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This research paper analyzes the activities of the Ford Philanthropic Foundation in Yugoslavia during the Cold War with a special emphasis on Ford's Education Programme through which a significant number of Yugoslavs had the opportunity to study and work in the United States. Using the Ford Foundation archives, this research reveals the foundation's intentions to expose influential individuals from Yugoslavia to Western ideology and culture with the goal of suppressing communist ideology at the beginning of the Cold War. With enormous financial resources and reputation among the Yugoslav population and leadership, the Ford Foundation during its ten years of intense activity in the country (1959–1969) was completely subordinated to the official foreign policy of Washington, which was based on support for an independent Yugoslavia within the communist bloc. Ford's operational activities reduced the stereotypes of Yugoslavs about the United States and greatly contributed to the cultural rapprochement of the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM) played a key role in handling the Hungarian refugee crisis of 1956. It was this body, established in 1951, that organised the registration and transport of some 200,000 Hungarian refugees in Austria and Yugoslavia. This paper examines this international migration organisation in the 1950s based on the archives of the ICEM and the UN Secretariat, as well as on US, British and French foreign policy documents. It focuses on the workings of the ICEM concerning the Hungarian refugee crisis and its influence upon the subsequent history of the organisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores experiences of temporary labor migration that entailed Yugoslav export of know-how (highly skilled knowledge and expertise) between 1980 and 1991, a result of industrial collaboration between Mining and Smelting Combine Bor, a state-owned copper-processing 'giant' in former Yugoslavia, and the biggest copper company in Iran, National Iranian Copper Industries Company. Based on interviews with individuals engaged in the Yugoslav project, supplemented by analysis of documents and historic newspapers from that period, the paper analyzes everyday practices of managerial bureaucratic improvisations and improvisations at work. The article shows how such improvisations helped overcome excessive and rigid Yugoslav socialist bureaucracy and made Yugoslav entrepreneurial capitalist ventures possible. Moreover, it argues that the export of know-how was constitutive of silent acceptances of reproduction of capitalist relations, which helped consolidate the process of liberalization of the socialist market in the late 1980s. We argue that such temporary labor migration and the often improvised work carried out by the Yugoslav workers cannot be seen as a resistance or alternative to the Western/Northern hegemonies. Rather, we argue that such practices were facilitators of the capitalist ventures at semi-peripheries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of computer networks is relatively well described in Western literature but some parts of the world have been neglected. This paper explores the first ways in which computer networks were used in Yugoslavia, since these are different from the modes used in the West or Russia, because the dissolution of the country -- mixed with its transition from communism to democracy and the wars for independence -- created an environment which allowed computer networks to be used in unprecedented ways. The paper uses a mix of historical method, computational methods for collecting and analysing USENET data, semi-structured interview, archival research, and qualitative online observation. The main findings show that access to Western technology and participation in academic networks enabled Yugoslavian STEM academia and hackers to use computer networks for the first computer networks' propaganda war. Slovenians, Croatians, and Serbians created electronic mailing lists through which they tried to manipulate international actors and to bond the diaspora for a common cause, and they additionally fought in USENET discussion groups by implementing trolling techniques. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Goli Otok (Barren Island) was a site of the master political prison and forced labor camp of the socialist Yugoslavia between 1949 and 1956. The imprisoned, accused of siding with Stalin in the Tito-Stalin political rift, were sent to undergo 'self-managed re-education' through 'socially beneficial labor' in the island's limestone quarries. The inmates were forced to build their own prison out of that very limestone - the first known human dwellings on the previously uninhabited island. They were also often forced to break, crumble and to carry massive stone loads from one place to another and back, with no constructive or productive purpose. However, the labor camp authorities also operated a lucrative business, oriented towards country-wide distribution, and sometimes towards international export of the island's limestone. The quarried stone of the island therefore travelled more widely than its excavators, whose movements were limited to their island-prison. Set at the intersection of labor history and environmental history and drawing on the archival materials of the Yugoslav State Security Service, oral history interviews with the former prisoners, and their published and unpublished written memoirs, this paper examines the interrelations of the prison-island, its stone material, and the prisoners' laboring bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the construction of a national and supra-national culinary identity in Slovenia in the decades since its independence from Yugoslavia through the TV chefs Valentina and Luka Novak's celebrity cookbooks. As they cook for the nation, they establish the idea of what is to be "Slovene" in post-socialism. Based on an analysis of the spin-off cookbooks from their popular TV series Love through the Stomach broadcast on Slovene television from 2009 to 2014, the paper discusses their complex navigation between various aspects of Slovenia's history, as the chefs distance the cuisine from its Yugoslav past and explicitly reorient its food culture toward Central Europe. In doing this, they reflect and reinforce larger discourse shifts that have been taking place in Slovenia since the 1980s and through which its political and media elites prepared the ground for Slovenia's entry to the EU in 2004, distancing themselves from its "Balkan" neighbors and embracing its European essence. This paper shows how such shifts can be reflected in culinary texts, such as cookbooks, contributing to the understanding of everyday food texts as political texts. The paper also demonstrates the role of the Slovene middle-class elite as culinary trendsetters in the post-socialist period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender-based