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There are 16 short papers that cover a wide range of heritage science methods including radiocarbon dating, archaeomaterials, DNA analysis, GIS field methods and conservation. Panagiota Manti reviews: Bridging Science and Heritage in the Balkans: Studies in Archaeometry, Cultural Heritage Restoration and Conservation, edited by Nona Palincas and Corneliu C. Ponta, Oxford, Archaeopress Publishing Ltd, 168 pp., (paperback).1 ISBN 978-1-78969-196-2 Taking the opportunity of the forthcoming 8th Balkan Symposium on rchaeometry in October 2022 in Belgrade,[2] this review attempts to offer a critical insight into the book compiled from contributions to the 5th Balkan Symposium of Archaeometry held in Sinaia, Romania in September 2016.[3] That symposium addressed specialists working on the archaeology of Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece, Hungary, North Macedonia, Romania, Serbia, Slovenia and Turkey. [Extracted from the article]

The purpose of the paper is to analyse the effects of interpersonal trust in business relations (proxied by trade credit) and institutional trust (proxied by firms' trust in courts) on firms' performance. The analysis is performed on a specific sample of 1298 firms in Western Balkan countries which are usually characterized by negative social capital that is considered to hinder economic and social development at all levels. The methodological approach is based on the propensity score matching method and the obtained results show that firms' perception of courts as fair, impartial and uncorrupted, is connected with lower costs and with positive expectations of an increase in sales in the upcoming period. On the other side, trade credit as a trust variable has a statistically significant and positive effect on firm productivity measured as sales per employee and on expectations of an increase in sales in the upcoming period. The paper contributes to the existing literature in terms of the choice of the post-socialist groups of countries for the analysis, the method that is used (treatment-effects estimation), and in terms of performing firm-level analysis of the effects of two types of trust on selected variables of firm performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the temporalities of EU investments into Southeast European (SEE) roads. Road construction and maintenance and related institutional frameworks, regulation, and project planning signify different modes of infrastructural time. Roads carry narratives of development and progress, but they also confront visions of desired futures with ruins of forgotten pasts. Promises of infrastructural potential intersect with project cycles, financial flows, and construction timelines, and work delays and material malfunctions. As such, infrastructures are a productive entry point to understanding how Europeanisation works through different temporalizing practices and techniques. The paper maps complex temporalities and temporal politics that shape infrastructural development and showcases how Europeanisation works also outside of promises of linear progress to EU membership on the one hand and corresponding classifications of absent futures on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introductory paper sets the scene for the special issue on migration in the Western Balkan region. First, we briefly outline the background to the research networking initiative in the Western Balkans—'WB-MIGNET'—which resulted in producing the set of papers presented here. Then we describe the context in which the analysis of migration, return and development in the Western Balkans takes place, highlighting the role of diasporas and return migration. The region exemplifies a wide range and interrelation of migratory forms, including temporary and permanent labour migration, forced migration of refugees, temporary displacement, high-skilled migration and transit migration. Quite apart from the scale and diversity of migratory phenomena in this region, the special relevance of the Western Balkans rests on mass emigration, predominantly of educated young people, and their possible return, including to post-conflict areas, and role in the development of their home countries. Such processes within the Western Balkans also offer useful lessons for designing future migration policies in Europe and worldwide. The final section of this introductory paper summarizes the papers that follow and highlights their originality and key findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the use of social media to underline the tourism cultural heritage of Bucharest. The authors examine the history of the city, dating back from its settlement during the Ottoman Empire and passing through a series of radical changes: the period of Phanariot rulers, the golden age as the "Little Paris" of the Balkans, the Communist period, and the current democratic regime. The paper is based on the reviews' study from the Tripadvisor.com platform and investigates tourists' emotions during their travel experiences. Sentiment analysis of Bucharest as a tourist attraction was developed based on the emotion criteria (anger, anticipation, disgust, fear, joy, sadness, surprise, trust). The findings revealed that visitors have favourable emotional responses towards the tourist attractions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the construction of a national and supra-national culinary identity in Slovenia in the decades since its independence from Yugoslavia through the TV chefs Valentina and Luka Novak's celebrity cookbooks. As they cook for the nation, they establish the idea of what is to be "Slovene" in post-socialism. Based on an analysis of the spin-off cookbooks from their popular TV series Love through the Stomach broadcast on Slovene television from 2009 to 2014, the paper discusses their complex navigation between various aspects of Slovenia's history, as the chefs distance the cuisine from its Yugoslav past and explicitly reorient its food culture toward Central Europe. In doing this, they reflect and reinforce larger discourse shifts that have been taking place in Slovenia since the 1980s and through which its political and media elites prepared the ground for Slovenia's entry to the EU in 2004, distancing themselves from its "Balkan" neighbors and embracing its European essence. This paper shows how such shifts can be reflected in culinary texts, such as cookbooks, contributing to the understanding of everyday food texts as political texts. The paper also demonstrates the role of the Slovene middle-class elite as culinary trendsetters in the post-socialist period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to provide an in-depth understanding of the effectiveness of anti-money laundering (AML) regulations in measuring banking sector stability in Western Balkan countries, as well as to explore the possibility