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Political debates about immigration provoke strong nationalistic pushback from citizens, constraining the policymaking capacity of states. This paper investigates to what extent labour market policies shape economically motivated preferential divides among European citizens. On the one hand, I concentrate on prospective job loss threats indicative of economic grievances and assess the impact of unemployment risk exposure on immigration policy attitudes. On the other hand, as the original contribution of the paper, I contend that, if such an economically motivated explanation holds, this relationship should vary based on the labour market institutions in each country. Multi‐level analyses of 16 European countries over a decade since 2002 reveal a remarkably robust relationship between unemployment risks and more restrictive immigration policy attitudes. Importantly, more protective employment regulations seem to have a dampening effect on the impact of job loss threats on immigration policy attitudes. Conversely, there are larger attitudinal divides between the risk‐exposed and the more secure workers in countries with generous and expansive unemployment compensation policies. Overall, the paper helps explain the cross‐national variation in economically motivated cleavages about immigration policy attitudes in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the impact of source‐country culture on the labor supply of female immigrants in Europe. We find that the labor supply of immigrant women is positively associated with the female‐to‐male labor force participation ratio in their source country, which serves as a proxy for the country's preferences and beliefs regarding women's roles. This suggests that the culture and norms of their source country play an important role for immigrant women's labor supply. However, contradicting previous evidence for the US, we do not find evidence that the cultural effect persists through the second generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first part of the paper provides a novel overview narrative of the historical evolution of PhD programmes in economics from 1880, drawing on multiple sources. The second part is empirical, and, also novel in terms of the data constructed. It attempts to bring the narrative up to date by looking at the cohorts of winners of the main young economist awards in economics in the US and Europe over the last twenty years or so and to chart at which universities they obtained their doctorates and undergraduate degrees. The total number of young (at the time of the award) economists so involved exceeds 350. The evolution of the American‐style PhD programme of today is traced to the emigration of European economists to the US from Nazi‐occupied Europe in the 1930s, and its subsequent spread first to Britain and then Continental Europe documented. What is new in the last twenty years or so is the emergence of many Top‐50 economics departments in Europe, with corresponding highly regarded PhD programmes. However, in relation to the recent elite young award‐winning economists the position in terms of PhD education of Harvard and MIT particularly remains largely unchallenged, in both the US and Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our paper aims to provide a short guide on how community psychologists can contribute to the improvement of rural young people's prospects. After briefly introducing the demographic trends of these young people in continental Europe for the past decade, we list the current challenges faced by rural European young generations, as well as the opportunities emerging for them from the twin transition that can inspire the community psychology field. We then contextualize community psychologists' interventions in this domain according to an ecological‐systemic standpoint and by embracing a Participatory Action Research (PAR) perspective on research and practice. We further detail the reasons for adopting a PAR approach in research and practice to address rural young people's challenges and opportunities. Finally, we highlight four potential intermediation missions to uphold community psychologists' rural youth development input, based on the adopted theoretical and methodological standpoint. We conclude that our short guide can facilitate community psychology professionals' complete understanding of rural young generations' prospects, in line with the expected increase in the need for rural young people's participation. Our proposal may also have long‐term benefits for rural communities by contributing to the redesigning of intergenerational relationships and securing critical mass. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The unique contribution of this paper is to empirically compare and contrast demographic change in settlements with a population between 5,000 and under 50,000 (defined as towns) across different national urban systems in Europe with common definitions for the first time. The analysis uses a new data set based on harmonised small area data and harmonised morphological definitions of what a town is. The paper hypothesises first that a general model of demographic growth can be applied across national urban systems and secondly that regional demographic change is a significant predictor of demographic change in towns nested within those regions within this generalised model. A fixed effect multi-level regression analysis tests the importance of town-level and regional factors among towns from five national systems but also within two individual national urban systems. The findings suggest that national context still matters and within some national systems, regional context also strongly predicts demographic change in towns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines religious change of immigrants from Poland, Bulgaria, Turkey, and Spain in the first years after their arrival in the Netherlands––one of the least religious countries in the world. Religiosity is measured by attendance, praying, and subjective religiosity. Multiple‐group latent growth models are estimated based on four waves spanning a total of 4 years (n = 3354 at Wave 1) to identify religious trajectories. Results show an initial increase in attendance that levels off and ultimately reverses and a steady decrease in subjective religiosity across all immigrant groups. A group‐specific pattern is visible on the praying dimension: Turks show an initial increase that levels off over time and then reverses, whereas the other groups show no substantial change. The analysis suggests that differences in opportunities to attend and exclusion experiences are unlikely to be the main drivers of the immigrants' religious trajectories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prominent theories claim that young Europeans are increasingly socialist as well as divided from their elders on non‐economic issues. This paper asks whether age‐based polarisation is really growing in Europe, using new estimates of the ideological positions of