harms experienced in conflict constitute a threat to the right of women and girls to live with dignity. However, transitional justice processes to manage the delicate nexus between peace and justice often do not consider these harms, resulting in adverse outcomes for women and girls in post-conflict societies. At the frontlines of the fight to address gender-based harms through transitional justice, women's rights organisations (WROs) are uniquely placed to identify and advocate for the needs of women experiencing conflict and to provide integral services in conflict contexts. Despite this critical dual role, WROs in conflict settings are systematically excluded from transitional justice processes and chronically underfunded. Moreover, current literature lacks a nuanced understanding of how WROs work in transitional contexts and how international institutions can best foster their engagement and leadership. Expanding on the evidence base for the inclusion of WROs in transitional justice processes, this paper mobilises the concept of hybrid peace to analyse the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and understand the role of WROs in negotiating the interactions between internationalised peace-building processes and local realities. Research methods include a literature review and analysis of public statements from relevant WROs. This paper argues that WROs engaged with the ICTY played a critical role in building positive hybrid peace by: (1) advocating for and supporting the inclusion of gender-based harms in the internationalised transitional justice process; and (2) implementing localised peace formation and fostering positive gender relations at the community level. The research contributes to broader literature defining the role of WROs in the localisation of development and human rights norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In March 1961, the football team of the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN) played five matches in Yugoslavia. Drawing on the theory of sports diplomacy, the paper studies the rationale of the host authorities behind the organization of these events as having both foreign and domestic political significance. Accordingly, we argue that the state-party elite organized the football tour of Yugoslavia not only to foster relations with the FLN but also to mobilize the domestic public's support for the provision of material and diplomatic assistance to the Algerian independence movement. Differently from previous works, the paper analyses the FLN team's matches primarily from the perspective of the host country. The research is based on the records from the archival fond of the Federation of Trade Unions of Yugoslavia kept in the Croatian State Archives and on the articles reporting on the football tour from relevant Yugoslav newspapers of the time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Battle of Neretva, directed by Veljko Bulajić is one of the biggest war spectacles produced in Yugoslavia following the famous partisan battle with Axis forces during World War II. The film serves as a useful site from which we can understand the conventions of the Yugoslav war film while its exceptional production and exhibition strategies and reception history signal a critical turning point in the cultural understanding of the war film as a meditator of history. By studying the film's production, exhibition, and reception, aesthetics, and historiographical significance, and drawing upon original archival documents preserved in the Jugoslovenska Kinoteka/Yugoslav Cinematheque in Belgrade, this paper aims to identify, assess, and expose the layered significance of the film The Battle of Neretva, and to further map out its position within (Yugoslav) film history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the break-up of Yugoslavia, Croatia and Serbia have emerged as nationalist states that serve the political interests of ethnic Croats and Serbs, respectively. Despite these regime shifts, historical communities of Croatian Serbs and Serbian Croats still remain within these states. This paper sheds light on the experiences of these minority groups who embody ideological threats to their regimes' nationalist goals. I argue that Serbs in Croatia are heavily marginalised by dominant political narratives that have cast them to bear the brunt of the state's post-war grievances. As a result, they experience institutional discrimination that limits their range of economic and social opportunities. Conversely, Croats in Serbia face less explicit prejudice, though post-war stigmas have pushed many to redefine their ethnic affiliations. Both minority groups are experiencing a steady population decline as the rise in nationalist rhetoric has dissolved their rootedness to these territories. This paper examines a majority-minority dynamic in the context of the literature on modern 'ethnocratic' states and presents a case study for how ethnic minorities navigate through social prejudices and find ways to negotiate access to participation in everyday society, given the structural exclusion from institutions they face as communities deemed hostile by their state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the factors affecting police officer willingness to adhere to a code of silence among the police in Croatia and Serbia. The paper explores the factors predicting police codes of silence in two countries formed after the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia in the early 1990s that pursued separate development paths. A police integrity questionnaire recorded the views of 1,007 police officers in Croatia and 1,843 police officers in Serbia. Multivariate modelling was used to analyse the predictors of officers' perceptions of whether they would report the violation in different scenarios. Decades since the break-up of the former Yugoslavia, the results indicate that many of the factors predicting the code of silence remain similar across police officers in the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By focusing on the ongoing events of the so-called 'Balkan Route' and the Covid-19 pandemic this paper explores how the populist representations of migrants in the Western Balkans rest on specific historically embedded framings of migration. Based on long-term ethnographic insights and media analysis in Serbia the paper explores how the images of (good/bad) migrants tend to play out as unstable 'floating signifiers' in particular ways which is grounded on ambivalent perceptions of primarily two legacies and patterns of migration crucial for the region: work migration and forced migration. The paper traces how, firstly, the image of the diligent work migrant loyal to nationalist politics can surprisingly easily turn into one of the irresponsible and threatening figure of the returning work migrant as the very culprit of the pandemic (spreading the virus and taking advantage