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The BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) economies have been the subject of many scholarly studies in recent years, as well as featuring in the popular media. This special issue of the African Journal of Science, Technology, Innovation and Development (AJSTID) called for original research contributions in the various aspects of Science Technology and Innovation (STI) studies in the BRICS group of emerging economics. The issue is composed of 11 research papers on different STI topics relevant to the BRICS countries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to re-assess both the nature and sources of the competitive advantages which multinationals expanding from home bases in emerging economies (EMNEs) may enjoy in the global market. Design/methodology/approach – The paper analyses the results of 12 concurrent studies undertaken by a group of experts who were asked to examine how strategies for innovation, international value chain configuration and foreign mergers and acquisitions contributed to the competitive advantages of multinationals emerging from Brazil, Russia, India and China (the BRICs), respectively. Findings – EMNEs do have competitive advantages that can underpin their expansion abroad, but these are mainly “non-traditional” advantages that have been built by finding innovative ways to leverage advantages of their home countries. EMNE’s internationalisation is as much about accessing new resources and knowledge to enable them to extend their competitive advantage, as it is a route to exploiting existing advantages over a larger set of markets. As a result, the global value chain structure of EMNEs tends to be fundamentally different from that chosen by incumbent multinationals. Research limitations/implications – The study is limited to EMNEs from the BRIC countries, but implications for EMNEs emerging from other countries are discussed. Originality/value – We bring to bear extensive data and a systematic approach to understanding the new breed of multinationals emerging from the BRIC countries; their sources of competitive advantage; and how they are using innovation, foreign investment and overseas acquisitions to transform global competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the paper is to analyze the phenomenon of BRICS, its formation and impact on international politics, the interaction of countries-participants (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa). In the research, the following methods have been used: analysis, synthesis, prediction, descriptive method, methods of generalization and systematization as well as the method of behaviorism (analysis of behavioral factors that led to certain actions of the BRICS countries- members) and the method of sampling (the reasons for the creation and the activities of BRICS against all other international alliances and organizations). Conclusions: for Brazil, membership in BRICS is a way to strengthen positions on the Latin American continent; for Russia, membership in BRICS is an economic and political «defense»; for India, membership in BRICS is a unique opportunity to «maneuver» between different political alliances and unions; for China, BRICS is the bridgehead for realizing its own political ambitions; for South Africa, membership in BRICS is an inevitable investment for maintaining national economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically examines the formation of the BRICS alliance, comprising Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, with a specific focus on the pivotal role played by the United States in shaping this strategic partnership. It explores the extent of US influence and the accompanying responsibilities it assumes within the alliance. The article highlights the proactive efforts of Brazil, Russia, and China to expand their global influence while concurrently aiming to reduce US interference. Brazil, in particular, seeks partnerships with Russia and China as a means to attain autonomy and foster development. Simultaneously, Russia and China strive to challenge US global dominance and solidify their own spheres of influence. The article concludes by emphasising the importance of critically evaluating Europe's military support to Ukraine, suggesting that such support may primarily serve US interests. Additionally, it underscores Europe's potential to promote peace and stability by pursuing independent and principled foreign policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change is increasingly being recognized as a serious threat to dominant modes of social organization, inspiring suggestions that capitalism itself needs to be transformed if we are to ‘decarbonize’ the global economy. Since the Kyoto Protocol in 1997, carbon markets have emerged as the main politico-economic tools in global efforts to address climate change. Newell and Paterson (2010) have recently claimed that the embrace of carbon markets by financial and political elites constitutes a possible first step towards the transformation of current modes of capitalist organization into a new form of greener, more sustainable ‘climate capitalism.’ In this paper, we argue that the institutionalization of carbon markets does not, in fact, represent a move towards the radical transformation of capitalism, but is better understood as the most recent expression of ongoing trends of ecological commodification and expropriation, driving familiar processes of uneven and crisis-prone development. In this paper, we review four critical Marxist concepts: metabolic rift (Foster, 1999), capitalism as world ecology (Moore, 2011a), uneven development and accumulation through dispossession (Harvey, 2003, 2006), and sub-imperialism (Marini, 1972, 1977), developing a framework for a Marxist analysis of carbon markets. Our analysis shows that carbon markets form part of a longer historical development of global capitalism and its relation to nature. Carbon markets, we argue, serve as creative new modes of accumulation, but are unlikely to transform capitalist dynamics in ways that might foster a more sustainable global economy. Our analysis also elucidates, in particular, the role that carbon markets play in exacerbating uneven development within the Global South, as elites in emerging economies leverage carbon market financing to pursue new strategies of sub-imperial expansion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the policies that three BRICS countries used to tackle the growing problem of attracting and retaining talent in public sector institutions. The authors trace the changes in these countries’ strategies and approaches resulting from growing budgetary constraints; labour market shifts; new demographic trends; increasing demands for higher performance by public servants; and complex challenges faced by governments worldwide. Although talent management in public sector institutions was a government priority for the three countries—Brazil, China, and Russia—the results achieved have been modest. The authors draw lessons for other governments from their analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this paper we examine the BRICS by focusing on one of its member states: Brazil. More specifically, we focus on the relationship between Brazilian foreign policy under President Lula (2003-2010), U.S. hegemonic decline, and the commodity boom that provided economic resources to sustain Brazil's position in world politics. With the world financial crisis of 2008, Lula's belle époque came to an end. Without the abundant resources of commodity exports, Lula's successor, Dilma Rousseff, tried unsuccessfully to combat the economic slowdown by further strengthening the economic role of the state. With this expansionist economic policy, she was elected for a second term in office, but immediately embraced the previous orthodox economic policies, what coupled with lack of support from the Congress, threw the government into crisis. As a result, not only has the political economy of Brazil re-aligned with the interests of financial capital, but also its foreign policy has returned to its historical alignment with the United States. Our contention is that the BRICS will soon be of no relevance to Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent times a growing number of Latin American rural groups have achieved extended ethno-territorial rights, and large territories have been protected by progressive constitutions. These were the outcomes of extended cycles of national and transnational contentious politics and of social movement struggle, including collective South–South cooperation. However, the continent has simultaneously experienced a resource extraction boom. Frequently the extractivism takes place in protected areas and/or Indigenous territories. Consequently economic interests collide with the protection and recognition of constitutional rights. Through a review of selected demonstrative cases across Latin America, this article analyses the (de jure) rights on paper versus the (de facto) rights in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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Copyright of Universitas: Relações Internacionais is the property of Universitas: Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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In 1974 China and Brazil began the building of a dialogue that consolidated, ever since, an important partnership for both countries, especially in areas of trade, infrastructure, finance, technology, energy and food. Such connection became closer after Brazil's inclusion as a member of BRICS, an entity formed by Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. However, could it be said that relations were intensified from this inclusion? Giving the question, the purpose of this paper is to identify how the creation of the BRICS influenced in the relationship between China and Brazil, using a theoretical and exploratory research. Given the findings, it is understood that these diplomatic exchanges between the two states have been intensified due to interaction in the BRICS bloc, however, some warning signs are perceived about a Brazil's dependency on Chinese political and economic directions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article summarises the characteristics of the current platform for BRICS scientific research and cooperation in the Arctic. The BRICS countries’ activities for the development of the Arctic region are analysed. The Arctic cooperation platform is explored through an analysis of official documents, a review of ongoing official events. The BRICS countries are implementing relevant joint projects to develop and explore the Arctic, on the one hand realising their own needs, and on the other using the specific advantages of their economic systems. From time to time, they organise and hold multilateral meetings and conferences. However, most cooperation takes place in a bilateral format. It is based on the organisation of conferences, cooperation between research institutes and joint training. This helps the BRICS countries to expand their influence in the Arctic. Based on an analysis of the identified materials, including projects developed to date but not yet implemented, the author seeks to summarise the main characteristics and features of BRICS Arctic cooperation and to identify its strengths and weaknesses. The conclusions of the paper present relevant proposals for improving the effectiveness of the BRICS countries’ joint work on the Arctic agenda in the medium term.