of enhancing banking sector policy and performance. The study employs a quantitative methodology created on secondary data from 2012 to 2021. The data analysis methodology incorporates static and dynamic approaches to examine the banking sector stability using OLS and 2SLS. The results of the study show that the tight A M L i , t implementation of both approaches has a positive and statistically significant impact on the banking sector stability ( B S S ). The value of the paper is unique in that it applies the most recent data in this field for Western Balkans countries, and it brings benefits for a better understanding of the effectiveness of A M L regulations. The research will encourage fruitful discussion among policymakers, practitioners, researchers, and financial institution executives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the jembe (djembé) as a symbol of Africanness in contemporary Serbian culture. Players' narratives often underline the universality and spirituality of distant, romanticised Africa linking these supposed features to 'archaic' aspects of Serbian and Balkan traditional music. The trope of universally adaptable rhythm has united different players, from pioneers of cross-cultural sound during late Yugoslav socialism to the proponents of present-day multiculturalism in Serbia. This paper is informed by ethnographic research with the group Đembija, a recent Belgrade-based music project, and by the use and discourse surrounding the jembe and other African instruments by other contemporary Serbian musicians. The jembe's use in world music bands serves as the basis for a diversity of ideological, poetic and musical practices. Simultaneously, the aural learning, small scale and 'slow pace' of musicianship, in contrast to the hectic everyday experience of contemporary capitalist society, acquires nostalgic resonances within Serbia's budding cross-cultural jembe playing practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes post-socialist industrial development and policy in the Western Balkans through the lens of its regional specialization and spatial concentration. Against a conceptual framework revolving around place-based industrial policy, and using the Concentration index (modified Herfindahl-Hirschman index) and location coefficients (Balassa index), a comparative analysis over three decades (1990–2020) highlights weak regional diversification and intra-regional integration of industrial activity. The findings offer a new industrial policy that transcends regional specialization and spatial concentration to address regional development, planning and governance. The concluding remarks reveal some basic paths toward effective and pro-European regional industrial policy in the Western Balkans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the discussion on the role of teaching assistants in the inclusion, education, and achievement of pupils with special educational needs. Topics include initiating programmes for creating the first cadres of teaching assistants being employed and deployed in schools in the Balkan states; and rise in paraprofessionals in the delivery of public services such as education, health, social work, law, and the police.

In the Balkan Peninsula, the single-arched stone masonry bridge has served for centuries as an essential part of transportation infrastructure. Being exposed to the natural elements and to aging, several of these structures are in a state of disrepair that is accelerated by neglect. Nevertheless, these are important samples of the built heritage encapsulating historical materials, methods of construction and ancient craftsmanship. Still standing for over half a millennium, such bridges testify the wisdom by which the masons chose the location and form of the arch to span over torrents minimizing the wear from water scouring and floods. Preservation of the bridges that are still standing is a priority. With increasing number of bridge collapses reported in the past years under extreme flood, an immediate need emerges for methods of evaluation of the structural vulnerability and measures to enhance their resilience. Using as a case study a bridge built in fifteenth century in Greece, this paper unfolds the essential attributes of a comprehensive assessment framework that combines non-destructive evaluation techniques to reveal information about technologies and details, with a numerical investigation of the resilience of the structure to floods and seismic hazards in order to identify risks of bridge integrity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with the population decline in Balkan countries in the last three decades, since 1990. It researches the scale of depopulation in the Balkans and analyses the causes and possible consequences of the population decline. It argues that the failure of imposed neoliberal economic policies in the Balkan countries in the 1990s caused deindustrialization, GDP stagnation and high unemployment rates, especially of young people. Together with the shift in values from traditional to neo-liberal ones which promote materialism, hedonism, consumerism and liberal middle-class feminism, it caused dramatic reduction in fertility (live births per woman) as well as a significant brain drain and economic emigration from the Balkan countries in the last 30 years. Depopulation is becoming a limiting factor for sustainability of Balkan societies. It imposes a long-term danger for demographic survival of these societies, and generates an array of other negative economic, social and political consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tetramorium Mayr, 1855 is a worldwide distributed and hyperdiverse ant genus consisting of almost 600 taxa manifesting various life history strategies. Species of the Tetramorium inquilinum species-group represents one of the most extreme forms of parasitism and consist of degenerate workerless social parasites of several Tetramorium species. So far, its members have been recorded in the Palearctic from montane to alpine zones and reveal an interesting disjunction in host selection observed between eastern-Mediterranean and western-Mediterranean species. We describe a fifth member of the Tetramorium inquilinum species-group: Tetramorium albenae Salata, van Delft & Borowiec sp. n. The species morphologically differs from the remaining members of the group by the combination of the following characters: dense and erect pilosity of appendages and the whole body, smooth head sculpture, predominantly smooth anepisternum and katepisternum, lack of blunt teeth on propodeum, and presence of distinct carianae on the dorsolateral margins of the propodeum. Tetramorium albenae Salata, van Delft & Borowiec sp. n. was collected in a lowland olive grove, a site so far not associated with the Tetramorium inquilinum species-group, from a nest of Tetramorium kephalosi (a new host species for the