Search

Introduction: The UK Pharmaceutical Industry is arguably one of the most important industries to consider in the negotiations following the Brexit vote. Providing tens of thousands of jobs and billions in tax revenue and research investment, the importance of this industry cannot be understated. At stake is the global leadership in the sector, which produces some of the field's most influential basic science and translation work. However, interruptions and losses may occur at multiple levels, affecting patients, researchers, universities, companies and government. Goals: By understanding the current state of pharmaceutical sector, the potential effect of leaving the European Union (EU) on this successful industry can be better understood. This paper aims to address the priorities for negotiations by collating the analyses of professionals in the field, leading companies and non-EU member states. Research methods: A government healthcare policy advisor and Chief Science Officer (CSO) for a major pharmaceutical firm were consulted to scope the paper. In these discussions, five key areas were identified: contribution, legislative processes, regulatory processes, research and outcomes, commercial risk. Multiple search engines were utilised for selecting relevant material, predominantly PubMed and Google Scholar. To supplement this information, Government documents were located using the "GOV.UK" publications tool, and interviews and commentaries were found through the Google News search function. Conclusion: With thorough investigation of the literature, we propose four foundations in the advancement of negotiations. These prioritise: negotiation of 'associated country' status, bilaterally favourable trade agreements, minimal interruption to regulatory bodies and special protection for the movement of workforce in the life sciences industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paid domestic work is a feature of households all over the world, from Ecuador to Swaziland, from Spain to the Ivory Coast. In many countries, it probably constitutes the single largest female employment sector (though its invisibility can make this difficult to document). It is work that is predominantly performed by women, and is usually managed by other women. Yet it has received very little attention, either from feminists or from trade unionists, or indeed from political activists in general – many of whom, particularly if they are women, depend on a domestic worker to facilitate their activism. This paper explores the experiences of migrant domestic workers in Europe, and in particular in the UK. However, the issues it raises present challenges – both personal and political – for women and men throughout the world, whether they are domestic workers or employers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of women in the economic development of Great Britain. The Manpower Services Commission report in 1975 pointed out that women are an increasingly important element in the labor force. Total employment of women has grown from 32.5 per cent in 1961 to 36.7 per cent in 1971 and to just over 40 per cent in 1974. Women as a whole make a much needed contribution to the financial requirements of the family. The nature of the jobs girls hold in the labor market is not a function of their aspirations or motivations, but is directly related to the structure of the labor market itself and the form of division of labor in the society. The job market in all its aspects is not determined by the quality of the workers in it. Rather it is the nature of the enterprise itself which creates the jobs and prescribes the level of "skills" required for those jobs. A quarter of all women employed work in different sectors of industry and manufacturing but very few of the women can be classified as "skilled" workers in the accepted sense of the word.

Comments on the joint venture between business and education service in a local community to provide educational and employment opportunities for young people in Great Britain. Industrial and economic awareness in the preparation of the next generation of teachers; Shift in moral language through educational evaluation; Role of local business in the curriculum of schools.

The article focuses on trade unions and confidence of the owners and managers of Lancashire, Great Britain cotton industry during 1945-1965. Lancashire enjoyed a period of relative prosperity during the 1940s. Between 1950 and 1968 Great Britain's share of world cotton cloth exports fell from 15.6 per cent to 2.8 percent, and employment in the spinning and weaving section also declined. The decline in output and employment was accompanied by a substantial reduction in the industry's capital stock. The weaving unions turned a blind eye to double-shift working in automatic loom sheds in the late 1940s. Under the Factory Acts it was illegal for women to work at night. Despite the co-operative attitude of the trade unions, Lancashire continued to lag behind its overseas competitors in the adoption of shift working during the 1950s and 1960s. Many cotton firms attempted to improve their products, through the introduction of crease resistant fabrics, non-shrink finishes, and new combinations of natural and man-made fibres.

