Search

Aims: This paper presents updated prevalence estimates of awareness, ever‐use, and current use of nicotine vaping products (NVPs) from 14 International Tobacco Control Policy Evaluation Project (ITC Project) countries that have varying regulations governing NVP sales and marketing. Design, Setting, Participants and Measurements: A cross‐sectional analysis of adult (≥ 18 years) current smokers and ex‐smokers from 14 countries participating in the ITC Project. Data from the most recent survey questionnaire for each country were included, which spanned the period 2013–17. Countries were categorized into four groups based on regulations governing NVP sales and marketing (allowable or not), and level of enforcement (strict or weak where NVPs are not permitted to be sold): (1) most restrictive policies (MRPs), not legal to be sold or marketed with strict enforcement: Australia, Brazil, Uruguay; (2) restrictive policies (RPs), not approved for sale or marketing with weak enforcement: Canada, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand; (3) less restrictive policies (LRPs), legal to be sold and marketed with regulations: England, the Netherlands, Republic of Korea, United States; and (4) no regulatory policies (NRPs), Bangladesh, China, Zambia. Countries were also grouped by World Bank Income Classifications. Country‐specific weighted logistic regression models estimated adjusted NVP prevalence estimates for: awareness, ever/current use, and frequency of use (daily versus non‐daily). Findings NVP awareness and use were lowest in NRP countries. Generally, ever‐ and current use of NVPs were lower in MRP countries (ever‐use = 7.1–48.9%; current use = 0.3–3.5%) relative to LRP countries (ever‐use = 38.9–66.6%; current use = 5.5–17.2%) and RP countries (ever‐use = 10.0–62.4%; current use = 1.4–15.5%). NVP use was highest among high‐income countries, followed by upper–middle‐income countries, and then by lower–middle‐income countries. Conclusions: With a few exceptions, awareness and use of nicotine vaping products varied by the strength of national regulations governing nicotine vaping product sales/marketing, and by country income. In countries with no regulatory policies, use rates were very low, suggesting that there was little availability, marketing and/or interest in nicotine vaping products in these countries where smoking populations are predominantly poorer. The higher awareness and use of nicotine vaping products in high income countries with moderately (e.g. Canada, New Zealand) and less (e.g. England, United States) restrictive policies, is likely due to the greater availability and affordability of nicotine vaping products. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Blood service organizations employ various ways to ensure transfusion blood safety, including the testing of all donations for transfusion‐transmissible infections (TTI) and the exclusion of donors who are at increased risk of a recent infection. As some TTIs are more common among men who have sex with men (MSM), many jurisdictions (temporarily) defer the donation of blood by sexually active MSM. This boils down to a categorical exclusion of a large group solely on the basis of their sexual orientation, which is seen as unduly discriminatory and stigmatizing. Blood service organizations in the U.K. and the Netherlands have recently changed their deferral policies for MSM. The problem of the MSM deferral involves a conflict between fundamental rights: the right of MSM to equal treatment and the right to health of the recipients of blood and blood products. We distinguish and discuss three broad alternative options to the current categorical deferral of MSM donations: (1) completely abandoning donor selection on the basis of sexual behavior, (2) individual risk assessment of the sexual activities of each potential donor, and (3) individual risk assessment of the sexual activities of MSM only. The new U.K. policy falls within the second category, and the new Dutch policy is in the third category. We argue that each approach comes with moral costs but that the most reasonable option is different from the policies of both the U.K. and the Netherlands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite some skepticism regarding its effectiveness, public participation has become a central facet of environmental decision making, including governments' various decisions to address climate change. However, the existing literature tends to address the general benefits of environmental public participation rather than examine details of how such participation actually occurs and how it differs among nations—even among nations all purportedly pursuing similar public participation goals. This article begins to fill that knowledge gap by examining law's key role in structuring how the public in different countries may actually participate in environmental decision making, including in unfolding national agendas to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and adapt to climate change impacts. Both the United States and European Union member states have decades of experience in writing—and rewriting—public participation into their environmental laws. This article actively explores and compares how the laws of the United States, the European Union, and the Netherlands (as an exemplar of an EU member state) structure public participation in environmental decision making in order to assess how far along the scale of public participation categories each government has progressed. It concludes that, for the moment, United States environmental law more often allows for public collaboration and empowers the public to make certain kinds of environmental decisions—although a new law in the Netherlands may soon encourage more creative and collaborative forms of public participation there, as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers news briefs related to drug and alcohol addiction. A report titled "Inflicting Harm; Judicial corporal punishment for drugs and alcohol in selected countries" has been published by Harm Reduction International to allow corporal punishment for alcohol and drug-related offenses. Applications for the Young Scholars Award of the International Society of Addiction Journal Editors (ISAJE) in 2012. BBC News reports on the termination of Ricardo Soberon, a drug tsar from Peru.