group). The data presented in this paper provide new insights into the habitat preferences of the species of the Tetramorium inquilinum species-group and extend our knowledge on the potential host species of these parasites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) is the dominant political and economic influence in the Western Balkan (WB) region, but in the view of many of the region's citizens, EU integration is associated with strict and painful convergence criteria and burdensome reforms as well as the inertia of unfulfilled accession requirements. China's involvement in the region is focused mainly on much-needed but controversial infrastructure investments; accordingly, it has attracted increasing international attention over the past decade. At the same time, Turkey, the Arab States, and Russia have also shown heightened interest in the region. This paper addresses the important geopolitical question of whether a mutually-beneficial relationship for all participants is possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Maintaining monetary stability is the first and fundamental objective of the currency board regime, especially after political and economic crises such as the one in the Balkans in the 1990s. The very limited role of the central bank has disciplined financial institutions and governments, but at the same time is not conducive to long-term growth and employment. This policy ties the domestic currency to the 'peg' currency, leading to inflationary tendencies in the country whose currency is used as the 'peg'. Currently, the high inflation rates are caused by the pandemic crisis, but also by the war in Ukraine. This paper analyses the causes of inflation in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Bulgaria as countries with currency boards. The results show that inflation in these two countries is 'imported inflation' from two points of view: the monetary policy of the European Central Bank and the inflation trend in the EMU, but mainly due to the Ukraine crisis and consequently the energy and food crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will investigate the development of the War Guilt Question in interwar Europe through an examination of the dispute between two of Britain's leading experts on the Balkans, Mary Edith Durham and R.W. Seton-Watson. The locus of their disagreement centred on the question of Serbian complicity in the plot to murder Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo in June 1914, and the subsequent debate over their responsibility for the outbreak of War. The dispute was prompted by revelations published by Ljuba Jovanović, former Serb Minister of Public Instruction. The debate over the Serb complicity in the Sarajevo crime, fundamentally shifted the debate over responsibility for the failure of peace in 1914, moving the focus away from Berlin, back to the Balkans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) revived the enlargement process in response to the Russia-Ukraine war. That reaction compares to how the EU utilized this process following the wars in the Balkans in the 1990s. In this paper, we argue that on neither occasion was the inclusion of more states within EU borders a preferred EU working agenda. Instead, the EU used enlargement as a stabilization and security-building mechanism without guaranteeing membership as the end state. This observation has implications for the future of the enlargement process. We argue that the outcome of the previous rounds of enlargement was reactive and context-driven. Absent those same contextual factors, and although the EU reacts to the Russia-Ukraine war in a familiar sequence of incomplete decision-making, the outcome of this wartime enlargement negotiation process points in a different direction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper focuses on the current developments of the Greek new media arts scene and digital performances, a field of contemporary art which still remains non-contextualized in a particular socio-political environment by art theoreticians in Greece. The present study explores the concept of newness in new media arts and provides an overview and a critical reflection on the role of the non-profit and non-governmental organizations (NPOs/NGOs) in structuring a new media art scene in the post-communist countries of the Balkans. Consequently, the paper seeks to contextualize the Greek scene in this historical background provided by the Balkans' recent past in contemporary new media arts. The study suggests that the current Greek scene is in a precursor phase of what took place a few decades earlier in the northern countries of the Balkans, given the fact that its new media art scene currently passes the threshold of the collaboration with a – yet limited – number of national NPOs/NGOs. Although there is not an immediate political analogy between the Balkans and Greece, nevertheless the financial and political crisis in Greece the past few years has clearly functioned as a condition for comparable politics of art management to be implemented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the recent or revisited assumptions in the literature, the "dependent capitalism" hypothesis has met growing interest and relevance in the context of the 2008 economic and financial crisis. The purpose of the present article is first to expand the scope of the dependence analysis to the Balkan countries, both members and non-members of the EU, and second, to demonstrate that dependence also appears in these countries in a differentiated way through another institutional form, not included in the initial theoretical framework of Hall and Soskice, monetary regimes. A monetary regime can be considered as a structuring institutional form, expressing the power relations between national and foreign actors. In the dependent capitalism case, where foreign capital prevails and the trade balance dynamics is determined by the capital account, one could expect that monetary regimes would be implemented in a way to protect the capital and interests of foreign investors in the long term, hence to delegate monetary sovereignty to the investor's country of origin. In the first part of the paper, some theoretical and methodological aspects of the dependent capitalism in post-socialist countries and of the specific monetary regime on which it is based, are discussed. Then, in the second part, the dependence analysis is illustrated by the case studies of monetary regimes in the Balkans during the period from 1990 to 2015. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the conditionality in relation to fundamental rights during and after the visa liberalisation dialogues that took place between the European Commission and national governments of the Western Balkans countries in 2009 and 2010. Conceptually, this paper uses the visa liberalisation to study the interactions between the conditionality mechanism and securitisation paradigm in the context of the European Union (EU) justice, freedom and security area. Analysing both the formal benchmarking process and data from stakeholders’ interviews, this paper demonstrates the securitisation and side-lining of fundamental rights during and in the aftermath of the visa negotiations. As a result, this paper informs of unwanted effects of conditionality and questions the role of the EU in promoting fundamental rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of a tacit agreement, when "Stolipinovo" is mentioned in the public space, which in popular media discourse is considered to be the biggest urban ghetto on the Balkans, this quarter's name inevitably starts a logical chain, dominated not only by pejorative associations, but also by a pervasive and artificially imposed stigma that puts all its inhabitants under a common banner—this is a "gypsy neighbourhood". Departing from this common and widespread narrative, this paper, based on a long-term ethnographic study in the neighbourhood, will instead reconstruct it as a specific social space can be explained by taking into account its pluralistic and inhomogeneous nature and taking into account the dynamics of daily life within the neighbourhood, distinguished by its diversity and variability, but also by the distinctiveness of a particular model of "living together". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the enormous inflow of international assistance to the Western Balkans over the last 25 years, the intended state-building efforts have only had partial success and great concerns have been raised over the problems of state capture, weak governance, poor rule of law and widespread corruption at a high level throughout the region. The paper identifies the patterns of international assistance and examines the extent to which donor aid allocations have been driven by concerns for recipients' need and merit, or by donor self-interest. The analysis reveals that while donor allocations have on the whole reflected need, they have not reflected merit to the same extent, suggesting that international assistance may have facilitated domestic political elites' engagement in practices of rent-seeking and state capture. With a few exceptions, EU donors and EU Institutions have not allocated their aid to motivate adherence to EU norms in candidate and potential candidate states in the region. The paper concludes that the 'Samaritans dilemma' is alive and well in the Western Balkans, and that donors have chosen to mostly overlook poor governance behaviour among recipients in order to prioritise assistance to the neediest countries while pursuing their own foreign policy concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the factors for the 'big moment' of the far right, its Big Bang, i.e, when far-right parties transform from marginal 'groupuscules' into considerable political players. It is the moment when political supply and social demand interact, like two elements in a chemical reaction, and are transformed into far-right vote; the far-right redox. What are the conditions and the catalyst that allow the far-right redox to take place? Discussing the importance of the media as a resource for all political actors, and especially the far-right party family and analysing examples from three Balkan countries (Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia), Greece and France, the working hypothesis is that a necessary and sufficient condition is the occurrence of a media-induced event that acts as a catalyst, leading to their rise from the political margins to the political mainstream. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an economic policy, currency substitution – the use of a foreign currency in lieu of a domestic currency – is rarely associated with nationalism. This is due to a natural tendency to equate nationalism with economic mercantilism and with the political need to foster nationalist feelings among the population. This need not to be the case, though, as the case of the newly independent Montenegro demonstrates. How can we explain the apparent inconsistency between nationalist leaders fighting for independence and opting to use the currency of the European Union (EU), the quintessential supra-national entity? This paper suggests that conventional explanations need to be complemented with a contextual historical analysis of nationalism. By incorporating the fluid and multifaceted nature of nationalism which, in the hands of skilful political elites, can be reframed to include apparently contradictory positions, I suggest that euroisation has been extremely consistent with nationalist goals. As the content and directionality of nationalist discourse shifted, the euro was transformed into a symbol of national identity in this Newly Independent Country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The South-east Europe and Black Sea region presents a fertile terrain for examining recent international migration trends. A wide range of types of migration can be observed in this region: large-scale emigration in many countries, recent mass immigration in the case of Greece, return migration, internal migration, internal and external forced migration, irregular migration, brain drain etc. These migratory phenomena occur within the context of EU migration policies and EU accession for some countries. Yet within this shifting migration landscape of migrant stocks and flows, the fundamental economic geography of different wealth levels and work opportunities is what drives most migration, now as in the past. This paper sets the scene for the special issue in three ways: first, by defining the three key concepts of migration, transnationalism and development; second, by setting the geographical scene, with the aid of relevant statistics on the migration, development and remittance trends in the various countries of the region; and third, by summarizing the highlights of the papers in this issue of the journal, which range in their coverage from Ukraine and Moldova in the north, to Greece and Albania in the south. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Until now, the undeclared economy has been tackled in Balkan countries by increasing the penalties and risk of detection so as to deter participation. Recently however, calls have been made for a new more indirect approach that improves tax morale in order to foster a culture of commitment to compliance. The aim of this paper is to evaluate these contrasting policy approaches. Reporting evidence from 1018 face-to-face interviews conducted in Bulgaria during 2013, logistic regression analysis reveals no association between participation in undeclared work and the perceived level of penalties and risk of detection, but a strong association between participation in undeclared work and the level of tax morale. The paper concludes by discussing the theoretical and policy implications of the findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares different strategies of legitimation deployed by the nationalist movements in the Balkans and Ireland in the 19th and early twentieth century. In contrast to the traditional accounts that posit nations and empires as mutually exclusive projects, I show how imperial and nationalist discourses can reinforce one another. The paper zooms in on the changing dynamics of imperial and national legacies by exploring how specific social movements strategically deploy concepts such as the 'small' or 'greater' nation to facilitate different nationalist projects. By contrasting the historical experiences of the Balkan states and Ireland I show how geopolitical and historical contexts shape the complex and contradictory relationships between imperial and the national projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the relationship between foreign direct investment (FDI) and institutional quality measures (control of corruption, political stability, and rule of law) in the Western Balkans. The empirical study is based on panel techniques (unit root tests and causality) in the period 2002–2017. The results indicate that control of corruption, political stability, and rule of law cause an inflow of FDI at the Western Balkans. The bidirectional relationship has been found between political stability and rule of low, control of corruption and rule of law, and control of corruption and inflow of FDI. Thus, the study recommended that stronger institutional measures cause a higher inflow of foreign direct investments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Melittio-Quercion frainetto and Melittio-Quercion confertae are two alliances, which were proposed about simultaneously 40 years ago through two different papers regarding southern Italy and southern Greece, respectively. The aims of this paper are to establish valid name, nomenclatural type and distribution range of these two alliances and to verify whether they display a sufficient degree of syntaxonomic autonomy when compared to the ecologically and geographically neighbouring alliances. A data matrix composed of 43 frequency columns summing 1242 phytosociological relevés x 625 taxa was prepared and statistically analysed. The results suggested that the thermophilous Quercus cerris and Q. frainetto oak woods of the southern Apennines and the southern Balkans deserve to be classified in two separated alliances. The application of the principle IV of the ICPN established that the correct name of the alliance is Melittio albidae-Quercion frainetto Barbéro, Bonin, Gamisans et Quézel in Bonin et Gamisans 1976 and that it was typified in southern Italy. Accordingly, the new name Geranio asphodeloidis-Quercion frainetto is here proposed for southern Greece in substitution of Melittio-Quercion confertae (nom. illeg.). The syntaxonomic proposal advanced in this paper brings significant modifications in the current version of the checklist of the European syntaxa (Eurovegchecklist). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between the real exchange rate and the foreign trade imbalance in both the Western Balkan (WB) and Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries. During the most recent global economic crisis, examining the impact of the exchange rate on the balance of trade took on a particular importance. Countries used a variety of monetary policy regimes and, depending on their choice, they had different economic instruments available to deal with the crisis. The aim of the research was whether exchange rate devaluation and/or depreciation are capable of effectively and fully eliminating the negative effects of the global economic crisis, as well as the consequent poor export performance and contracted economic activity. Our findings show that during an economic crisis those countries that use their own currency cannot substantially adjust their trade deficit by depreciating their currency. Moreover, it is suggested that during the global economic crisis, the balance of payments deficit is not impacted significantly by the exchange rate, any more. In such cases, other factors play a more significant role, like as government spending, followed by foreign demand and direct investments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of legacies of mass violence and political oppression during the recent past in the Western Balkans (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia), history teaching is seen as an important factor in building sustainable peace and democracy. Caught between various national and international policy actors, history teaching has been subject to frequently overlapping and inconsistent reforms. Despite prolific research on history education in the Western Balkans teachers' experiences of history education and its transformation have largely remained unexamined. This paper explores history teachers' perceptions of and approaches to the topics they find difficult to teach. The paper draws on data gathered through an online survey that yielded 793 responses from history teachers and 14 regional history education expert interviews. The results show which topics teachers consider difficult to teach in six Western Balkan countries, and how certain individual characteristics (e.g. religiousness and level of education) and school characteristics (e.g. urban or rural and a monocultural or multicultural environment) link to the roles teachers assume when teaching controversial topics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In comparison with Russia's substantial role in Balkan politics within the pre-World War I international system and extension of the Soviet sphere of influence to the Balkans in the bipolar era, the USSR's involvement in the affairs of South-Eastern Europe was modest in the interwar years. This was a consequence of the Soviet Union's dubious status in the Versailles order. The purpose of this paper is to examine how multi-variable trajectories of interaction between the Soviet Union and the Versailles order were projected at the level of Balkan politics. As the USSR lacked appropriate diplomatic, economic and military representations in the Balkans, it may be stated that the Comintern became an instrument for exercising Soviet influence in South-Eastern Europe. The paper shows both the difficulties faced and the perplexities of the policy of the Comintern. The paper finally underlines how the USSR moved from the initial world revolution endeavour to realpolitik. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the basis of the examination of Russian foreign direct investments (FDI) in Balkan countries, the paper investigates the distinctive features, expectations, and realities of Russian capital in the region. Grounding on the case of the leading Russian multinational enterprise (MNE) (Lukoil) investment activity in the Balkans, the study explains the track record of Russian investments in Balkans and discusses the key lessons learned by Russian managers and policy makers in the host countries. The paper facilitates the comparative interregional understanding of Russian FDI and generates practical implications for investments in Balkans. On the basis of the Lukoil case, the paper sheds light on factors influencing investment strategies of Russian MNEs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the closure of the so-called 'Balkan Route', the western Balkan countries became buffer zones for thousands of unregistered migrants living 'in waiting' in precarious conditions. The overland route captures everyday configurations of multiple spatial, temporal and social interconnections, in their entanglement with the historicity of the cross-border areas. By analysing ethnographic accounts collected on the Italian-Austrian and Italian-Slovenian borders, the paper explores the street-level practices of public/institutional apparatus and the stories of would-be asylum seekers, with their experiences of mobility and 'involuntary immobility' shaped by power relations. Our aim is to discuss the complexity of this process which concerns patterns of (im)mobility (e.g., waithood), migration projects, rejection, violence, vulnerability and agency from the point of view of the migrants entering the European Union through this eastern passage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the official closure of the passage to the EU (March 2016), the Western Balkans have become an area of transit for migratory flows overland from the East and the South. This introductory editorial sets the stage of the special issue and presents the contents of the articles which aim at going beyond an understanding of the 'refugee crisis' as a generic external threat to the EU discussing its constructive, changing dimension and exploring the fluid nature of migration trajectories which are shaped by intersecting forms of mobilities and immobilities. Through the adoption of an ethnographic and diachronic perspective, the papers further aim to understand their entanglement with the 1990s memories of migration and therefore with the temporalities of mobility, while also considering the re-emergent securitization of border areas, especially after COVID-19 pandemic, and the ambivalent pushback and hospitality policies that also occur in the Balkan countries along the route. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The CoViD-19 pandemic has led to a resurgence of health diplomacy in international relations. Especially the great powers and middle powers have provided different kinds of assistance to countries in need and utilized health diplomacy as an opportunity to construct, reconstruct or consolidate their role in regional and global politics. Turkey was no exception with its assertive and ambitious health diplomacy, of which the Balkans were central. Crisis periods have proved critical junctures for Turkish decision-makers to assert their ambitions in the Balkans. This article examines Turkish diplomacy towards the Balkan countries during the CoViD-19 pandemic and examines how Turkish decision-makers reconstructed a 'regional power' identity. Informed by the constructivist theory, the paper critically investigates how Justice and Development Party tried to consolidate Turkey's identity as a regional power in the Balkans. It delves into the following questions: What are the main reasons for Turkey's coronavirus diplomacy towards the Balkans? How are Turkish decision-makers trying to reconstruct Turkey's role as a regional power during the pandemic? What does the Turkish case tell us about the coronavirus diplomacy of the middle powers in general?. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the beginning of the 2000s, extensive academic research has echoed one popular opinion, 'Turkey is back to the Balkans'. These studies have been scrutinizing the complicated role of Turkey in the Balkans, usually drawing upon the use of soft power by the former. This impact in the region remained intact during the 2010s, although the overall Turkish foreign policy in the 2010s has been highly securitized and de-Europeanized, losing its soft power character that had been its trademark starting from the early 2000s. In this regard, this paper aims to decipher different dimensions of Turkey's foreign policy in the Balkans through a more general exploration of the de-Europeanization of Turkish foreign policy in the 2010s. Through more than 80 semi-structured interviews, which were conducted between 2016–2020, with political actors, diplomats, religious leaders, scholars and journalists in Turkey and the Balkans, we address the question of whether the divergence of Turkish foreign policy from a soft power perspective and its concomitant de-Europeanization tendency had been crystallized in its policy towards the Balkans within the context of the 2010s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a critical comparative reflection on migration as a factor of peripheralization processes in the Western Balkan and Baltic regions. In their respective geographical positions, the Western Balkans and the Baltics stand at different ends of the European map: south-east and north-east. Regarding their historical and political positions, however, these are very diverse: the Western Balkans were part of Yugoslavia (except Albania) while the Baltic republics (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania) were annexed to the Soviet Union after the Second World War. Currently, Croatia is already a member of the European Union, as the three Baltic countries are, while the rest of the Western Balkans are not. The article argues that apart from economic and geographical factors, usually taken into account in describing peripheries and cores, migration processes and discourses powerfully construct some places as dynamically moving towards a 'core' while others remain confined to a 'periphery'. By paying special attention to 'scientific discourses', the aim is to broaden our understanding of theories and practices of peripheralization, where migration tends to be under-theorized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper functions both as an overview of Albanian migration and as an introduction to the special issue as a whole. The special issue is devoted to a country which lies at the very centre of the region covered by the Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans, yet which has been treated only sparingly in the pages of the journal thus far. Thematically, the focus is on migration—the phenomenon which is at the heart of economic, social and cultural change in Albania over the past 15 years. No other country in Europe has been so deeply affected by migration over this period of time. But to think of migration as an agent of development in Albania is both simplistic and premature. Quite apart from the problematic nature of such label-terms as ‘development’, ‘modernization’, ‘transformation’, etc.