Since the typical account longevity is short, agencies should anticipate their likelihood of loss, seek to forestall and invest in their client relationships. A model is proposed for examining account lifetimes, which can offer guidance on the likely retention of future accounts. The impact of agency structural characteristics on longevity is also examined, and compared for both U.S. and U.K. markets. Results for both markets indicate that cumulative account dissolution increases at a decreasing rate over time. Greater account longevity is associated with larger agency size (both in terms of agency billings and employees), and agency age but not with stability of billings growth. Evidence suggests that several structural characteristics of agencies reflect the motivation and/or ability to maintain accounts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated the relationship between work history and partnership formation for British men. Two questions were asked: (i) Do instabilities in young men's careers lead to a higher probability of entering into cohabitation and, in turn, to a postponement of first marriage? (ii) Are there cohort differences in the effects of men's careers on their partnership decisions? The analyses were based on data from two birth-cohort studies for men born in 1958 and 1970. The results suggest that highly unstable occupational careers make it very likely that young men's first partnership is a cohabitation rather than a marriage. Further, having an unstable occupational career early in working life is a strong impediment to transforming cohabitation into marriage. Finally, there is no evidence of a weakening between cohorts of the effects of men's work careers on their partnership decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Culture, Health & Sexuality is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A university degree is effectively a prerequisite for entering the archaeological workforce in the UK. Archaeological employers consider that new entrants to the profession are insufficiently skilled, and hold university training to blame. But university archaeology departments do not consider it their responsibility to deliver fully formed archaeological professionals, but rather to provide an education that can then be applied in different workplaces, within and outside archaeology. The number of individuals studying archaeology at university exceeds the total number working in professional practice, with many more new graduates emerging than archaeological jobs advertised annually. Over-supply of practitioners is also a contributing factor to low pay in archaeology. Steps are being made to provide opportunities for vocational training, both within and outside the university system, but archaeological training and education within the universities and subsequently the archaeological labour market may be adversely impacted upon by the introduction of variable top-up student fees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stresses the complexity of restructuring within what have long been low-wage, low-status, and highly gender-segregated sectors of employment in British local authorities. Fragmented polarization; Introduction of compulsory competitive tendering in 1988; Local labor markets.

The article focuses on the autobiographies of people belonging in the working-class family during the nineteenth century Great Britain. Most studies of the history of the working-class family are still based on quantifiable data. Although the functions of the family cannot be understood without a knowledge of its structure, the analysis of structure itself is not enough to know what happens inside the family. What historians really want to know is how the reproductive functions, marriage and child rearing affect the productive functions of the working-class family. Autobiographies as source material contains personal testimony of the working person and offers insights into the continuity and coherence of an individual's life.

The approach toward organizational analysis has changed in recent years in Britain there is a perceptible attempt to integrate the subject with general social theory and with industrial sociology and industrial relations. The study of educational institutions lags behind when it comes to treating schools and colleges as workplaces and staff as 'at work'. Two starting points for up-dating the field could be the latter's orientation to employment and the design of their work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the growth and competition in textile industries since 1870 and the effect of industrialization on it. The article points out that rate of growth of output and employment in textiles are faster in the developing than the industrialized world. Great Britain's textile industries were the first to develop factory based production methods and were also the first to experience sustained but changing foreign competition. The most effective and sustained challenge to Great Britain's pre-eminence in cotton textiles came from Japan in the inter-war period. In many advanced economies, the most successful strategy, in the face of growing low labor cost competition, has been for firms to shift to higher value-added fabrics in home furnishing and fashion ranges. As late as the mid 1980s, world textile production remained concentrated in the advanced economies of the United States, Western Europe and Japan. The scrapping of surplus capacity, as the result of government or industry-wide intervention, with accompanying losses of employment, usually follows the onset of competitive pressure.

This article provides an account of, and offers justification for, differences in the production and employment figures on which these reinterpretations are based, and reinforces the conclusions prompted by the new estimates; presents annual production estimates for the period 1830-1913; charts regional differences in output per man year (OMY) between 1831 and 1871 and explores explanations for these trends; and underlines the significance for an interpretation of the British coal industry's performance after 1870 of productivity measured by output per man hour rather than by measures of yearly shift productivity. Together, this amounts to a revision in the history of trends in production, employment, productivity and performance of the British coal industry between 1830 and 1913. Estimates of output per man-hour also indicate a reversal of a temporary upward movement in productivity in the 1880s, followed by a recovery to relatively stable levels of hourly productivity. The fall began after the implementation of the Eight Hours Act of 1908. Hirsch and Hausmann have adduced hours reduction as a major factor in explaining a decline in OMY, which we would endorse. However, estimates of hourly productivity, which reflect more accurately the relationship between labor input and coal production, suggest that contrary to accepted view based on estimates of OMY and output per man shift (OMS), levels of productivity in the 1900s actually exceeded those of the mid-nineteenth century.