of the health system). The paper explores how this ambivalent image of the work migrant is based in the particular history and transformation of emigration from former Yugoslavia to Western Europe since the 1960s and its interrelation with populist nationalism. Secondly, I will argue that the 'usage' of the image of the 'Muslim migrant' along the©so-called 'Balkan Route' seems to be 'flexible' and 'variable' due to the particular history and presence of Muslim populations in the region. The 'Muslim migrant' can thus easily simultaneously or alternately appear as subject of legitimate humanitarian aid and freedom of movement (with no reference to religion at all), as well as the threatening 'Muslim other'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Archival materials for the Different New Music Festival, which was held in the mid-1980s under the auspices of the Students' Cultural Centre (SKC) in Belgrade, reveal the multi-layered interplay of culture, politics, and ideologies of socialist and non-aligned Yugoslavia. A young generation of composers in Belgrade, who served on the Music Editorial Team of the SKC, organised three annual editions of the Different New Music Festival (1984–1986), seeking to revitalise the pluralist musical landscape of the 1960s. In a world divided into two military and political blocs—a period during which arts from the East were practically inaccessible in the West and vice versa—the SKC Festival became a hotspot for cultural exchange of local and international musical experimentalism, bringing together artists from both Blocs. Scrutinising the Festival's programme conception, this paper examines the Different New Music Festival as a significant factor in the transnational neo-avant-garde network, whereby Yugoslav composers participated in shaping European experimental and minimalist music. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whilst scholars have examined the long-term political, social, and cultural dynamics with regards to Yugoslavia's collapse, the military has largely escaped similar scrutiny. This paper explores the League of Communists of Yugoslavia's attempt to solve the nationalist problems of Yugoslavia through the ideology of self-management, and how the failure to do so affected the strategy of Total National Defence. The republics were able to construct their own armed forces due to Total National Defence's devolution of powers and self-management making changes to the policy extremely difficult for the federal government and Yugoslav People's Army. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

EU political conditionality for candidate countries brings an unprecedented focus on transforming standards and practices of civil society engagement in policymaking and introduces a number of mechanisms for supporting reforms in this area. However, there is still not enough evidence on the effects of various conditionality mechanisms for various patterns of civil society policy engagement in countries on the path to EU accession. Drawing on theoretical approaches from Europeanization and interest group research, the paper seeks to analyse how various EU mechanisms influence the involvement, access and prominence of civil society organizations in national policymaking processes in the pre-accession phase. Based on the analysis of the cases of Serbia and Montenegro as the only two Western Balkans candidate countries which have started EU accession negotiations, it is argued that a clearer and more consistent application of EU conditionality can lead to more advanced civil society policy engagement, but its effectiveness depends on the genuine commitment of government bodies to proactive transparency and fundamental freedoms. It is also argued that purely formal government compliance with EU requirements can remain only a window dressing exercise and a source of legitimizing authorities' decision-making processes without empowering effects on domestic civil society actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uncovers British newsreel media's largely unknown role in propagating Yugoslavia as a country that defied the Cold War binary. My archival research of the British Information Research Department (IRD), the first anti-communist propaganda agency, shows how the IRD and British newsreel companies' cooperation helped establish Yugoslavia's Cold War myth as 'a pleasurable' albeit socialist country. From 1946, numerous newsreel films established representational tropes that became synonymous with Yugoslavia's role in the Non-Aligned Movement in 1961. This is also a story of how the British state reshaped and appropriated British newsreel media and photojournalism from their politically subversive role in the 1930s to the post-war British state's greatest asset in the Cold War. This article expands our usual understanding of newsreel media as tools of propaganda by insisting on the history of their unruliness and subversion; the British state appropriated newsreel media within the debates over the future of the liberal world-system. If we want to understand mid-twentieth century politics, this article argues that we need to pay closer attention to the role of non-fiction media such as newsreels in undermining and supporting official governmental policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout 1990, an attempt at federal transition in Yugoslavia was intended to keep up with global and regional transformations based on the establishment of liberal democracies and the geographical expansion of US influence and neoliberalism in Central and Eastern Europe. Paradoxically, republican and interrepublican developments in Yugoslavia, which deepened the country's crisis and halted the transition process, were adapted in a more effective way to the new international order, marked by the US pretension of global unipolar hegemony. Drawing on Robert Cox's method of historical structures, this paper argues that the failure of Yugoslav transition was a consequence of decreasing consistency between federal reformist efforts and the emerging post-Cold War world order and discusses the pertinence of approaching Yugoslav dissolution through the neo-Gramscian approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper studies the relations between architecture, urbanism and structural anthropology, and makes a contribution to the interpretation of how the architects of former Yugoslavia translated structuralism into architectural theory and practice as a means of reading and shaping Yugoslav culture in the context of radical socio-political change. In striving for freedom of opinion, expression, communication and action, and autonomy of scientific and cultural practices, the Yugoslav society through its avant-garde cultural role initiated a shift of focus in urban culture towards semiotics, historicity, dialectics, creativity, criticism and a revival of the humanistic values of traditional culture. From this viewpoint, the paper