—especially in the Albanian setting—the relationships involved in analysing what has been called ‘the migration-development nexus’ are complex indeed. Does migration, through its beneficial mechanisms which are hypothesized by economists (relief of unemployment, rising wage levels, inflow of remittances, investment-oriented return migration), stimulate development in the migrant-origin country? Or should the relationship be re-stated in a different way: for instance, that it is underdevelopment that causes migration; or that excessive outmigration leads not so much to development of the home country but to its further impoverishment because of the excessive outflow of human capital? The Albanian experience of migration and development was the focus of an international conference held in Korçë, southern Albania, over the two days 16–17 September 2004. More than 25 papers were presented by authors coming from 11 different countries; the audience exceeded 60 people; and the event received widespread coverage in the Albanian media. The papers which follow in this special issue are a selection of those presented at Korçë, and all have been revised in the light of referees' comments. This introductory paper is in three parts. In the next section I present first some essential historical background and then the basic, yet remarkable, data on the scale and nature of Albanian migration. These statistics constitute the essential context for all the papers which follow. Next, I set out some theoretical frames for considering the developmental impact of migration, bearing in mind the specificity of the Albanian case. Finally, I summarize the papers that make up this theme issue, drawing attention to their diverse yet complementary thematic, geographic and methodological approaches, and highlighting their key findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Geopolitics plays a decisive role in the international politics. The importance of geopolitics can be seen in the Twentieth century that culminated in the First Word War. The Berlin-Baghdad Railway Project was the true manifestation of geopolitics, while the Balkan region played a significant role due to its geopolitical and geo-strategic importance. The Balkans being at the crossroads of great powers became a catalyst for animosity among them. Geopolitics has again taken a centre stage in the Twenty-first century due to China-led Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and its flagship project i.e., China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The paper intends to investigate, analyse, and predict the BRI's flagship belt i.e., CPEC and its likely impacts on the existing rivalry between China and the United States under the prism of Neo-Realism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents pioneering research on gender differences in travel behaviour in southeastern Europe. The study analyses the socio-economic and main travel characteristics (particularly parking) of men and women. Additionally, it examines the influence of parking demand management measures on their behaviour, in terms of the willingness of men and women to reduce car use and to adopt more sustainable behaviour. The results reveal significant differences between genders in most of the characteristics examined. Moreover, it is shown that women are less car dependent and more sensitive to parking pricing and, therefore, more willing to replace a car journey with public transport. These findings suggest that gender should be an essential parameter when user behaviour is examined and modelled. Furthermore, the results indicate that gender differences must be considered when transport policy is created to affect the behaviour of men and women equally. The achievement of social equality is one of the primary objectives of sustainable development. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Molecular studies are often essential to infer phylogenetic relationships and biogeography in troglobiotic taxa, frequently characterised by convergent adaptations and cryptic species. Genetic analysis is a particularly useful tool in Dinaric karst, where palaeogeographic history complicates the interpretation of the evolutionary history of cave organisms. In this paper we estimate phylogenetic relationships in an entirely troglobiotic group of perceivable cirolanid isopods, inhabiting Dinarides and other Mediterranean regions, by a DNA-based approach, with a particular attention to the genus Sphaeromides. The originally more extensive genus Sphaeromides appears limited to S. raymondi in Southern France, while we suggest restoring the genus and name Trogloaega for the Dinaric taxa, previously attributed to Sphaeromides. The name and taxon Trogloaega have never been scientifically invalidated, just ignored. Results indicated that S. virei, formerly divided into three subspecies, consists of two or three distinct species, now named T. virei, T. mediodalmatina and T. montenigrina, the latter molecularly closer to T. mediodalmatina. The genus Trogloaega is genetically distant from Sphaeromides. Sphaeromides bureschi from Balkans (Bulgaria, Serbia) appeared closer to Trogloaega than to Sphaeromides. Our results contribute to the awareness that the isopod morphology is characterised by high level of homoplasy and molecular phylogenetic analyses are essential in identifying taxonomic units. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been an increasing number of studies in the international relations literature discussing the rising salience of regionalism and regional powers in global politics. Due to its economic prowess, geographical size, demographic credentials as well as foreign policy activism, Turkey can be considered as one of the contemporary regional actors. This paper critically examines the impact of the Europeanization process on Turkish foreign policy towards the Western Balkan states and its rising status in regional politics. It argues that although Turkey is currently experiencing de-Europeanization in its domestic politics, the impact of Europeanization on its Balkans policy continues. This paper shows, among others, that it is not the internalizaton, but the instrumentalization of ‘Europe’ that has been the driving force of Turkey's domestic and foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The positive side of employment during studies is the increase of net investments in human capital. The main objective of this paper is to discover factors influencing the work of students in Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro and to compare students’ employment in these three Western Balkan countries. Quantitative analysis based on binary logistic regression has been performed using datasets from fifth wave of EUROSTUDENT