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This paper considers the roles of migration and group-specific ethnic penalties in minority groups’ life chances. In relation to existing knowledge of extensive diversity between ethnic groups, and outlining a range of frameworks within which to understand that diversity, the paper first explores the relationship of class origins to parental educational and economic assets for three groups of migrant parentage and a comparison white non-migrant group. Second, the paper investigates for the different ethnic groups how the probability of having a professional or managerial class outcome is influenced by class origins and by the educational achievements of the “second generation”. Analysis is based on the ONS Longitudinal Study, which enables the study members to be tracked from 1971, when they were children living with their parents, to their own social class outcomes in 1991 and 2001. Because processes of occupational achievement may take different lengths of time for different groups, occupational outcomes are modelled in both 1991 and 2001, and also outcomes in 2001 conditional on position in 1991. The paper shows that there is evidence of differential processes operating for different ethnic groups that go beyond their class background, but which cannot be attributed to discrimination operating equally against all minority groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines two significant moments in sexual minority citizenship in England and Wales in relation to one of the Marshallian sets of rights, namely, civil or legal rights, focusing specifically on the Sex Offences legislation and policing practices. The first moment that will be examined here is the process whereby homosexual acts were decriminalized in the 1950s and 1960s: here special attention will be paid to the recommendations made by the Wolfenden Committee. The second moment is one we are currently experiencing, which is associated with the inclusive policing of sexual minority communities (especially lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender communities) under the provisions of the Crime and Disorder Act 1998 and in the review of Sex Offences, especially in the consultation paper (Home Office 2000) and White Paper (Home Office 2002) associated with this review. Privacy and toleration dominate the first moment, at the same time it shall be demonstrated that privacy is also central to the British Sexual Citizenship literatures that have emerged in sociology in the post Wolfenden context. However, as the title suggests, the second moment under examination points to the emergence of a rather more extensive sexual minority citizenship beyond the boundaries of ‘homosexual privacy’ (which British Sexual Citizenship Studies is not currently engaging with) and perhaps even beyond the boundaries of toleration through ever more ‘inclusive’ policing strategies and through the review of sex offences in which many discriminatory laws are being ‘de-homosexualized’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A discussion of the boundaries between nursing and sociology is contained in this paper. The creation of nursing as an academic subject is discussed and compared with the creation of academic geography. The creation of academic subject involves 'boundary work' in which power and legitimacy are conferred on some forms of knowledge and not others. Boundary work enables a discipline to stake out a claim to its legitimate territory and the resources that go with it. In a practice discipline such as nursing, the boundaries between nursing and supporting subjects, such as sociology and physiology, create problems of transfer of learning. This has implications for curriculum design. Bernstein's work on educational transmissions offers useful insights. He suggests a distinction between educational knowledge codes. 'Collection' codes involve strong boundaries between subjects, 'integrated' codes imply weak boundaries. The implications of the move to an integrated code in nursing are discussed. The existence of an integrated code implies a 'strong ideological consensus' within a discipline. In nursing this entails a belief in the 'individualized care' of the patients. This is incompatible with the sociological understanding of nursing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