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Scholars studying BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) have traditionally argued that it is a development-focused partnership and not a military/security-based alliance. Yet BRICS members have been deepening their security integration, and Russia and China have been creating an alliance in the background. Although BRICS middle powers have traditionally demonstrated an aversion towards alliances, Brazil actively deepened security cooperation among BRICS members during its BRICS presidency in 2019. How does Brazil view alliances in contemporary power competition? This study examines Brazil's perceptions by introducing and analysing a new data set of Brazilian expert discourses on alliances since 1990 and using its participation in BRICS as an empirical case. It finds that Brazil does not consider its security relationships with BRICS states to be more significant than those with non-BRICS states. However, BRICS enables Brazil to advance its specific security agenda that becomes embedded within the group's developmental orientation. While theorising about middle powers traditionally links these powers to international organisations, their pursuit of development–security agendas in rising power groups is an important front in contemporary power competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa has one of the highest rates of unemployment in the world. Job creation is a national priority, yet labor-intensive options are derided by the trade union movement as an unacceptable throwback to the “cheap labor” policies of apartheid, and effectively ruled out by the government in its recent National Development Plan (NDP). Instead, minimum-wage setting in South Africa continues to contribute to job destruction (as evidenced most recently in the clothing industry). Policy-makers hope that support for high-productivity firms and rapid economic growth will make up for job losses and solve the unemployment problem. Unfortunately, South Africa’s economic performance has been comparatively disappointing and constrained by negative investor sentiment, especially with regard to the labor market. The NDP has called for a social accord between labor and capital. But the prospects are not promising, and unemployment is likely to remain a significant feature of the South African economic landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Is Brazil's economic policy regime a mere tinkering of the Washington Consensus? The evidence suggests that Brazilian governments institutionalized a hybrid policy regime that layers economically liberal priorities originating in the Washington Consensus and more interventionist ones associated with neo-developmentalist thinking. To capture this hybridity, the study calls this regime ‘liberal neo-developmentalism’. While defending the goal of macroeconomic stability and sidelining full employment, Brazilian governments also reduced reliance on foreign savings and employed a largely off-the-books stimulus package during the crisis. Brazil experienced important privatization, liberalization and deregulation reforms, but at the same time the state consolidated its role as owner and investor in industry and banking while using an open economy industrial policy and a cautious approach to the free movement of capital. Finally, while conditional cash transfers fit the Washington Consensus, Brazil's steady increases in the minimum wage, industrial policies targeted at high employment sectors and the use of state-owned firms to expand welfare and employment programs better fit a neo-developmentalist policy regime. In sum, while the main goals of the Washington Consensus were not replaced with neo-developmentalist ones, Brazil's policy regime saw an extensive transformation of policy orthodoxy that reflects Brazil's status as an emerging power. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores the argument that the so-called four BRIC or the five BRICS economies can help rescue the global economy from its current crisis. It reviews the arguments for the positive role of these developing economies and then urges a series of reasons for caution about their capacity to act as an independent element in global economic recovery. It also draws attention to the differences between these economies and the need to consider the way that economic issues are related to geo-political considerations in the global system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With four out of the five BRICS members belonging to what has been referred to as the global South, it was believed that this would stimulate south to south cooperation. It was seen as a given. Although birthed in the Cold War by the Non-aligned Movement, South to South cooperation has experienced different dynamics in the post-Cold War era. In the current globalising world, countries face different challenges and define their interests differently. Thus, this article sets out to examine whether South Africa and Brazil's membership of BRICS has fostered south to south cooperation. The study uses mixed methods with quantitative indicators like foreign direct investment (inward and outward) and trade volume (import and export) before and after the countries joined BRICS. Qualitative data were drawn from key informer interviews and the literature. The study found that Brazil and South Africa perceive their membership of BRICS differently. Although South Africa has invested heavily in African countries and fostered dialogue between BRICS and its regional states, Brazil has pursued a more internationalist approach in an attempt to win over allies in the Global North and, in the final analysis, has not strongly fostered South to South cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Papel Político is the property of Pontificia Universidad Javeriana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Summary: How are Development Assistance Committee (DAC) donors evolving their financial flows and aid modalities in response to the growing influence and economic power of Southern BRICS? After presenting the shifting landscape of international development cooperation, we explore five hypotheses about the changing nature of DAC aid allocation patterns and modalities in BRICS countries. In our conclusion, we reflect on the evolution of DAC engagement in Brazil, China, India, and South Africa (BASIC countries) and what it might mean for all official donors. Our assessment is that the changing geopolitical environment for development cooperation is once again privileging economic diplomacy concerns within DAC donors, propelling specific kinds of decisions about the choice of instruments, sectors, and modalities in BASIC countries. It would appear that the administrative practice of foreign aid is increasingly derived from changes within the institutional environment for international development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses recent trends in foreign policy of Latin-American countries, in particular their approaches to the cooperation with BRICS. The main attention is paid to the analysis of Brazilian policy towards BRICS. Brazil is the only country which represents Latin-American continent in BRICS and has excellent possibilities to enter “the club of the Great Powers”.