different age groups in 27 European countries across four issue domains from 1981 to 2018. The young in Europe turn out to be relatively libertarian: more socially liberal than the old in most countries but also more opposed to taxation and government spending. These age divides are not growing either: today's differences over social issues and immigration are similar in size to the 1980s, and if anything are starting to fall. Analysis of birth cohorts points to persistent cohort effects and period effects as the explanation for these patterns; there is little evidence that European cohorts become uniformly more right‐wing or left‐wing with age. Hence age‐based polarisation need not be a permanent or natural feature of European politics but is dependent on the changing social, political and economic climate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the settler colonial roots of family therapy, positing that much of what is considered the standard or ideal family form comes from colonialism. Utilising settler colonial theory as a guide, I identify how the colonial nations, built through the violent exclusion of Indigenous and exogenous peoples, utilised the family to further their goals. Rather than suggest settler colonialism was an historic event, I consider how it continues today, privileging white families of European descent. To move the conversation forward on how white therapists from majoritised cultures can engage with racialised clients, I describe the negotiated spaces as a meeting ground where therapists and clients navigate differing worldviews. In these negotiations, our clients trust us, and to be accountable to this trust, we can unsettle the influence of settler colonialism. To conclude this paper, I discuss four possible pathways to begin the complicated process of unsettling. Practitioner PointsSettler colonialism contributed to the standardisation of the nuclear family, informing the foundations of family therapy.Establishing a 'negotiated space' in therapy can encourage ethical engagement between therapist and client as they navigate differences in culture, knowledge and meaning.To ethically be in the negotiated spaces, therapists from majoritised cultures can 'unsettle' settler colonialism's influence.Learning personal and disciplinary relationships to settler colonialism, developing cultural humility and attending to power is the first step in unsettling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite growing efforts to conceptualize residential mobility and migration as long‐term trajectories, because of methodological challenges and the lack of adequate data, most empirical studies have resorted to examining year‐to‐year changes in place of residence. As a result, the impact of past migration experiences on future migration behavior remains poorly understood. To shed light on time interdependencies in individual migration trajectories, this paper examines associations between past moves and subsequent migration behavior from birth to age 50, distinguishing between (i) intraregional mobility, interregional migration and international migration and (ii) return and onward moves. By applying multinominal regression models to retrospective life history data from the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE), we demonstrate that the decision to migrate at a particular point in time is embedded within a wider migration history that started in childhood. However, we also find that the effect of past moves diminishes as individuals progress in their migration career. These findings hold for intraregional, interregional and international moves. Altogether, these findings lend support to our theoretical proposition that migration is a learned behavior and highlight the importance of accounting for time interdependency in individuals' migration trajectories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Differences in Member States' economic development and national social protection systems can translate into significant differences in the substantive social rights of EU migrant citizens. The substantive rights of economically inactive EU migrant citizens are dependent on the 'export' of social rights from their country of origin to the Member State of destination, in particular during the initial phase of their residence in a new Member State as a jobseeker or a pensioner. This paper demonstrates that EU citizens' social rights are substantively stratified, not only by economic status, but also according to the Member State of origin and destination. Stratified social rights, it is argued, generate unequal opportunities to free movement and eo ipso challenge the very concept of EU citizenship. The paper concludes with a proposal for a European Minimum Income Scheme to at least partially overcome the shortcomings of existing EU citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At a time when the belief in a welfare crisis is being connected to a so‐called "migration crisis", in particular in the United Kingdom, it is important to look at the lived experiences of mobile EU citizens and the influence of transnational social protection practices. The article introduces the concept of a "migration‐welfare corridor" – as opposed to the widespread welfare magnet hypothesis – taking into consideration the role of welfare systems in origin and destination countries at different stages of a migrant's life cycle, the changing nature of the welfare habitus as well as migrants' attitudes towards what can be defined as welfare chauvinism. Looking specifically at the case of Spanish and Polish migrants in the UK who have reacted to this protracted environment of deterrence, particularly in respect to their welfare rights, this paper discusses several dimensions that should be taken into consideration when analyzing transnational social protection practices from below. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a welcome alternative to economic explanations of migration, the social network has become a key concept in migration studies. However, by maintaining a static conceptualisation of networks (as grid-like structures) and by suggesting that social capital automatically derives from networks, we tend to fall into a form of network determinism. As an alternative, this paper makes the case for a practice approach to social networks that recognise the changeable nature of networks and the social endeavours that are needed to accumulate social capital. In so doing, I first revisit the work of Granovetter and Bourdieu in order to explore existing practice elements in their network approaches. I subsequently combine these insights with practice-oriented migration studies. This analysis results in four hitherto undertheorised elements that provide a foundation for the advocated networking approach. Finally, I illustrate the analytical value of this approach by discussing the networking practices of sub-Saharan African migrants en route for the European Union. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The end of the Soviet Union and communist regimes throughout Eastern Europe led to sudden increases in emigration and large changes in wage inequality. This has provided a unique opportunity to understand how these changes altered incentives to emigrate during the transition period. In this paper, I analyze immigrant selection before and after the fall of the Soviet Union within a Roy Model framework, in which the relative return to skills determines the skill composition of immigrants. Using micro‐level data from Russia, Ukraine and Bulgaria, matched to Census data on immigrants from these countries in the United States, Spain and Greece in the post‐Soviet period, I find evidence of positive selection of immigrants in the US, and negative selection for Greece and Spain. Using retrospective data from Ukraine during the communist period, I find that selection among Soviet men in the US was intermediate and selection among women was positive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is difficult to estimate the size of the irregular migrant population in a specific city or country, and even more difficult to arrive at estimates at the European level. A review of past attempts at European-level estimates reveals that they rely on rough and outdated rules-of-thumb. In this paper, we present our own European level estimates for 2002, 2005, and 2008. We aggregate country-specific information, aiming at approximate comparability by consistent use of minimum and maximum estimates and by adjusting for obvious differences in definition and timescale. While the aggregated estimates are not considered highly reliable, they do -- for the first time -- provide transparency. The provision of more systematic medium quality estimates is shown to be the most promising way for improvement. The presented estimate indicates a minimum of 1.9 million and a maximum of 3.8 million irregular foreign residents in the 27 member states of the European Union (2008). Unlike rules-of-thumb, the aggregated EU estimates indicate a decline in the number of irregular foreign residents between 2002 and 2008. This decline has been influenced by the EU enlargement and legalisation programmes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Britain and many other European countries have been important sources of settler migration to Australia for more than two hundred years. While the sources of settler migration to Australia have diversified in the last thirty years to include non-European countries, with the current emphasis on skills in Australia's migration policy, many skilled people from Europe are coming to Australia both as settlers and as temporary migrants. This paper examines Europe as a source of both permanent and temporary skilled migration to Australia in recent years. It looks at the trend in migration from European countries to Australia from the 1960s to the present, noting the changes in patterns over time, both in terms of type of migration and source countries. It then focuses on European migration to Australia since the mid-1990s when Australia's immigration policy became more skill-oriented and a temporary skilled migration visa program was implemented to simplify the process by which employers could sponsor skilled migrant workers. While Europeans are not a large group among permanent migrants, many come as temporary migrants and then decide to apply for permanent residence. Survey data are used to examine their reasons for migration and residence/return migration intentions, comparing permanent skilled migrants with temporary skilled migrants. European migrants are more likely than other migrants to indicate lifestyle reasons for migrating or coming to Australia to work and then seeking permanent residence, with differences also observed among migrants from different regions in Europe. The implications for 'brain drain'/'brain circulation' are discussed. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Inadequate and inconsistent data are a common and persistent problem in the field of migration. Deficiencies in migration statistics may be tackled using modelling techniques, which has recently been recognised by the European Union (EU) policymakers. The new Regulation on Community statistics on international migration, which obliges countries to supply harmonised statistics, provides for the possibility of using estimation methods to adapt statistics based on national definitions to comply with the required 1-year duration of stay definition. The main objective of this paper is to provide a theoretical probabilistic framework to capture various migration flow statistics that are available. It is a crucial step towards better understanding and then harmonising the data. Different migration measures represent the same continuous data-generating process. They differ depending on how the data happened to be collected and how the statistics happened to be produced. We introduce the key concepts of migration statistics using a simple duration model, namely an exponential distribution. While more complex models can better reflect the reality, they do not fundamentally modify the framework presented. The main focus is put on the time criterion used in the migration definition. It refers to the duration of stay following relocation, which is specified very differently among countries and constitutes the main source of discrepancies in operationalisation of the migration concept in the EU member states. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we employ a wage-setting approach to analyze the labor market effects of immigration into Germany from 1980 to 2004. This enables us to consider labor market rigidities, which are prevalent in Europe. We find that the elasticity of the wage-setting curve is particularly high for young workers. Moreover, natives and foreigners are imperfect substitutes. The wage and employment effects of immigration depend on the skill structure of the immigrant workforce. Because the foreign labor supply shift has mainly affected the high-skilled labor market segment, the 4 percent increase of the workforce through immigration has not increased either aggregate or foreign unemployment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study attempts to examine why European Union cultural policy does not address the issue of migration of people from non-European countries to Europe with sufficient recognition of the major impact it has on European cultural identity, and what are some of the advantages of doing so. It is important to note that a strong cultural policy common to all members of the European Union does not exist and may be said not to be in the interest of European nation states. Nevertheless, the impact of European Union cultural policy on various aspects of cultural and social life in Europe is growing and is therefore assessed both in terms of its official description as stated by Article 151 of the Treaty of European Union and with regard to the variety of programmes it establishes. The remit and implementation of cultural policy are found to be constricted by various supranational and national issues, and their