abstract The paper describes a developing sociological and psychoanalytic approach to the study of 20 London families in the early 1950s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: While screening uptake is variable, many individuals feel they 'ought' to participate in screening programmes to aid the detection of conditions amenable to early treatment. Those not taking part in screening are often presented as either hindered by practical or social barriers or personally at fault. Why some people choose not to participate receives less consideration. Methods: We explored screening nonparticipation by examining the accounts of participants who chose not to participate in screening offered by a national research trial of atrial fibrillation (AF) screening in England (SAFER: Screening for Atrial Fibrillation with ECG to Reduce stroke). AF is a heart arrhythmia that increases in prevalence with age and increases the risk of stroke. Systematic screening for AF is not a nationally adopted programme within the United Kingdom; it provides a unique opportunity to explore screening nonparticipation outside of the norms and values attached to existing population‐based screening programmes. We interviewed people aged over 65 (n = 50) who declined an invitation from SAFER and analysed their accounts thematically. Results: Beyond practical reasons for nonparticipation, interviewees challenged the utility of identifying and managing AF earlier. Many questioned the benefits of screening at their age. The trial's presentation of the screening as research made it feel voluntary—something they could legitimately decline. Conclusion: Nonparticipants were not resistant to engaging in health‐promoting behaviours, uninformed about screening or unsupportive of its potential benefits. Instead, their consideration of the perceived necessity, legitimacy and utility of this screening shaped their decision not to take part. Patient or Public Contribution: The SAFER programme is guided by four patient and carer representatives. The representatives are embedded within the team (e.g., one is a co‐applicant, another sits on the programme steering committee) and by participating in regular meetings advise on all aspects of the design, management and delivery of the programme, including engaging with interpreting and disseminating the findings. For the qualitative workstream, we established a supplementary patient and public involvement group with whom we regularly consult about research design questions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: The aim of this study was to explore in detail the relationship between various social aspects of young people's lives and substance use and differences in the degree of influence exerted by the different social factors as a function of age. Design, setting, participants. The study was a survey of pupils aged 11-16 in a stratified sample of five English schools. Data from 4516 participants were obtained in relation to their cigarette, alcohol and illicit drug use and their contact with the police, perceived academic achievements and future expectations, religious beliefs, family structure, the importance of family versus peer opinions and suspension from school., Measures: Cumulative, age-specific preferences of substance misuse were compared. Logistic regression was used to rank the various risk factors., Results: Substantial differences were found between substance users and non-users and the various risk factors being examined. For example, of those who had only been in trouble with the police, 18.8% used illegal drugs compared with 1.6% of those who had not had a police contact and who had no other risk factors. Many of these relationships were age-sensitive. For instance, the negative relationship between belief in God and illicit drug use became stronger as age increased (non-believers: y = 8.1886x - 9.16 R(2) = 0.9484; believers: y = 5.1514x - 8.08 R(2) = 0.9247). These results suggest that, within this sample of English adolescents, there was a strong relationship between substance use and the social factors examined. Although there were differences depending upon whether cigarette, alcohol or illicit drug use was being modelled, logistic regression indicated that the social factors could be ranked in the following order of importance: concurrent use of the second and third substances, having been in trouble with the police, perceived poor academic performance and low future academic expectations, a lack of religious belief, coming from a non-intact family, favouring peer over family opinion and having been suspended from school. Many of these relationships were age-sensitive with substance use peaking at age 15., Conclusion: The models and relationships presented in this paper show that a constellation of behaviours are related to adolescent substance use. Also demonstrated is that behaviours cannot be considered in isolation, but need to be examined from an holistic or biopsychosocial standpoint. These relationships are complex and future research should consider not only causality of adolescent substance use, but also of the aetiology of the satellite behaviours.

