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A recent "return to the city" by middle‐class professionals in England, with the increasing "suburbanisation" of poverty and an ongoing housing crisis, has increased the salience of concerns about neighbourhood gentrification via the involuntary displacement of established working class residents. This paper reports a systematic analysis of gentrification and income poverty in England that adopts innovative methodological approaches: a multivariate index of gentrification, propensity score matching to establish a comparison group, and sensitivity testing with respect to different "gentrification" definitions. The paper investigates three possible theoretical processes that could have driven the observed decline in income poverty rates in gentrifying areas: inward mobility to areas, outward mobility from areas, and in situ changes in poverty status. The post‐recession period 2010–2014 is studied using data from the UK Household Longitudinal Study. There is good evidence from aggregate and individual‐level analyses for a relationship between "inward" mobility, poverty status, and area gentrification. In addition, people moving to gentrifying areas were more likely to have a university degree and more likely to be in the professional occupational class than people who moved to nongentrifying comparison areas. On the other hand, no such relationships are found for "outward" mobility. The strongest evidence is found for "exclusionary displacement" (the restricted ability of low‐income households to move in to an area) rather than "direct displacement" (increased outward mobility of existing residents) as the dominant driver of gentrification in this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper brings together research on rural gentrification with emerging work on lived landscapes that has emphasized the intertwining of the human and more‐than‐human with the performance of activities of everyday living and their affective significance. It draws on research examining rural gentrification in three contrasting landscapes, termed 'the wood', 'the village' and 'the moortop'. These landscapes connect to earlier studies of rural social change and gentrification in England, with 'the wood' and 'the village' being sites research by Ray Pahl and the 'moortop' one of the landscapes identified in Darren Smith and Deborah Phillips' examination of the role of representations of rurality in processes of rural gentrification. The paper draws on research that returned to the locations of this earlier research, and seeks to re‐examine arguments advanced by these studies about the formation of socially differentiated worlds and representations of rurality through a lived‐landscape perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses census data for England and Wales to explore the ties between processes of rural gentrification and recent internal migration. Internal migrants are defined as individuals who moved subnationally to their current address in the previous 12 months, as indicated by the replies to the 2001 and 2011 census question about usual address 1 year ago. Our analysis reveals declining rural in‐migration rates between 2001 and 2011, in parallel with other recent studies of internal migration. At the same time, uneven geographies of rural in‐migration are identified. In rural places with declining in‐migration rates, we emphasise the immobilities of settled gentrifiers that are caused by predilections to 'stay put' within prized, rural places for age‐related personal/emotional, social/support and economic reasons. This is limiting the supply pipeline of housing for latent in‐migrants and slowing flows of migration per se in saturated rural housing markets. By contrast, rural places with increasing in‐migration rates may signify new frontiers of gentrification, providing channels of entry for recent migrants that are not able to buy into exclusive high‐cost gentrified markets. Our novel argument is that despite gentrification being inherently a process of migration, when viewed in a broader temporal perspective, mature and exclusive forms of gentrification can also stifle migration and be the catalyst for immobilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines two potential lacunae in understanding low-income residents' experiences of contemporary state-led gentrification via a study of neighbourhood restructuring in Salford, UK, 2004-2014. The first is the localised politics preparing the ground for neighbourhood 'redevelopment' and housing demolition. The second is the blighted social landscape which emerges with the subsequent stalling of this project. A focus on 'before' and 'after' is adopted in order to disrupt the linear policy and 'effects' temporalities that much qualitative gentrification research tends to inhabit. We see how state-led neighbourhood restructuring does not simply displace, but carries residents from 'empowerment' to abandonment and transfers them from active struggle into devitalised limbo. As such, the paper demarcates challenges and opportunities for resident mobilisation inherent in a vacillating urban renewal programme, powerful in its inception but which has since 'hit the buffers' (Lees 2014, Antipode 46(4):921-947) in light of global and municipal fiscal crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of artists as precursors and agents of gentrification processes has been widely acknowledged and studied. Yet there has been limited consideration of the particular aesthetic practices and attitudes deployed by these artists, and the related urban landscapes they have helped shape and re-imagine. This paper uses the notion drawn from art history of the 'urban pastoral' to highlight largely disregarded socio-cultural and political relations of power accompanying gentrification. It focuses on a district of inner London called Hoxton where a deindustrialised location and a legacy of forms and practices of British working-class popular culture offered artists a rich resource and socio-spatial environment to work and operate during the 1990s. By indulging in fantasies and performances of the urban pastoral, these artists fashioned a new cultural landscape that not only catered to many of the lifestyle tastes and investment priorities within postindustrial London, but manipulated and downplayed the complex and potentially conflictual histories of the area. The paper argues that this capture of urban space through the pastoral is indicative of new forms of gentrification where class-based and race-related neighbourhood change occurs without direct displacement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gentrification has long been the subject of considerable interest and debate amongst geographers. A range of differing ontological and epistemological conceptions of gentrification have been advanced, with attempts often being made to legislate between them to establish some definitive categorizations of gentrification. The majority of gentrification studies are also highly urbanized: gentrification is seen explicitly or implicitly as a phenomenon that occurs in urban space. This paper questions both the legislative and urban foci of gentrification studies, by outlining an interpretative study of material, social and symbolic dimensions of gentrification within two villages in rural Berkshire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inner city gentrification is widely recognized as an international phenomenon and yet little research has been carried out into its incidence, manifestations and effects at a transnational level. The main objective of the paper is to adopt such an approach comparing the context of gentrification in three of the largest cities that have been affected, New York, London in England and Paris in France. It considers the evolutionary processes of gentrification, the stages through which gentrified neighborhoods in these cities have passed. Taking an international comparative approach, it attempts to establish whether there are certain processes that are prerequisites for the gentrification process, or whether the processes associated with gentrification in the three cities are more locally contextual. The paper aims to contribute to the discourse on gentrification by analyzing the process internationally in more depth than the literature to date, offering a genuinely comparative analysis. In acknowledging contextual differences, one can offer constructive comparative observations of the various stages in the gentrification process which will allow to consider gentrification as an international process.