relation to the impact of migration, while in existence, is limited. Cultural initiatives already being run within the framework of European Union cultural policy and which address issues related to migrant cultures and European citizenry are assessed. This analysis leads to suggestions and recommendations, the aim of which is to foster a greater recognition of the importance of the value of cultural difference due to the influence of migration on European social settings, and to encourage the formulation of European cultural policies that aim at more reciprocity and mutuality. This paper joins a growing number of calls for a change in the perspective of policy-making to reflect the transnational reality of migration and its impact on and contribution to culture in Europe. It does this while at the same time acknowledging the fact that nation states play a largely determining role in the ideation and implementation of European Union cultural policy. This research is based on a theoretical framework that provides the discussion with a foundation from which to assess contemporary models of multiculturalism and integration as well as grapple with the implications of cultural policy on European self-identification and representation. This analysis roots its critical perspective in a close reading of Ziauddin Sardar's propositions of 'mutually assured diversity' and 'transmodernism' which are applied to the context of cultural policy. This paper is based on research carried out through the collection of secondary data, with resources that provide information which is recent and relevant to current issues of migration, social integration and European culture and identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The importance gained by transnationalism and growing attention for the development potential of migration have recently brought forward a new concern for the issue of return migration. Within this framework, return to the home country is understood as having an increasingly less permanent nature. Transnational movement itself is conceived as a form of return, and the debate on the migration-development nexus considers circulation to foster development as it enhances the flow of financial, social, and cultural capital to countries of origin. Seldom, however, has research taken into account the view of migrants themselves. What are their perceptions of transnationalism and return? Based on ethnographic research conducted among Senegalese migrants in the home country and in Italy, this paper demonstrates the existence, the logics, and functioning of a transmigrant movement made of people who are regular 'comers and goers' between Africa and Europe. I show, however, that in the view of these largely unskilled migrants, successful return is still associated with permanent return. This desire for definitive resettlement in the home society must nonetheless be compromised with aspirations for economic advancement and family obligations. Continually delayed, permanent return acquires the status of a myth. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper models immigration policy as the outcome of political competition between interest groups representing individuals employed in different sectors. In standard positive theory, restrictive immigration policy results from a low-skilled median voter voting against predominantly low-skilled immigration. In the present paper, in contrast, once trade policies are liberalized, restrictive immigration policy results from anti-immigration lobbying by interest groups representing the non-traded sectors. It is shown that this is in line with empirical regularities from recent episodes of restrictive immigration legislation in the European Union. It is further shown that if governments negotiate bilaterally over trade and migration policy regimes, the equilibrium regime depends (i) on the sequencing of the international negotiation process and (ii) on the set of available trade and migration policy regimes. In particular, the most comprehensive and most welfare-beneficial type of liberalization may be rejected only because a less comprehensive type of liberalization is available. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the increase in the numbers of asylum-seekers arriving in Europe in the early 1990s, European countries of asylum have been implementing new and increased controls over entry and making conditions more difficult for asylum-seekers while they are waiting for a decision on their case. This paper explores the ways in which four European asylum regimes use the deportation, detention and dispersal of asylum-seekers in an attempt to control and exclude them from national societies and territories. Germany, France, Italy and the UK have different migration histories and have introduced different asylum policies at different times; but all have in common the increasingly draconian response to asylum-seekers since the 1990s. The paper looks at the stated rationale for introducing and extending dispersal, deportation and detention. EU governments have introduced these measures, arguing that they will deter “fraudulent” asylum claims. While the number of claims has fallen in the last five years to the lowest level since 1988, there is no evidence that this is due to such policies. It is clear, however, that these policies penalize all asylum-seekers, breach their human rights, damage the receiving societies as a whole, and as such should be abandoned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we analyse the effect of remittances on employment performance for Central and East European (CEE) economies. We show that the impact of remittances on unemployment depends on its effect on productivity growth and investment. In order to empirically analyse the impact of remittances we estimate a productivity equation using a set of 11 transition countries during the 1990 to 1999 period. Our results show support for the view that remittances have a positive impact on productivity and employment both directly and indirectly through its effect on investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of refugees by geographers and other social scientists is, almost by definition, framed around a series of legal categories, which provide us with more or less neat categories of types of involuntary migrants. Yet the process of migration emerges in relation to legal categories and is not simply dictated by them. Thus, as legislation on migration in general and the interpretation of the 1951 Geneva Convention in particular have become more restrictive, patterns of migration have increasingly emerged that manipulate, circumvent or simply break existing legislation. This paper examines the responses by researchers in geography and related disciplines to asylum-seeking and other forms of migration that are increasingly categorised as "illegal" as a result of recent European policy developments. Specifically, the potential for participatory and/or emancipatory research in such circumstances is explored, through comparative analysis of the ethical issues