “lack of [credible] opposition parties” in the party spectrum. The article attributes the CHP's electoral malaise to a mixture structural and leadership problems specific to the party organization. This argument, however, is placed against the backdrop of the dominant distributive position that the incumbent occupies in Turkey's political arena. The AKP's domination of both national and local government, typified by a service-oriented governing style, serves to undermine not just the CHP's chances of success, but virtually all opposition parties. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Between 1971 and 1973, Bülent Ecevit, an exceptional Third World leader who espoused a social democratic creed, struggled against the military rule by peaceful means. His main supporters in intellectual and ideological terms were a group of professors and politicians known as the Mülkiye Junta. The members of the group were scholars from the Ankara University Faculty of Political Science (previously known as the Mülkiye) and advisors to Ecevit. They supported parliamentary politics, criticized the role of the military in political life and recommended a new direction for the Republican People’s Party (RPP). In May 1972, they took over the party administration under the party chairmanship of Bülent Ecevit. After this, the RPP won the highest votes in the 1973 elections. The Mülkiye Junta had central role in the leadership and ideological change in the RPP. This article examines the political thinking of this group and their struggles within the RPP. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article explores how specific narratives of the past can be functionalized/ instrumentalized as discursive strategies in order to gain political power. To investigate this issue, four relevant governmental and non-governmental texts about the main opposition party in Turkey are analysed. The Republican People's Party (CHP), which played a historic role by becoming a state party between 1923 and 1946, and which later adopted a social democratic position in the political system, has frequently been criticized by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) for its historical identity. The article illuminates how discursive strategies of argumentation, nomination and predication are used to portray the CHP as an enduring bureaucratic-militarist state party and the ways in which these strategies are functionalized by AKP politicians as well as by public intellectuals in favour of the government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses potential reasons for the continuities in the broader policy agendas of capitalist states, despite radical shifts in economic policies, by employing the state-rescaling framework. Its main thrust is that, even though centrally designed policy programs mainly aim to give direction to the dynamics of the market economy, the institutional (re)structuring needed to operationalize such policy measures has been shaped around a politics of redistribution, a product both of the exclusionary results of past policies and the negative results of the newly introduced policy programs. This dialectical tension turns state rescaling into a political exercise in solving, and reproducing, 'systemic crises'. The article examines the history of state rescaling in Turkey to develop these arguments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article scrutinizes the determinants of the European Union (EU) policy of the Republican People's Party (CHP), the main opposition party in Turkey under the leadership of Kılıçdaroğlu. Critically discussing the role of party ideology concerning attitudes toward EU accession, the article examines whether the CHP's ideology changed after Kılıçdaroğlu and if so, how this ideological shift affected the party's euroskeptic stance. The article overall argues that the leadership change enabled the party to withdraw its nationalistic stance and embrace a social democratic rhetoric. However, the article contends that such transformation had little effect on its euroskepticism due to the persisting endogenous (the Justice and Development Party's authoritarianism) and exogenous factors (the EU's additional conditionality) that constrain the new CHP's EU-enthusiasm. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article will suggest a bottom-up approach to analyzing the impact of European Union (EU) conditionality on candidate countries. If requiring comprehensive reforms, EU accession negotiations offer domestic actors a legitimacy standard, external constraints and a focal point for electoral coalitions as resources in the domestic political arena. The Turkish case serves as a hypothesis-generating case study suggesting that domestic actors who are disadvantaged in domestic resources in these dimensions embrace EU accession, whereas domestic actors who feel threatened in their domestic resources adopt an opposite strategy. It will be demonstrated that the two major Turkish political parties adopted a cost-benefit calculus in their position towards EU accession. The Turkish case is particularly intriguing because the positions adopted by the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Republican People's Party (CHP), respectively, have been counter-intuitive, and in fact both parties have drastically reversed earlier positions towards EU accession and done so in disregard of the preferences of their core electorate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the foreign policy sections of 2011 election manifestos of the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party) (AKP), the Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (Republican People's Party) (CHP), the Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi (Nationalist Movement Party) MHP, and the Emek, Demokrasi ve Özgürlük Bloku (Labor, Democracy and Freedom Bloc) (EDÖB) the pre-election Barş ve Demokrasi Partisi (Peace and Democracy Party) (BDP). Foreign policy is both an issue and a non-issue for Turkish electorate because although foreign policy issues have almost no impact on voters choices, the parties still continue to devote space to foreign policy performances, promises, and projections in their election manifestos. The analysis of 2011 election manifestos reveals that the AKP primarily envisions a Turkey with more commonalities with the East than with the West, but yet ranked Turkey's relations with Europe and the West higher; for the MHP while Turkey's commonality with the East was defined in terms of common history and culture, the West was portrayed to have commonness only in terms of values; the CHP equated European values with universalism and prioritized Turkey's ties with Europe; finally, the EDÖB manifesto was an anti-thesis of all manifestos where foreign policy was instrumental for the ideological goals of the bloc and subsequently of the BDP. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

After providing a brief overview of civil–military relations in Turkey prior to the June 12, 2011, general elections, this article focuses on the way in which the ruling Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP), the opposition Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (CHP), and the Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi treated this issue in their election campaigns. It argues that the AKP had a dual discourse on civil–military relations and the CHP occasionally showed signs of defending the role of the military in Turkish politics. However, both the victorious AKP and the main opposition CHP adopted policies that accentuated the reduction of the military's role in politics. An analysis of the election campaigns and results suggests that until the next elections, civilian control over the military will further increase. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since the 1980s, through the creation of image-dependent products, the advertising industry in metropolitan areas of Turkey has followed new tastes by manufacturing collective identities promising ‘a different lifestyle‘. This has been achieved by promoting either images of past (historical) forms or of different cultures and claiming that these images represent a better future in the social network of consumption. This article presents an historical perspective on the transformation of Turkish architecture in the postmodern from an historical and cultural representation of society to the ‘ordinary‘ and the ‘clichéd‘. Now buildings are made to appear ‘historical‘ in an attempt to look different. Architecture turns into making an image that is easy to exchange, buy and sell. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article assesses the state of center-left or social democratic politics in Turkey through a comparison with Greece, using two political parties, the Greek Panhellenic Socialist Movement (Panellinio Sosialistiko Kinima or PASOK) and the Turkish Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi or CHP). Formed in the 1970s, PASOK gained control of the government in the 1980s and implemented a program of successful political reform. CHP, on the other hand, failed to gain power and adopted a nationalist, secularist, and anti-reform position. The CHP is seen as needing to develop the adaptability and dynamism of PASOK in order to revitalize Turkey's relationship with the European Union.