survey. The models were built on the basis of seven predictors which describe opportunity structure in higher education and socio-economic background of students. The entered set of predictors is significantly influencing the students’ employment during study terms. The significant predictor of working status in all three countries is the age of students. Additionally, the significant factor in Serbia is the level of studies, in Montenegro the level and field of studies, while in Bosnia and Herzegovina the educational level of parents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we argue that the Western Balkans form part of a ‘super-periphery’ of Europe, being highly vulnerable to the effects of the Eurozone crisis, yet lacking support from the European Union (EU) bail out funds and policy instruments that are available to ease the impact of the crisis on the ‘peripheral’ EU member states. In the Western Balkans the crisis has been transmitted through several channels including exports, remittances, foreign investment and bank credit flows. The paper investigates the impact of the Eurozone crisis on the region and questions whether the EU accession process continues to offer hope of economic prosperity in the future or whether the countries of the super-periphery should rely more on their own resources, new alliances and regional cooperation to support future economic growth. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since the ‘mega-enlargement’ of the European Union into the erstwhile communist territories of Eastern Central Europe and the Baltics in 2004/2007, the prospect for further EU enlargement(s) has seriously dissipated. Terms such as ‘enlargement fatigue’ and ‘absorption capacity’ have become en vogue in the post-2007 enlargement setting where older EU member states have developed negative attitudes towards future enlargements. However, the accession of Croatia into the EU in 2013 has inevitably raised questions of which states or regions could be next. This paper contends that due to a multitude of issues surrounding Turkey, particularly the political impasse within the EU towards Turkish accession coupled with its sheer size, only the smaller states of the Western Balkans represent viable candidates (Iceland’s accession prospects have stalled significantly due to internal pressures). This paper argues that the limits of EU eastern enlargement are set by both prevailing (subjectively defined) political attitudes founded on various grounds in the leading EU member states and by the rationally defined objective capacity of the EU’s institutions to absorb potential new member states. It is through the latter, and in comparison to the three most recent accession states - Bulgaria, Romania and Croatia – which this paper attempts to assess the objective potential of the remaining Western Balkan states to accede into the EU in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Considerable studies of the univoltine, common field-cricket Gryllus campestris Linnaeus, 1758, known from sunny oligotrophic grasslands and heathlands of the western Palaearctic, were previously made, but none of them has shown the characteristics of its burrows. This paper presents a neoichnological study based on a group of G. campestris that lives in and around a pasture glade in Dajti Mountain, east of the Tirana District in Albania. It includes direct observations of the burrows in the field and their casts made by means of white Portland cement. Burrows of nymphs of G. campestris were observed to be tubular, sun-facing and have only one, funnel-like entrance, simple termination and no branches. This study is the first one showing morphological features of the burrows and the burrowing activity of the common field-cricket, being a contribution to ichnology of soils. Preservation of the burrows is possible by their filling, for instance by sand during flooding. The burrows do not fit to any existing ichnotaxa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Balkan route is historically a smuggling corridor, and tobacco illegal trade flourished during transition and conflicts at the end of the 20th century. This paper contributes to the scarce attitudinal studies and limited knowledge about the tobacco grey market by surveying the opinion of citizens in seven Western Balkan countries. The typology of citizens in the region reveals that the most repressive attitudes and opinion that curbing grey tobacco market will reduce smoking come from non-smokers and from citizens of countries that have no comparative advantages in the tobacco trade. The public awareness on the negative aspects of tobacco grey market, including its link to organized crime, is high enough for governments to undertake stricter measures in combating illegal tobacco trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The network of international investment agreements (IIAs) sees a rapid expansion in the last three decades. With it also the number of international investor-State disputes (ISDS), where foreign investors allege governments of breaches of IIAs, increases sharply also in Balkan, post-Soviet Union and Near and Middle East (BSNME) countries. These disputes are frequently seen to negatively interfere with the national sovereignty of host governments to enact regulation in the public interest, especially in times when regulatory interventions are necessary from a social welfare viewpoint. Against this background, in this paper we appraise the current state of ISDS in BSNME countries: Are BSNME countries prime targets of foreign investors' arbitral claims? Which economic sectors are targeted by investors? What is the outcome of the arbitral councils' deliberations? What can we infer from the experience of BSNME countries with ISDS about the future role of IIAs for these countries? We conclude that further improvements in governance are key factors in the attempt to optimize the trade-off between attraction of foreign investment via the ratification of IIAs and national sovereignty in policy making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When a worker works at most 35 hours a week and wants to work more, he is said to be underemployed. In addition, when his skills are underutilized, there is uncertainty about the job, he is underpaid and there is lack of formal working conditions, he is said to be multidimensionally underemployed. This paper analyzes youth underemployment multidimensionality and its effect on wages in three Western Balkan countries: North Macedonia, Serbia, and Montenegro. Our empirical approach controls for sample-selection bias and endogeneity through internally-generated instruments. The findings suggest that intensifying underemployment along the multidimensional scale reduces wage on average by 7.6%. The effect is the strongest in North Macedonia, followed by Montenegro and Serbia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]