examines the interests in theory and practice of the most influential Yugoslav architects in the context of structuralism: Mutnjaković, Neidhardt, Grabrijan, Bogdanović and Delalle. Their theoretical approaches effected a change of functionalist principles and values and advocated the return of values of the old city centre and vernacular architecture, specifically its vitality, symbolism, historical continuity, environmental values and diverse urban forms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main issue this paper aims to tackle is whether incitement to hatred, independently of direct incitement to violence should amount to the actus reus of persecution as a crime against humanity. Before determining whether hate speech can be treated as an international crime, this article assesses theories and current international legal standards in the field of freedom of expression in order to identify the space for such a drastic intrusion into this freedom. The most significant justification for an international criminalisation of hate speech in certain contexts is that it enables large-scale discrimination and threatens basic human rights, including the right to life, of the targeted out-group. Current international criminalisation, as interpreted by the jurisprudence of the Yugoslavia and Rwanda tribunals, still shows an overly narrow approach, excluding much of the hate propaganda that plays a vital role in the enabling of mass crimes. This article concludes that systematic incitement to hatred should be treated as a form of persecution, regardless of a call to violence, when the inciter has knowledge of the fact that his words might contribute to the commission of grave crimes or large-scale discrimination against the targeted out-group and the denial of human rights of its members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explains how the ideas that initiated the October Revolution in Russia in 1917 were embedded in the foreign policy of Yugoslavia after the end of World War II. From the very beginning (1945), the political actors of Yugoslavia had directed foreign policy towards bilateral cooperation, first of all with the Soviet Union, and with other democratic countries. All foreign policy issues were solved in the context of belonging to the socialist political camp, on the wings of the World War II victory and national liberation from the occupiers and the capitalist way of organizing society. Such a socialist foreign political course lasted only until the end of 1947. However, the article considers that there had been an October Revolution sentiment in Yugoslavia long before the adoption of the socialist organization of society after 1945. For this reason, apart from the international importance of the idea of the October Revolution, attention is directed towards analysis of the continuity of the idea of the revolution in Yugoslavia (1919–1945), and then towards the foreign policy practice of Yugoslavia observed through the analysis of primary political sources (1945–1947). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the term "memory abuse" as an analytical framework to understanding politically constructed mnemonic tensions in the years preceding Yugoslavia's violent dissolution. Here, "memory abuse" represents an intersection between the literatures of memory and conflict studies and refers to the intentional manipulation of memory beyond an intangible threshold, past which violence inevitably results. Drawing on the typologies of collective and cultural memory by Aleida and Jan Assmann, I argue that the political mobilisation of both distant and recent memories in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the late 1980s to a significant degree contributed to the outbreak of war in the early 1990s, and contemporary political actors have perpetuated an abuse of memory that has limited reconciliatory outcomes in the region since the end of conflict. In reformulating the memories of, inter alia, the 1389 Battle of Kosovo and the atrocities of the Second World War to fit nationalist narratives, political actors across Yugoslavia's republics sought to profit from forced divisions that ultimately brought about the country's end. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper draws on a particular conceptual framework for the interpretation of the current European Union (EU) crisis. Famously, the EU has been classified as an organization existing in between or beyond the modern state and international organizations. The constitutionally undefined political aim of the EU contributes mostly to its vague classification. Nevertheless, the escalation of the Eurozone crisis has revealed the inherent relation between the politically unfinished design of the EU and the inability of its actors to confront the major social and economic challenges of today. This paper argues that this systemic failure of the EU replicates another historical example, the Yugoslav federation. Beyond substantial differences between the two, there is an important similarity. They both have, embedded in their very nature, the character of an unfinished political construction. Furthermore, both the EU and Yugoslavia followed the same path from an emancipative process of federalism to an existential crisis, both moving from legitimate to very questionable polity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses the intellectual legacy of praxis philosophy which, with its new reading of Marx, spread its range beyond the narrow parameters established in the fourth chapter of the History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks). The paper addresses the question of the state and the perspective of democracy through the categories and concepts of praxis philosophy and concludes that understanding democracy in terms of praxis—as a free and creative activity in everyday life—and not as a prefabricated institutional design, leads to the negation of the present thesis on the crisis of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper focuses on the possibilities contained in the marriage of a social-constructionist notion of identity and historiographical biographical research. The author shows that the non-essentialist understanding of identity can easily be effectively applied to archival materials produced during a period of radical social change – specifically the period immediately following the Second World War, when the Yugoslav Communist Party emerged victorious and began implementing its programme, an important (or rather crucial) part of which was the expropriation of the property of the bourgeoisie. It is on the biographies of these Slovenian industrialists that this paper focuses, showing the effects that the revolutionary political and economic programme had on their (social) identities. Two of the most important phenomena were the radical change in the terms of respectability and the economic value of the industrialists, and the ‘institutionalization of identity reversal’. Finally, the article attempts to understand the place and role of individual agency during the time of the Communist revolution, concluding that industrialists were left very little space for action by the state. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper engages in a mixed-method study combining the bibliographic method, textual media analysis of women’s magazines from different periods during and after Yugoslav socialism, and qualitative focus group interviews to map out the complex trajectories of feminism spanning a period of forty-something years. Its goal is to see how socialist and post-socialist media representations of women’s experiences correspond with feminist or post-feminist values in the former Yugoslavia and today. Engaging in a genealogical exercise and critical reading of the sources of data listed above, I aim to mark out some of the differences between the contexts of then and now, in order to make it more possible to reassess the potential for rethinking feminism as emancipatory politics in the present. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Key to the success of peacebuilding and social reconstruction in the former Yugoslavia are the attitudes of these young people. Our goal in this paper is to explore young people's attitudes about the prospects of reconciliation vis-a-vis those with whom their nations were formerly at war. In particular, we examine three sets of factors. First, we contend that the level of contact among people engendered by the segregated educational systems affects the attitudes of the young about the possibility of reconciliation. We suggest that those who are able to interact more frequently with fellow students from other ethnic groups will be more likely to believe in the possibility of reconciliation. Second, we contend that attitudes of young people about which ethnic groups were responsible for the violence in the former Yugoslavia and the efforts of the international community to bring truth and justice will strongly influence attitudes. Finally, we examine other factors such as education and the influence of gender on reconciliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper was to understand more about the continued learning process of those who have experienced negative life experiences. This paper focuses on the various issues of learning and living through war, specifically encounters from the war in former Yugoslavia. Therefore, the purpose of the study was to understand lessons learned by those who experienced the Yugoslavian War. This conflict took place approximately from 1991-1997. The sample consisted of 21 adults, previously known by the researcher. Each person speaks English well enough to have this interview, and they are comfortable speaking on these topics. They were asked to answer four main questions: (1) Describe your situation during the war. (2) What impact did this have? (3) What was helpful for you at this time? (4) What did you learn from this experience? Most of the sample was on the periphery of this conflict rather than some extreme difficulty such as personal injury, detention camps, or hand to hand battles. Findings indicated there is a creative chaos that takes place during this time, this creative chaos is an atmosphere evident by three positive and three negative aspects of learning. The three negative aspects are confusion, loss, and difficulty. The three positive are creativity, new information, and change. This comes together to form a creative learning chaos where significant lessons of life were learned and relearned for these participants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Written in 1981, immediately after the death of Yugoslavia's leader Josip Broz Tito, Slobodan Snajder's play Hrvatski Faust (The Croatian Faust) - dealing with the historical event of a production of Goethe's Faust in Nazi Croatia in 1942 - heralded a new age of drama in Yugoslavia, which aimed to challenge and re-examine the darker side of Yugoslav communism. Thematically the play focuses on the relationship between theatre and power and the ways in which the same work of art can be used for different political ends. The analysis of Snajder's play in this paper is therefore contextualised on two levels: historically and sociopolitically as a play that deals with the role of art and literature in a particular repressive context, and in terms of metatheatre as a kind of fiction that can empower the reader to 'co-create meaning'. Snajder's play, which went on to become a modern classic - receiving a couple of significant German productions in the late 1980s and early 1990s - was also a milestone in a long-lasting trend of metatheatre being used as a political tool in disintegrating Yugoslavia. This paper forms a retrospective consideration of the play's impact at the time of its original 1982 production, and at the same time coincides with the 200th anniversary of the publication of Goethe's play. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines transnational relations between the Yugoslav successor states from the point of view of popular music, and demonstrates how transnational musical figures (such as Djordje Balašević, Momčilo Bajagić-Bajaga and Ceca Ražnatović) are interpreted as symbolic reference points in national ethnopolitical discourse in the process of identity construction. Another symbolic function is served by Serbian turbofolk artists, who in Croatia serve as a cultural resource to distance oneself from a musical genre associated by many urban Croats with the ruralization (and Herzegovinization) of Croatian city space. In addition, value judgements associated with both Serbian and Croatian newly composed folk music provide an insight into the transnational negotiation of conflicting identities in the ex-Yugoslav context. Ultimately the paper shows how the ethnonational boundaries established by nationalizing ideologies created separate cultural spaces which themselves have been transnationalized after Yugoslavia's disintegration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The previous part of this paper showed how sexual violence was perpetrated in ancient warfare. To follow here is an examination of modern evidence from China, Vietnam and former Yugoslavia, investigating influences that have pertained over centuries. A considerable amount of literature treats this subject, both with regards to specific cases and general theories. The aim here is to follow up questions posed in the previous paper. When, how and against whom is sexual violence perpetrated? Are there patterns or is it executed at random? What are the motives? Records of the conflicts were researched and existing theories applied to assist the interpretation of data. The results showed that violence often follows a pattern and that individual and common motives are intertwined. Comparing ancient and modern warfare, this paper demonstrates how certain cultural factors