involved in radical research on a range of "trafficking" scenarios. The interaction of such research with public policy-making is also examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper summarizes the latest information on both stocks and flows of migrants in Europe, focusing specifically on arrivals from developing countries. It starts out by setting this into its historical context by showing how flows of labour migrants were followed by flows of family members, and later by asylum seekers and refugees. Then it looks more closely at recent migration data, though it finds these to be frequently incomplete and inconsistent. The most comparable cross-national data come from the OECD and Eurostat, which indicate that Germany had the largest flows of migrants in the 1990s followed by the United Kingdom. In addition to these arrivals there are probably between 2 and 3 million undocumented immigrants in Europe — accounting for 10 to 15 per cent of the total population of foreigners. The paper also traces the countries from where immigrants are leaving. Sources vary considerably from one immigration country to another, reflecting a number of factors, of which the most important are former colonial links, previous areas of labour recruitment, and ease of entry from neighbouring countries. In recent years, however, immigrants have been coming from a wider range of countries and particularly from lowerincome countries. The paper also examines changes in immigration policy. National policies were fairly liberal during the 1950s and 1960s, before becoming more restrictive from the 1970s on. Recently, however, a number of governments have been revising their policies to take better account of employment and demographic needs. The paper also traces the emergence of a cross-national European response to immigration, as European Union (EU) countries have become more concerned about their common external frontier. Thus far European countries have done little to try to control migration through cooperation with sending countries. They could, for example, direct Official Development Assistance to those countries most likely to send immigrants,... [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within European politics, a distinction is currently being made at the elite level between internal and external immigration, with individuals from EU countries being given special rights and privileges when they migrate within the EU. This paper addresses the question of whether individual EU citizens also view the two types of immigrants differently and what structures their beliefs regarding these two sources of migration. The findings indicate that (a) the vast majority of EU citizens view internal and external migration as identical and (b) elite cues and debates regarding immigration within each of the countries are helping individuals form their opinions regarding the two different types of immigration. These findings and their implications are discussed in the body of the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: This study aims to synthesize the factors associated with nurse emigration from lower and middle‐income countries. Design: Integrative review. Methods: An in‐depth search of registries and five databases yielded 9466 records. Using the PRISMA guidelines, 11 were chosen after screening by two authors independently. The mixed methods appraisal tool (MMAT) was used to assess the risk of bias. Results: The destination countries were Europe and North America, with an inclination for nurse migration of 14.3%–85%. Emigration factors were poor salary, working conditions, poor quality healthcare infrastructure; outdated healthcare technologies, lack of employment opportunities, younger age, relationship status (single), living environment, social pressure, urban residence, work experience, insecurity, high crime rates, political corruption and foreign language skills. Public Contribution: Healthcare authorities and nursing leaders must implement practical measures to minimize nurse emigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Whereas current policies on migration and integration are beginning to recognise family reunion as one of the most legitimate reasons for acceptance by a host society, they in most cases still do not account for the growing trend of feminisation of migration, and even rarely do they address specific migrants' needs. As currently constituted, the integration bills envision a one-way process that places migrants into a position where they cannot question, but only accept and fulfil the predetermined requirements of integration plans. But who are the women that migrate, what influence do their transnational experiences have on their families, and how do migration policies envision the reality of increasing transnationalism? This paper focuses on biographical interviews with migrant women in Slovenia as a valuable method to question current integration measurements, applied here to explore female migrants' experiences in transnational family life and social networks. A gender sensitive approach is applied that critically evaluates the specificities of family reunification policies, which define women migrants as dependent family members. We discuss life trajectories of women migrants, focusing the debate on their own experiences in and with family life. This new empirical material is used to theorise gaps in contemporary migration research. Women migrants' own reflections of transnational family ties show a great variety of experiences and their narratives are a unique window into motivational, political, as well as legal dimensions of migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the phenomenon of West African parents living in Europe and North America who send their older children back home: from places of high immigrant aspiration to those of hardship and privation. Drawing on a project on West African immigration to Europe and on previous field studies in Africa, we conclude that West African immigrants fearing the consequences of their children’s indiscipline in the West, where racism and hostility can endanger the entire family, may send unruly children back to the home country. In doing so, we believe, they build on long-standing African disciplinary efforts in hopes of toughening their children’s resilience to the challenges in the new place and wait for the risk to dissipate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the development of integration policies concerning third country nationals at the level of the European Union (EU). Starting with the discovery of recent policy developments at the European level, including new European directives mainly granting social rights to non-EU citizens, the paper proceeds to examine the reasons that enabled this shift from the national to the European level of decision making. It concludes that integration policies have been created as a new EU policy field amidst the also fairly new policy field of immigration policies. In light of the theoretical concept of “organisational fields,” the interests and