Analysts frequently label the BRICS grouping of states (Brazil, India, Russia, China, and South Africa) as primarily an economic club emphasising economic performances as primary objectives. Co-operation of international groupings are rarely, if ever, set within the context of their access to maritime interests, security, and benefits. A second void stems from the lack of emphasis upon the economic benefits of secured maritime domains. In this vein, a common, but neglected aspect of the BRICS grouping's power and future influence resides in their maritime domains, the value of which ultimately depends upon the responsible governance and use of ocean territories. The maritime interests of BRICS countries only become meaningful if reinforced by maritime security governance and co-operation in the respective oceans. Presently China and India seem to dominate the maritime stage of BRICS, but the South Atlantic is an often overlooked space. For BRICS the value of the South Atlantic stems from how it secures and unlocks the potential of this maritime space through co-operative ventures between Brazil, South Africa as a late BRICS partner, and West African littoral states in particular. Unfortunately, BRICS holds its own maritime tensions, as member countries also pursue competing interests at sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores and compares self- and xeno-visions of Brazil's energy policy in relation to the European Union (EU) and the other BRICS countries. Brazil's competence as 'green' or 'environmental power' is often highlighted in view of its ascending role in international relations. Yet, its diverse and green domestic energy matrix of around 45 per cent renewables is a mixed blessing. The EU and Brazil seem natural partners in their normative orientation towards sustainability, but empirical evidence from our media analysis of the two leadings dailies - Folha de Sao Paulo and Valor Economico - and expert interviews in Brasilia and Brussels suggest a picture of normative discrepancies in interpreting the guiding norms of sustainability, competitiveness and security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa’s foreign policy has recently been gravitating away from an appeal to Western powers towards the establishment of new friendships in the Global South, especially with Asia and Latin America. Moreover, the favouring of the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) partnership and a rising tone of anti-Western sentiments have increasingly been evidenced in South Africa’s contemporary foreign policy, which are of major significance to the nature and direction of its economic-diplomatic strategy. Three broad perspectives or main arguments from this article are of special importance: First, most members of BRICS are troubled by slower economic growth, which should be of concern to South Africa’s current foreign policy stand. Second, anti-Western ideological concerns and related presumptions on the part of the South African government that the BRICS formation could potentially assume a counter-hegemonic character vis-à-vis the West are questionable and dubious. Third, South Africa stands to benefit from many networks and opportunities provided by BRICS membership. At the same time, because of its low economic growth, high levels of poverty and lack of employment opportunities, South Africa cannot afford to follow an approach of narrow interest concerning the BRICS formation and to constrain itself in its economic diplomacy. This article argues that the South African government will therefore have to consider the opportunities offered by a more nuanced and pragmatic foreign policy designed on multiple identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growth of corporate law firms in emerging markets is mainly followed by practitioner journals reporting new offices and mergers, the openness of markets to non-national lawyers, and various rankings of local and transnational law firms. There is a small but growing academic literature that, for the most part, relies on US theoretical models, asking whether the corporate law firms are converging toward a global standard or what form of global/local hybrid is taking root. This literature fits well with the practical concerns about the specific spread of corporate lawyers. A complementary approach looks more into the global processes that produce the expectation that corporate lawyers will evolve into some modern model resembling the US corporate lawyer. For this more general line of research the position of corporate lawyers in relation to the state becomes more important, as do the hierarchical and imperial relationships that are manifested in different roles and statuses for those from the core and those from the periphery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents characteristics of journalism as a profession in the Brazilian context. The data consist of an extensive sample gathered in four Brazilian cities: Brasilia (the federal capital), Rio de Janeiro, Juiz de Fora and Vitória. The analysis is part of the exploration of journalism in the BRICS countries. The results serve to illustrate some of the political, economic and cultural factors impacting on Brazilian journalism. The article presents and contextualises data on professional characteristics, gender relations, career motivations, ethics as well as both the perception of journalists on media regulation and differences between journalism in online and traditional media. By doing so, this article uses the Brazilian sample of the BRICS project to introduce some of the ongoing conditions and debates relating to journalism in the largest country of Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade, power dynamics within the South Atlantic region have undergone significant changes. While the area has historically been dominated by North–South ties, both in terms of material flows and with respect to political influence, more recently there has been a surge in cooperation between developing countries within this space. As trade, investment and other forms of exchange and dialogue increase among actors from within the region (notably between South America and Africa) and with states located outside the region, the BRICS countries become more relevant to the South Atlantic. Individually, they have become relevant players in the South Atlantic's economic, political and security dimensions. Collectively, as inter-BRICS flows and political coordination intensify, new configurations of cooperation emerge within the South Atlantic. These initiatives suggest that rising powers are contributing towards making the South Atlantic – long dominated by North–South ties – a space where South–South cooperation and norms predominate. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the evolution of the 'responsibility to protect' (R2P) doctrine, the most significant recent development has been the 'responsibility while protecting' (RWP) proposal as put forward by Brazil in September 2011, with a more detailed statement in November 2011. The RWP proposal emphasised the use of force as a last resort, and the need to avoid 'regime change'; it also argued for closer monitoring of the use of force when R2P was invoked. Brazil's approach to R2P was influenced by its noninterventionist attitudes deriving from its historical experience of the world. Brazil favoured caution and a focus on the responsibility of the state in relation to R2P; involvement in Haiti from 2004 highlighted the development-oriented approach to peacebuilding that Brazil preferred. The experience of R2P in Libya in 2011 was the immediate occasion for Brazil advancing the RWP proposal, with the situation in Syria also highlighting Brazilian concerns. The Brazilian proposal has been modified to some extent in subsequent discussion within the UN, but the main thrust of the proposal remains; issues relating to R2P such as sequencing and implementation have been clarified but without an overall consensus being achieved. While the Western countries generally favour flexibility in relation to R2P, the BRICS countries and the Global South are generally more cautious in their approach. The reception of the RWP proposal highlights the growing importance of the BRICS countries and the Global South in an increasingly pluralistic world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Since 2010, five newly emerging economies collectively known as 'BRICS' (Brazil, India, Russia, China and South Africa) have caught the imagination, and scholarly attention, of political scientists, economists and development specialists. The prospect of a unified geopolitical bloc, consciously seeking to re-frame international (and global) health development with a new set of ideas and values, has also, if belatedly, begun to attract the attention of the global health community. But what influence, if any, do the BRICS wield in global health, and, if they do wield influence, how has that influence been conceptualized and recorded in the literature? Methods: We conducted a systematic literature review in (March-December 2012) of documents retrieved from the databases EMBASE, PubMed/Medline, Global Health, and Google Scholar, and the websites of relevant international organisations, research institutions and philanthropic organisations. The results were synthesised using a framework of influence developed for the review from the political science literature. Results: Our initial search of databases and websites yielded 887 documents. Exclusion criteria narrowed the number of documents to 71 journal articles and 23 reports. Two researchers using an agreed set of inclusion criteria independently screened the 94 documents, leaving just 7 documents. We found just one document that provided sustained analysis of the BRICS' collective influence; the overwhelming tendency was to describe individual BRICS countries influence. Although influence was predominantly framed by BRICS countries' material capability, there were examples of institutional and ideational influence - particularly from Brazil. Individual BRICS countries were primarily 'opportunity seekers' and region mobilisers but with potential to become 'issue leaders' and region organisers. Conclusion: Though small in number, the written output on BRICS influence in global health has increased significantly since a similar review conducted in 2010 found just one study. Whilst it may still be 'early days' for newly-emerging economies influence in global health to have matured, we argue that there is scope to further develop the concept of influence in global health, but also to better understand the ontology of groups of countries such as BRICS. The BRICS have made a number of important commitments towards reforming global health, but if they are to be more than a memorable acronym they need to start putting those collective commitments into action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazil–Russia–India–China–South Africa (BRICS) is a popular yet poorly conceptualized group. This article builds a parallel between BRICS and OPEC in order to assess the former using a weak cognitivist version of the regime theory. The five countries created an international regime whose members cooperate in view of acquiring, collectively and individually, increased influence in international financial and economic institutions. As they do not concern this domain, the diverging interests of the five members do not hamper the rather limited socialization process at work and the implicit development of the regime. However, they will most likely prevent BRICS from reaching generalized political cooperation. Consequently, the group can be expected to increase its influence significantly in comparison to the present level but not to become one of the world's leading actors. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]