Compromise on moral matters attracts ambivalent reactions, since it seems at once laudable and deplorable. When a hotly-contested phenomenon like assisted dying is debated, all-or-nothing positions tend to be advanced, with little thought given to the desirability of, or prospects for, compromise. In response to recent articles by Søren Holm and Alex Mullock, in this article I argue that principled compromise can be encouraged even in relation to this phenomenon, provided that certain conditions are present (which I suggest they are). In order to qualify as appropriately principled, the ensuing negotiations require disputants to observe three constraints: they should be suitably reflective, reliable and respectful in their dealings with one another. The product that will result from such a process will also need to split the difference between the warring parties. In assisted dying, I argue that a reduced offence of 'compassionate killing' can achieve this. I acknowledge, however, that splitting the difference can induce splitting headaches, as there remain certain questions to be answered. Hopefully, however, sufficient work is done here to defend attempts to occupy the middle ground, whether these relate to assisted dying specifically or to other disputed moral matters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background and Objectives European legislation requires manufacturers of plasma products to report epidemiological data on human immunodeficiency virus, hepatitis B virus and hepatitis C virus in donor populations. The incidence rates of such infections are directly related to the risk of infection transmission. We propose two statistical tests to evaluate these incidence rates. Materials and Methods Infection data of the four Dutch blood collection centres from 2003 through 2006 were analysed. For transversal comparison of centres and detection of increased incidence rates, a new statistical test was developed (outlier test). For longitudinal detection of trends in incidence rates, a generic test for trend is proposed. The power and risk of non-detection are evaluated for both tests. Results Application of the outlier test did not reveal any significantly increased incidence rates among centres in The Netherlands. The test for trend showed no significant increase in incidence rates in individual centres, but on national level a statistically significant increase in hepatitis C virus incidence was observed ( P-value of 0·01). Conclusion The proposed tests allow signalling of outlier centres and trends in incidence rates both at individual centre and at national levels. Graphical support and the use of as much relevant historical data as possible is recommended. The statistical tests described are generic and can be applied by any blood establishment and plasma fractionation institute. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the agenda for the future structure and direction of the European Union. France and the Netherlands voted against the European constitution project in 2005. But this does not mean the Union will be reduced to a state of political crisis. Constitutional treaties can be calculated in both material and symbolic terms and social effects in terms of political morality. The Amsterdam and Nice treaty left unfinished institutional business in the face of the pending European Union enlargement.

The article reports that although the European constitution project was rejected, Europe has long since had a constitution in the European treaties. In May and June 2005, France and the Netherlands citizens decided to vote against the proposed constitution. Several reasons why the European treaties represent a constitution for the Union is cited. The European treaties from Rome to Nice constitutionalize a union of democratic legal communities, not an arbitrary hereditary monarchy. These treaties though, are not an egalitarian constitution for the citizenry of Europe.

The article examines the European Constitution Project after it was rejected in a popular referenda. Although the project was not abandoned, it was placed in a state of suspension to allow a period of reflection for a year before any further decision or action is taken. Fourteen of the 25 member states of the European Union have ratified the project which includes Austria, Belgium, Luxembourg, Spain, Germany, Italy, Greece and Hungary. It was rejected by France and the Netherlands. Since France and the Netherlands were two of the founding members of the European Union, their no vote alone placed the project in its current state.

The article reflects on the seeming inattention of the world outside the European Union to the negative results of the referendum conducted by France and the Netherlands on the proposed European Constitution. The indifference of nations like Israel may be indicate that institutionalized Europe has moved beyond the objective of its formation and must now address the social question, which has been the core conflict of most of Europe's nation states since the 19th century. The no vote has sent a signal to the European political elites relaying anger about an unknown and socially risky future.

The article reports on four court cases being faced by Shell over pollution in different jurisdictions in the Niger Delta. They include a case filed by the British firm Leigh Day and Company against Shell Petroleum Development Corporation Limited on behalf of the people of Bodo in Ogoni. Friends of the Earth also filed a case in the Netherlands against Shell on behalf of four fishermen.