The paper tells of the social constructs surrounding young children with learning difficulties in their home, 'special' early education setting and 'inclusive' or mainstream early education setting in England. The exploratory study focused on how three- to four-year-old children made sense of their environments and how their identities were constructed by different parties in the different contexts. Ethnographic case studies were conducted using semi-structured and informal interviews with parents and practitioners, documentary analysis, fieldnotes, and live and video observations. Shared constructions across the contexts for each child were common, with constructions of them being happy and making progress pervasive across the children and settings. Differences in constructions across settings indicated that qualities could shine or negative constructions be tempered, thus showing the role of the environment and the culture of inclusion in socially constructing children with special needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between gentrification and globalisation has recently become a significant concern for gentrification scholars. This has involved developing an understanding of how gentrification has become a place-based strategy of class (re)formation during an era in which globalisation has changed sociological structures and challenged previously established indicators of social distinction. This paper offers an alternative reading of the relationship between gentrification and globalisation through examining the results of a mixed method research project which looked at new-build gentrification along the River Thames, London, UK. This research finds gentrification not to be distinguished by the gentrifer-performed practice of habitus within a ‘global context’. Rather, the responsibility for gentrification, and the relationship between globalisation and gentrification, is found to originate with capital actors working within the context of a neoliberal global city. In order to critically conceptualise this form of gentrification, and understand the role of globalisation within the process, the urban theory of Lefebvre is drawn upon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research on social capital has explored trends in membership in voluntary organizations. However, there is currently little robust evidence on such trends in the UK since the 1970s, nor is there any analysis of whether participation bridges social divisions or accentuates them. This paper explores trends in participation in England and Wales since 1972 using data from the Social Mobility Inquiry of 1972 and the British Household Panel Survey of 1992 and 1999. We are concerned with social exclusion mechanisms in social capital generation in Britain over the three decades. Using binomial and multinomial models to 'unpack' the effects of socio-cultural factors on civic participation and on different types of associational membership, we test the thesis of across-the-board decline in social capital by Putnam (2000) and that of rising levels of middle-class social capital versus consistent low levels of working-class social capital by Hall (1999). The results show significant socio-cultural-gender differences, a relative stability of middle-class participation, and a rapid decline in the working-class access to social capital. We challenge the established accounts of both theses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The introduction to this paper provides a brief review of the literature on religious belief and practice suggesting that much of this remains to be fully assimilated within the sociology of religion. The paper examines the contention that contemporary British religious practice can be characterized as 'believing without belonging'. Drawing on a survey of rural residents in five areas of England, the paper suggests that a majority of people express high levels of religious belief and a sense of belonging to a particular denomination. Formal religious observance is, however, low. Through a detailed examination of attitudes to the Church of England, a picture emerges of a populace with a well developed sense of the role of the Church and its clergy which is, in the main, affirmative and positive. An important question remains as to why such sentiment is so unevenly transmitted into formal religious observance such as regular attendance at church services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the question: can the variation that have been observed in class mobility rates in England, France and Sweden be in fact attributed entirely to differences in the evolution of the class structures of these societies - or in other factors affecting the demand and supply conditions attending mobility; or is it rather the case that there are, in addition to such structural sources of variation, differences also among the three societies in the pattern of what we would term their social fluidity or, in other words, in mobility considered independently of structural influences? To use the conceptual language that has been conventional in mobility research- but from which we would wish to depart -- the issue could then be alternatively posed as that of whether the cross-national variation that we have demonstrated is confined simply to structural mobility, or whether it extends to exchange mobility as well. The source of mobility data in England, France and Sweden have been fully described in previous paper of these authors. Here it will be sufficient to say that the data derive from nationally-based sample survey inquiries undertaken in the three countries during the early 1970s.

Using the implementation of the Griffiths Report as an example, this paper examines the way in which sociologists and others have examined the process of managing change within the NHS. Several studies of Griffiths have documented a number of unintended consequences of its implementation but it is argued that none of these have adequately theorised these unintended outcomes of the policy implementation process. It is suggested that the process-sociological approach of Norbert Elias, and in particular his game models, enable us better to understand the complex interweaving of planned and unplanned processes which is involved in all processes of managed change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares vertical mobility in Dublin and England and Wales as displayed in mobility tables using the seven class categories developed by Goldthorpe (1980). A model is developed which demonstrates the pattern of vertical mobility in each country and also allows us to measure the extent of class inheritance as distinct from class self-recruitment. The data are used to test the FJH thesis, and some differences between Dublin and England and Wales — in their