motives of the main actors involved in the emergence of this policy field are analysed. The research combines neo-functionalist and intergovernmentalist assumptions, and it results in the following conclusions: First, a European integration policy could only be established within the emerging field of immigration policies, which laid the groundwork for member state collaborations in this highly sensitive policy area. Secondly, the European Parliament, the Council of Europe, several non-governmental organisations and most notably the European Commission played an important role in promoting integration policies at the European level. Their engagement is interpreted as a necessary but not as a sufficient condition for the establishment of this policy field. Thirdly, these actors tried to strengthen the status of integration policies by emphasising the linkage between successful integration policies and economic and social cohesion. This semantic strategy, among other discussed reasons, facilitated the member states’ decision at the European summit in Tampere 1999 that all third country nationals shall be granted comparable rights to EU citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As undocumented migration becomes more difficult, migrants' journeys become longer and more fragmented. This is a response to new spatialities of migration control which are continually reconfigured in an effort to eliminate clandestine movement. In the trans-Saharan region, this pattern of fragmented journeys also arises from a network of transnational social organisations that depend upon newly available technologies. Migrants' social networks provide both the means and the motivation for continued movement, even as destinations become more elusive. This paper investigates the imbalanced conflict between the social organisation of Sahara transit migrants and the developing spatial logic of control. It is based on recent research with undocumented migrants in Morocco. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing high levels of temporary migration between Central and Eastern Europe and the European Union (EU) have highlighted a number of concerns relating to the eastern enlargement of the Union. While much of the debate has focused on the destinations, we use Slovakia as a case study to explore economic implications for the countries of origin of highly skilled migrants. First, the paper examines estimates of the scale of“youth brain migration”, comparing survey-based and expert-opinion estimates with our own estimate based on reconciling labour market and educational data. This identifies a substantial loss of graduate workers from the labour force through migration, accounting for a potentially significant proportion of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth. Second, we consider whether such migration will constitute“brain drain/overflow” or“brain circulation”: in other words will it be temporary or permanent? In some ways, however, this is a false dichotomy, for there are strong links between initial temporary migration and intended permanent migration, explored here through a survey of the motivations and social networks of returned migrants. Third, we address the ability of national states to intervene to mediate such losses. We generally concur with other commentators on the need for a multi-scalar and multi-functional approach, focusing especially on economic development. However, we are pessimistic about the likely speed of economic convergence and, moreover, argue that initial temporary migration (with implications for permanent migration) will continue to be driven by non-economic goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract As globalization spread during the 1990s, and especially since the turn of the millennium, European states have increasingly claimed their right to assert their sovereignty by regulating migration at the level of the individual (OECD, 2001: 76–81). Political parties have succeeded in gaining support on policy statements pertaining exclusively to migration. For example, recent legislation in Denmark restricts the categories of persons eligible as refugees to “Convention refugees” satisfying only the narrowest international criteria set out in the UN Refugee Convention. The civil rights of asylum seekers are restricted by prohibiting marriage while their applications are under review. To limit family reunification among immigrants, the present Danish Government has even prohibited immigrants with permanent residence status and Danish citizens from bringing non-Danish spouses under age 24 into the country. These attempts at border enforcement and immigration control have been described by some critics as the endeavours of European Union (EU) members to build a “Fortress Europe” against immigrants from developing countries. Policy decisions and the implementation of various measures from finger printing to radar surveillance to control immigrants have corroborated such perceptions, but this paper will show that gaining entry to a highly controlled country such as Denmark from a poorer country such as the People's Republic of China (PRC) is fairly straightforward. Politicians may wish to convey the impression of being in control of international mobility by launching diverse anti-immigration acts, but since the immigration embargo of the early 1970s all EU countries have received millions of immigrants, and increasingly permit or accept immigrants of various kinds to reside and work within their borders (Boeri et al., 2002). Immigration from developing countries is not evenly distributed throughout the EU, but rather targets specific destinations. This article will attempt to explain the direction of Chinese immigration flows to Europe in response to labour-market demand, rather than as a consequence of “loopholes” in a country's legal or welfare provisions. By analysing historical and demographic data on the PRC Chinese in Denmark, I attempt to demonstrate that, despite being a European country with one of the lowest asylum rejection rates for PRC Chinese, the scope of Chinese asylum seekers and regular and irregular migrants arriving by way of family reunification remained limited in the 1990s compared to southern, central, and eastern European countries. My analysis of Danish data in relation to Chinese migration suggest that destinations related to the globalization of Chinese migration is more determined by labour and capital markets than the presumed attraction of social welfare benefits provided by a European welfare state such as Denmark. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1990s has been a turbulent decade for inter-national migration in the UNECE region. While recorded movements have declined in recent years in Western Europe, major questions surround the frequency of unrecorded and irregular migrations which many believe are steadily increasing in number, though the evidence is problematic. Central and Eastern Europe is characterised by short-term, short-distance, cross-border movement, most of which is foreconomic purposes and takes advantage of the openness of the informal sector. In North America the main thrust of immigration has long been towards permanent settlement, whereas in Europe most migration has, initially at any rate, been temporary, albeit frequently leading to settled immigrant communities. In the 1990s immigration debates in Canada and the US seem to have increasing echoes of those across the Atlantic. Especially in the US the 'immigrationethos' is increasingly questioned. This paper elaborates on these issues by attempting to identify what is actually happening. How important is migration? What are the patterns and trends? How significant are new and unrecordedtypes of flows? What dilemmas are presented to the managers of the UNECEmigration systems? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using microdata from the European Union Labour Force Survey (EU‐LFS) and aggregate indicators of labour market institutions, this article compares the job quality of native and non‐native workers across European countries and analyses the impact of the institutional settings on the job quality differential between both groups. The LFS is used to measure a job quality index for the period 2005–2017. We find that some immigrant groups fare worse than natives, the contribution of the "composition effect" to explain this differential is large, and the institutional framework affects the immigration gap in job quality. In particular, some labour market institutions (more centralized wage bargaining, stricter employment protection legislation) tend to be detrimental for immigrants relative to natives, while integration policies seem to work well in reducing these differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the development‐migration debate has re‐gained popularity in policy circles, especially after the so‐called "migration crisis" in Europe and the following approval of the European Agenda on Migration. Much of the empirical literature supports the idea that the relationship between international migration and incomes at origin follows hump‐shaped patterns. A growing number of studies find that increasing economic development and financial resources in developing countries would allow a greater number of individuals to afford the costs of emigrating. However, this evidence heavily relies on measures of regular migration only. Using nationally representative data from 12 Middle East and North Africa countries, this study adopts a multinomial logit model to frame migration intentions, distinguishing between regular and irregular routes. The main finding is that the level of household income is associated negatively with the demand for irregular migration to Europe. Predictive margins clearly show that higher household incomes increase the probability of planning only regular migration, while decreasing that of considering also irregular migration. The policy implications are not negligible: improving economic conditions in countries of origin may be effective at deflecting migrants from irregular to regular routes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the politics of immigration in destination countries has been a prominent topic of research in comparative political science in Europe, the same does not apply to emigration and to the perspective of peripherical EU countries. This is true even though the flows of people moving from east to west and from south to north pose potentially significant challenges to 'sending countries' in Europe. This article sets up a research agenda aimed at contributing to redress this imbalance. It highlights the need to explore more systematically themes such as (1) the impact of emigration on the political behaviour of both those who stay and those who leave and (2) and how emigration is framed and politicized by relevant societal actors. Ultimately, it draws attention to the fact that a lot of the questions that have been asked about 'entry' (immigration) need to be asked about 'exit' too (emigration). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration is a longstanding, growing global phenomenon. As a social determinant of health, migration can lead to health inequities between people on the move and host populations. Thus, it is imperative that there is a coordinated effort to advance migration‐ and health‐related goals. WHO has a specific remit to support evidence‐based decision‐making in its Member States. As part of that remit, WHO Europe presents this Framework for Refugee and Migrant Health Research in the WHO European Region. It is designed as a starting point for debating and analysing a broad range of options and approaches to help inform a WHO global research agenda on health and migration. This is important because refugee and migrant health research is a complex interdisciplinary field that is expanding in a fast‐changing socio‐political environment. The Framework is intended for all stakeholders involved: academic, civil society organisations, refugees, migrants, policy‐makers, healthcare providers, educators and funders. It is developed by academics in consultation with these stakeholder groups. It reflects on three specific interrelated dynamics in research practice. These are (i) research prioritisation; (ii) study samples and (iii) research design. The Framework offers recommendations to consider for each one of these. It elucidates the value of involving refugees and migrants in research and research agendas and the need to develop an ecosystem that will support and sustain participatory, interdisciplinary, transdisciplinary and inter‐sectoral projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Résumé: L'autrice mesure la ségrégation professionnelle selon le statut migratoire en Europe, en analysant la situation séparément pour les femmes et pour les hommes. Les données proviennent des vagues 2005–2019 de l'enquête EFT de l'Union européenne. La répartition est plus ségrégative pour les femmes, par rapport aux hommes, pour les immigrés de la première génération, par rapport à la deuxième, et dans les pays d'Europe méridionale et orientale, par rapport à l'Europe septentrionale et occidentale. Une analyse contrefactuelle montre que les caractéristiques des migrants influent peu sur les écarts géographiques. Les institutions, les politiques d'intégration et les systèmes de valeur pourraient jouer un rôle important. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resumen: En este artículo se analiza la segregación ocupacional por género y por condición de inmigrante en Europa según la Encuesta de Población Activa de 2005–2019. A diferencia de estudios anteriores, la segregación se cuantifica por separado para mujeres y hombres inmigrantes en cada país. Globalmente es menor para los hombres que para las mujeres y la segunda generación está menos segregada que la primera. Suele ser menor en el noroeste de Europa y mayor en el sudeste. Según el análisis contrafactual, las características individuales explican una pequeña parte de estas diferencias geográficas. La estructura institucional, las políticas de integración y las normas de cada país podrían ser determinantes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The language and wording used in the signatures of paintings by Domenikos Theotokopoulos (' El Greco') reveal a self-conscious construction of cultural identity in the early modern era. This paper argues that El Greco, an artist born in Crete who later worked in Venice and Rome for nearly ten years, and then for the rest of his career in Toledo, Spain, used his signature as a means to broadcast his artistic brand as a Greek other during his decades-long estrangement from his homeland. Regardless of where he worked or of the style that his paintings adopted, he always and without exception drafted his signatures in Greek, while at key moments of his career, especially during his frequent transitions from one city to the next, he appended his name with a declarative ' Cretan' in order to make it unmistakable that the viewer is looking at the work of a foreigner. In so doing, El Greco's use of language - a topic never taken into consideration with regards to the meaning of its deployment in his signatures - reveals much about the politics of cultural identity in the multicultural societies in which he worked. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the ethical issues involved in engaging with the study of irregular migration in Europe. It offers various methods in irregular migration research and outlines research ethics. It explores the differences between sensitivity and vulnerability, and their implications in irregular migration research. It highlights the ethical challenges involved in the relationship between researcher, irregular migrant, and society.

Segregation of minority ethnic groups is a returning issue in public and political debates in many parts of the world. This paper focuses on Western European cities and presents information on levels and dynamics of segregation. While acknowledging the measurement problems, we feel comfortable in saying that overall segregation levels do not appear to increase. However, big differences exist, not just between immigrant groups in one city, but also between similar groups in different cities and countries. ‘Integration’ processes of those who settled a long time ago may be counterbalanced by new and difficult to predict immigration. Likely, individual preference, availability of resources, the role of the state, globalisation and economic restructuring as well as discrimination simultaneously impact on segregation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this commentary I contribute to the ongoing debate about changing conditions of academic labour by sharing my personal experience as a fixed-term scholar dealing with an in-between positionality within the academia. This intervention is intended, on the one hand, to shed light on the condition of an increasing number of early career geographers today, which has not been highlighted by the literature so far; on the other hand, it pursues the more ambitious goal of providing reflections on the potential of a multi-layered academic citizenship in contemporary Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduces the articles featured in the September 2003 issue of the 'International Migration' journal focusing on migration between China and Europe. Assessment of trends in Chinese migration to Europe; Patterns of emigration from China; Discussion of the role of government policy in shaping migratory flows.

Presents evidences of trafficking and human smuggling in Europe. Emergence of a market for irregular migration services; Development of a symbiosis between the trafficker and the trafficked; Information on the organizational structure of trafficking organizations; Characteristics of the trafficked and smuggled migrants involved.

Mixed migration is an international regime in the making. The migration and refugee crisis put the topic high on the global agenda and multilateral initiatives like the Global Compacts for Migration and Refugees have started to address it. However, it is a contested policy issue and agreement on legally binding instruments is difficult to achieve. While formal global mixed migration governance is thus only emerging, in this article I argue that international organizations shape how mixed migration is governed through informal means. Mixed migration experts in intergovernmental organizations, regional agencies and non‐governmental organizations form networks that cut across organizational levels and boundaries to create practical knowledge and to train fieldworkers. Based on interviews and the analysis of training material, this article shows that they have considerable influence over policy implementation because they control the content of training tools and devise scripts for best practices that guide how mixed migration is governed on the ground. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gambia, the smallest country on the African continent, is one of the largest contributors, per capita, to irregular migrants in Europe. Aspirations to migrate are ingrained culturally, to the extent that they can be understood as a rite of passage. Unfilled rites, associated with involuntary immobility, have led to pervasive frustration and feelings of entrapment, locally referred to as having the nerves syndrome. This article explores the societal and cultural significance of migration in this context, exploring the meanings that this especially has for effective migration management. It provides evidence and context for the deep motives, embedded socially and culturally, for migration as a significant mechanism to maintain status and achievement of adulthood. In view of this, initiatives by foreign and domestic governments and NGOs to work on campaigns and strategies to entice citizens to remain and work at home should be carefully considered. Foreign policies and funds to so‐called empower youth to stay in their home countries may be misleadingly ineffective. The academic literature does not sufficiently address this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the beginning of the 21st century, there has been an acceleration of migratory flows from Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) to Europe. As a result, and despite the negative impact of the economic crisis, 4.6 million Latin American and Caribbean immigrants reside in Europe, half of them in Spain. This article analyses the recent evolution of these migratory flows, their territorial distribution, and their demographic profiles according to the 2011 European census data disseminated by a new tool —the Census Hub— implemented by the European Statistical System. The analysis shows the existence of a high LAC immigrant concentration in Spain and in certain European cities, a marked young and feminized demographic profile, a great variety of educational levels and a different insertion in each European labour market, although many LAC immigrants work in low‐skill occupations, being overqualified and underemployed in most of the countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]