of military life shape the execution and perception of sexual violence during war, historically and cross-culturally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the years since the first reports of mass rapes in the Yugoslavian wars of secession and the genocidal massacres in Rwanda, feminist activists and scholars, human rights organizations, journalists, and social scientists have dedicated unprecedented efforts to document, explain, and seek solutions for the phenomenon of wartime rape. While contributors to this literature agree on much, there is no consensus on causal factors. This paper provides a brief overview of the literature on wartime rape in historical and ethnographical societies and a critical analysis of the four leading explanations for its root causes: the feminist theory, the cultural pathology theory, the strategic rape theory, and the biosocial theory. The paper concludes that the biosocial theory is the only one capable of bringing all the phenomena associated with wartime rape into a single explanatory context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employing a comparative perspective, this paper offers a critical evaluation of the post-conflict tourism policies of the former Yugoslav republics bordering on the eastern Adriatic. Policies for destination rejuvenation and national re-imaging are evaluated. The role of coastal areas within national policy is examined. Two aspects are emphasised: variations in ability to diversify and upgrade coastal destinations; and the capacity to diversify, at a national level, away from coastal dominance. The extent to which tourism imagery articulates national identity is assessed. This analysis is set within the context of the region's trajectory away from a period of bitter conflict and from the heritage of a state socialist past. The paper concludes that the challenges, tensions and conflicts of sustainability reveal both similarities and contrasts for each of the three 'countries' under review. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the question of totalising gender-power relations that have led to and shaped the wars of the 1990s in Yugoslavia and the emerging ethno-national states on the 'periphery' of Europe. I argue that the same type of gender-power relations continue to dominate the region, notably Serbia, and to perpetuate gender inequalities and gender-based violence (GBV) in its many everyday and structural forms, causing profound levels of human insecurity. This analysis aims to set in motion a debate around how to tackle these continuing gender inequalities and GBV in post-war societies. In so doing, I propose a shift from focusing on the hierarchy of victimisation that has characterised much of the feminist analyses, activism, and scholarly work in relation to these (and other) conflicts, to a relational understanding of the gendered processes of victimisation in war and peace, that is – of both women and men. Such an approach holds a potential to undermine the power systems that engender these varied types of victimisation by ultimately reshaping the notions of masculinity and femininity, which are central to the gender-power systems that generate gender-unjust peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrants who came to Vienna as guest workers from the former Yugoslavia and Turkey during the 1960s still form the majority of the local immigrant population. Business activities of Turks and former Yugoslavs cover a multitude of diverse sectors; what was once a niche economy has now become an important part of Viennese business life. This paper combines official statistics for Vienna as a whole, survey material and expert interviews, to analyse business ventures run by migrant entrepreneurs on two commercial streets in Vienna. Our research shows significant local variation in the migrant economies of the two groups in the study areas, highlighting the importance of the local context as an additional determinant shaping the diversity of business activities of certain immigrant groups. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The paper analyses the game of football as a force of integration in diverse and war-torn societies. It is focused on Yugoslavia in two turbulent historical periods: after the First World War, when its nations had just started to form joint institutions; and after the Second World War, when the country was severely devastated by the Nazi occupiers and a bloody internal civil and ethnic strife. In both of these periods, football proved to be a positive influence in rebuilding trust and mutual cooperation. Regional differences also played a part in the process, both in terms of organization, and in terms of regional identities. The latter often influenced the social life of Yugoslav regions, and, thus, football as a part of it, but the influence was mutual, which is examined in this study. Finally, it is unavoidable to dwell, at least marginally, on the effect the game had on social distances and social integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a contemporary climate in which reconstruction in a historicist style is regarded negatively by heritage specialists as inauthentic, there is a need for better guidance and greater clarity about what reconstruction connotes, when it is admissible to carry it out in a style or form reflecting so far as possible what has been lost, how it should be done, and what authenticity actually means. In this paper, we review the current situation and existing charters and terminology, and suggest ways forward. Experience within the Council of Europe has shown that reconstruction after the wars in the former Yugoslavia will take place whether or not it is approved by the international heritage community. Guidelines are needed and we suggest in an Appendix the form which these might take. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the civil wars in former Yugoslavia very serious ethnic tensions arose in Serbia. In these circumstances a number of non‐Serb police officers, and managers, were excluded from the police, because of their national origin. After democratic changes in October 2000, the reform of the police was launched. The police are still not representative of the population of Serbia in terms of ethnic structure, although it was one of the reform goals. The most important findings of the research conducted in 2006 regarding relations of the police and certain ethnic minorities are described in the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The modern basis of the war crime of terrorism may be found in the terms of article 51(2) of Additional Protocol I (1977) to the Geneva Conventions of 1949, replicated in article 13(2) of Additional Protocol II. The provision forbids attacks carried out for the ‘primary purpose of spreading terror’ among a civilian population. In view of this provision, the judges of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia have pronounced