degree of ‘openness’ and in the relative standings of the different classes — are examined. Patterns of relative mobility are found to differ quite strongly between the two with Dublin being considerably less open than England and Wales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Warner and England (1995) make a welcome argument for is technological science perspective for sociology based on a theory of humans as technological agents and an epistemology that includes ethical values. As with any sociological perspective, however, Warner and England's comments help to focus on and understand some aspects of social lift and not others. This commentary provides a complementary focus by emphasizing the dialectical relationship between human agency and technological agency. Furthermore, I argue that a dialectical view is necessary for grounding Warner and England's theoretical argument find for acting on their ethical argument. Implications of a dialectical perspective for the meaning and politics of technology are explored. The paper concludes with a discussion of the suitability of "science" as a metaphor for sociology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines official policy discourses on sex within the health education curriculum of schools during the period 1928–77. The article begins with an account of the origins of sex education in schools, and of why, in the early twentieth century, its inclusion in the health education curriculum was problematical. In the main section, the article examines the content of consecutive editions of the government published “handbooks of health education”, and of an important supplementary guidance pamphlet, published during the Second World War. It traces the gradual shifts over time in official discourses of “sex education”, and in the sets of understandings about children, sexuality and the role of parents, for example, which underlay them. The shifts in official guidance discourses on sex within the health education curriculum of schools are explained through locating changes in their broader social and political contexts, especially the impact of the Second World War on sexual morality and the post-war emergence of youth as a significant social grouping. The article concludes by evaluating the handbooks as a source for the history of school-based health and sex education and by drawing attention to the wider historical and sociological significance of official discourses on sex education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is informed that "State" was not a common term of argument in eighteenth-century Britain. The recent rise to popularity of the term "civil society" - sometimes defined as the institutions which mediate between the citizen and the "state"-- adds a new category to the analytical stockpile; its appearance has probably tended to narrow the range of uses people wish to make of the term "state." Approaching the eighteenth century with nineteenth-century debates in mind, historians have often been preoccupied with the eighteenth-century balance between "centre" and "locality." However, the author opines that this was not an eighteenth-century issue-- at least not quite in those terms. Related issues which were sensitive concerned the exercise of arbitrary power; infringement of chartered or personal rights; use of patronage to build up power blocs; and capture of institutions by parties. But these abuses were objectionable by whomsoever perpetrated. One of the complications confronting anyone who tries to explore the workings of eighteenth-century English government is that England was only one of the territories over which crown and parliament ruled. It is clear that the "state" which framed governance and politics in the various kingdoms and other dependencies of the British crown was a structurally complex entity, operating within a variety of political cultures.

This essay examines existing sociological explanations of the development of the central surveillance of citizens in the light of the English experience, and finds them wanting. Sociologists see the state using surveillance for the benefit of capitalist elites, to reimpose social control over the “society of strangers” created by industrialisation. But surveillance pre-dated industrialisation, and the development of information gathering by state elites had more to do with their own need to preserve their position both within the English polity, and international geo-politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data from residents of three differentiated working class neighbourhoods in Sheffield, England, this study explores the relative plausibility of three analytical perspectives on the working class formation process (the ecological, sectoral, the socialization perspectives). Expectations drawn from each of these are used to account for observed variations among respondents on several measures of working class formation. The results of several tests provide some support for the ecological and (to a lesser extent) the sectoral perspectives. However, both seem to offer less satisfactory accounts of observed variations in class formation than the socialization perspective. Some suggestions for further research to build upon the findings presented here are offered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Susan Reynolds defines medieval state as an organization of human society within a more or less fixed area in which the ruler or governing body more or less successfully controls the legitimate use of physical force. It is opined that the English state is not problematic historically or historiographically; taken as a given and a norm. There is a powerful tradition of constitutional and administrative history of central power, underpinned by abundance of state records. There is in no way one can deny the remarkable precociousness of "the English state;" indeed that precociousness might appear even more stunning in a comparative context. But even in England, one would do well to bring the study of the "state" into a broader arena of the discussion of power generally, in a social, economic, ideological and cultural as well as governmental context. It is deliberated whether the indiscriminate usage of the term "state" might side-step the issue of where power really lies in a decentralized society.

The article highlights the role of science in society in reference to the speech by John Denham, Secretary of State for Innovation, Universities and Skills, at the Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures and Commerce in London, England, in January 2008. In his speech, Denham focused on the central importance of science to society, and its impact on everyone's lives. He outlined a vision for Great Britain where the public is engaged with science in the modern world.