The relationship between gentrification and globalisation has recently become a significant concern for gentrification scholars. This has involved developing an understanding of how gentrification has become a place-based strategy of class (re)formation during an era in which globalisation has changed sociological structures and challenged previously established indicators of social distinction. This paper offers an alternative reading of the relationship between gentrification and globalisation through examining the results of a mixed method research project which looked at new-build gentrification along the River Thames, London, UK. This research finds gentrification not to be distinguished by the gentrifer-performed practice of habitus within a ‘global context’. Rather, the responsibility for gentrification, and the relationship between globalisation and gentrification, is found to originate with capital actors working within the context of a neoliberal global city. In order to critically conceptualise this form of gentrification, and understand the role of globalisation within the process, the urban theory of Lefebvre is drawn upon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we argue that a process of super-gentrification, similar to that first identified by Lees (2003 Urban Studies 40 2487–509) in Brooklyn Heights, New York City, is occurring in the already gentrified, inner London neighbourhood of Barnsbury. A new group of super wealthy professionals working in the City of London is slowly imposing its mark on this inner London housing market in a way that differentiates it and them both from traditional gentrifiers and from the traditional urban upper classes. We suggest that there is a close interaction between work in the newly globalizing industries of the financial services economy, elite forms of education, particularly Oxbridge, and residence in Barnsbury which is very different from other areas of gentrified inner London. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article offers the author's insights on the process new-build gentrification, which was used to develop the city centre in London, England. The authors note that gentrification as distinguished from redevelopment, does not concern quixotic oddity in the housing market rather the primary residential edge of a broader endeavor such as the class remake of central urban landscape. The authors say that it ranges from housing renewal projects to a mass of place-based indirect displacement process.

This article aims to show how the governments of two industrial cities in France and the UK have now come to the view that middle-class reinvestment in the city centre offers a solution to urban economic decline, and so have encouraged the middle class to move in by implementing ‘symbolic policies’. Their objective is to transform the image of the post-industrial city through cultural and urban planning policy, in order to adapt it to the supposed taste of potential gentrifiers. This development in strategy results from both external constraints and internal political changes in these cities. The failure of earlier redevelopment strategies is also a factor in explaining this paradoxical phenomenon, in which a social group that is, in fact, almost absent from the central spaces of these cities has now been accorded the status of ‘systematic winners’. Résumé Cet article a pour objectif de montrer comment les gouvernements de deux villes industrielles, en France et en Grande-Bretagne, considèrent désormais que le réinvestissement du centre-ville par les classes moyennes constitue une solution au déclin économique urbain, et en viennent ainsi à favoriser leur arrivée par la mise en oeuvre de «politiques symboliques»: par des actions sur la culture et l'urbanisme, l'objectif est de transformer l'image de la ville postindustrielle pour l'adapter au goût supposé des gentrifieurs potentiels. Cette évolution stratégique est tout à la fois le résultat de contraintes externes et de transformations politiques internes aux villes. L'échec des précédentes stratégies de re-développement est également un facteur explicatif de ce phénomène paradoxal qui rend «systématiquement gagnant» depuis peu un groupe social pourtant quasiment absent de l'espace central de ces villes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is based on a study of Docklands in London, which was undertaken as part of a larger study of gentrification in inner London. Using interview and survey data, the article compares Docklands with the gentrification that has taken place elsewhere in inner London. Whilst there were important differences between these inner-London study areas, all differ qualitatively from the process in Docklands. The article questions whether the distinction that is normally drawn between ‘gentrification by capital’ and ‘gentrification by collective social action’ is appropriate and argues that this disguises the nature of the urban regeneration being undertaken in Docklands. It is suggested that this is more a process of re-urbanization in which some of the characteristics normally associated with suburban development are being brought to an area near the centre of the city, but in a context more normally reserved for gentrification. The data from the survey show that for many of the respondents in Docklands, the kind of life they are seeking is often associated with some conceptions of suburban life. It is suggested that both gentrification and suburbanization as concepts need to be used with care in understanding contemporary processes of re-urbanization such as are occurring in Docklands and the central areas of other British cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the social conditions in England in the fifteenth century. According to the author, the gentrification of England took place in this century. It is the history of political, economic, social and cultural oppression by the English gentry of the English people that others have written about. The beginning of this gentry, which took over the English life, is discussed. October 1992 marked the end of the moral and economic bankruptcy of genteel English capitalism. In the first half of the fifteenth century, the English gentry were hammering the French, the English were kicked out of France in 1453. The internal colonization dates from 1450. The work peasant entered English usage in the sixteenth century, and violence existed in the English history from 1066 onwards. In 1450, the demonstrators behead a few notoriously corrupt politicians including the treasurer, and in 1536, the violence rose to a great degree. The reformation was undoubtedly the first modernist attack on a traditional culture.