terrorism to be a crime of ‘specific intent’. In an extension of this reasoning, a Trial Chamber of the Special Court for Sierra Leone has recently held that the crimes of enslavement and militarization of children do not qualify as terrorism, because they were not found to have been committed for the ‘primary purpose of spreading terror’. The aim of this paper is to examine the correctness and limits of the proposition that terrorism is a crime of specific intent. In the context of that inquiry, the Rome Statute is examined for what it is able to contribute to the discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The collapse of the Socialist Federation of Yugoslavia and the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1992 saw Islam in Bosnia and the Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks) go through some enormous changes and difficult times. The Serbian aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina started a war which was to last four years and which caused the destruction of hundreds of mosques and the loss of more than 100,000 lives, a vast majority of them being Muslims. Although having started in the late 1970s in Yugoslavia, a trend of returning to Islam, often referred to as Islamic revival or Islamic renaissance, intensified during the war. Humanitarian agencies and volunteers from the Middle East brought with them not only food and medicine, but also new Islamic teachings which they considered necessary to 're-Islamize' the deeply secularized Bosnian Muslims. This paper aims to look at Islamic revival starting from the 1970s through the war and the post-war period. The activities of Muslim countries such as Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Iran will be analyzed and their methods of spreading Islam will be examined and compared. The picture gained from Bosnia is a small-scale version of the activities of major sponsors of global Islamic revival and hence a good insight into the activities, methods and possible outcomes worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the occurrence of ethnic cleansing can be effectively documented through a mixture of social scientific criminological and legal evidence, with criminological evidence playing a leading edge role. A major challenge is to delineate the boundaries of ethnic cleansing in relation to genocide. I adopt a distinction between atrocity crime and atrocity law to create a space in which this kind of documentation and analysis can occur. I examine how this kind of documentation and analysis was undertaken during real time in the Kosovo and Darfur conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1999 the International Financial Institutions (IFIs) have sought to revise their policy approach to encourage participation, facilitation and dialogue with civil society organisations and trade unions. This Post Washington Consensus has been applied in transformation economies, where the IFIs have established labour market reform as a pre-condition for loans and grants. Such labour reforms have been deleterious to the interests of collective labour, and a continued source of contestation between unions, government, and the IFIs. This paper examines the reality of the new consensus framework with particular reference to the former Yugoslavia. Evidence is drawn from documents of the IFIs and from interviews with representatives of key union federations in the region. The article assesses the evidence against alternative theoretical frameworks from within political economy and international relations, and concludes that consensus is illusory, leaving unions consulted but then ignored. Desde 1999 las Instituciones Financieras Internacionales (IFIs) buscaron la revision del enfoque de sus politicas internas para reanimar la participacion, facilitacion y dialogo con las organizaciones de la sociedad civil y los sindicatos gremiales. Este Consenso Post Washington se ha aplicado a economias en transformacion, en donde las IFIs han establecido una reforma de mercado laboral como un prerrequisito para prestamos y subvenciones. Tales reformas laborales han sido perjudiciales a los intereses de trabajo colectivo y una fuente continua de protesta entre los sindicatos, el gobierno y las IFIs. Este articulo examina la realidad del nuevo esquema del consenso con una referencia particular a la antigua Yugoslavia. Se ha extraido evidencia de documentos de las IFIs y de las entrevistas con representantes de las federaciones sindicales claves en la region. El articulo evalua la evidencia contra los esquemas teoricos alternos dentro de la economia politica y las relaciones internacionales, y concluye que el consenso es ilusorio, despues de haber consultado a los sindicatos, pero luego dejandolos ignorados. [image omitted] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the outbreak of the Homeland War (1991-1995) in Croatia to the present day popular music has been used as a means to commemorate the upheaval and sacrifice of Croatia's war against the Yugoslav National Army and the Serb militia. This paper focuses on the musical commemoration of a particular region, Eastern Slavonia, which was not fully integrated into the Croatian state until three years after the official end of the war. The narrative, vocabulary and symbols established during the immediate wartime phase have persisted into the present day when war memory has become inflected by post-war developments, such as the indictment of Croatian Army officers for war crimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses French cultural diplomacy in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians, a country created after the First World War as a result of the Franco-Serbian military alliance during the war. Cultural diplomacy is examined as part of broader French political and economical action in Eastern Europe to organise the small newly created countries into the French field of interest and oppose Germany. French cultural diplomacy in the Kingdom of SCS had two aspects: the symbolical and the concrete. Its aim was to spread positive feelings towards France in the ex-Austria-Hungarian regions of the Kingdom, where France was unknown or seen as an enemy, and to maintain the pro-French attitude of the majority of Serbs. The aim was to contribute to the 'internal equalisation and strengthening' of the new ethnically and religiously heterogeneous country, by using culture as a 'soft power'. French cultural diplomacy in the Kingdom of SCS is analysed in its local, regional and European context and in a short- and long-term perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper notes that recent fiction in German by writers from eastern Europe and former Yugoslavia constitutes a new wave of migrant writing in Germany, Austria and Switzerland. It suggests a provisional unity to these texts based on the snapshot they provide of late-stage communism and the post-communist transformation of eastern and western Europe, focusing on five common scenarios. Yet the considerable areas of overlap with trends in other German-language literatures indicate that this literature cannot be labelled “marginal”. Rather this emerging field is transforming German literatures from within and contributing to a post-Cold War remapping of Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The collapse of socialist Yugoslavia and the rise of independent states in its place brought out interesting and disturbing phenomena involving Jews and Jewish symbols. This paper examines the following processes: 1) the loss of Jewish submergence in the political and symbolic orders of that socialist state; 2) a short-lived philosemitism; 3) an appropriation or ‘functionalization’ of Jews and Jewish symbols in contests over the moral superiority of one's nation; and 4) the return of classic anti-Semitism aimed at local Jewish places and individuals and at spreading ideas of Jewish political and cultural domination. Also described is how Jews engaged in welcoming or contesting encroachment on their own symbolic space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Workplace conventions and hiring practices are barriers confronted by immigrants in the Canadian labour market. This paper considers these barriers in the context of Bourdieu's concept of habitus. The empirical research presented examines immigrants from South Asia and the former Yugoslavia in the labour market of Greater Vancouver. A statistical analysis of census data and immigrant landing records is supplemented by an analysis of interviews with community leaders, settlement and employment counsellors, and employers. Immigrants admitted to Canada for family-reunion and humanitarian reasons tend to be less familiar with Canadian labour market 'rules' than immigrants recruited for their skills and education. In response to this cultural labour market barrier, South Asian immigrants develop ethnic networks while immigrants from the former Yugoslavia mobilize other cultural resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the situation in Belgrade, Yugoslavia, during the 1990s. An ecosystemic paradigm was used in its conceptualization and operationalization at multisystem levels of context. Description is based on research performed on 50 "normal" families under chronic stress and persistent crises, as well as on the authors' personal and professional experience, both as participants and observers faced with everyday, new stressful life events. The families have modified their system functioning on cohesion dimension (enmeshment) and on flexibility dimension (chaos), activating and mobilizing families' strengths, resources, and resilience to survive and to adapt to persistent/chronic stressful life in the context of global crisis of the society. A dramatic social transformation-greatly modified social structure, different dominant social actors, a new "logic" of functioning, and new social problems and contradictions-leave its stamp on everyday life. At the same time, families have confirmed their strengths and resilience in the past difficult times as a basis for our hope and optimism for the progress in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will focus on two World Wide Web projects: the virtual nation of Cyber- Yugoslavia (www.juga.com) and the homepage of former Yugoslav president Tito (www.titoville.com). Both projects problematize our understanding of nationhood and political leadership through skilful manipulation of the structural characteristics of the medium. The virtual, performative and transitory nature of both the nation and the state will be exemplifed by Cyber-Yugoslavia - a virtual nation- building endeavour conjured up by Belgrade expatriate playwright Zoran Bacic. The changing character of political leadership will be discussed against the backdrop of Tito's homepage, which archives numerous image and sound files documenting the life of the former Yugoslav president. The two projects share at least three common elements: their genre is parody; their subject matter is repressed collective memory; and they reflect the anxieties of the postmodern condition in their treatment of its most emblematic medium, the Internet. The repressed collective memory encapsulated in these projects is that of South-Slav unity, as an alternative to the now dominant particularist ethno-nationalisms of the Yugoslav successor states. The idea of unity of the South Slavs, which gained popularity in the nineteenth century under the Habsburg yoke, was institutionally sanctioned in two twentieth-century Yugoslav states: the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1918-41), called the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes from 1918 to 1929, and the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia (1945- 91), called People's Federative Republic of Yugoslavia from 1945 to 1963. The first was made possible by the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire at the end of World War One. Its nation-building rhetoric, underpinning the politics of centralization and Serbian hegemony, rested on a view of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as "three tribes' of the same nation. The second Yugoslavia, which grew out of the national liberation movement in World War Two, was founded on federalist principles and a nation-building rhetoric of "brotherhood and unity', i.e. national equality for all the member nations. During the period of existence of both Yugoslav states, a tendency against political unification and in favour of the formation of independent national states co-existed with the dominant nation- building narratives. Tito's model in particular, which may be interpreted as a compromise between the two opposing tendencies, left a deep cultural legacy of ethnic tolerance and was internalized by segments of the post-World War Two generations in former Yugoslavia as an important part of their national identity. Linda Hutcheon has explained the popularity of parody in periods of ideological instability as an impulse for challenging the established norms. I would like to suggest that the technological advances and the introduction of the new mass media also encouraged the proliferation of parody as one of the modes of positive self- reference with a universal appeal akin to Bakhtinian "carnival laughter'. The Internet in particular seems to foster the more positive, universalizing aspects of what Hutcheon calls "parodic ethos'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women's experiences of war are highly misrepresented in mainstream media. A 'news blackout' of women's war experiences, or ongoing distortions of these experiences, inadvertently hide many crucial issues that would otherwise improve the public's understanding of war. The variety and frequency of occurrence of gendered interpretations of war coverage are well worth investigating. This paper provides a comparative study of gendered reporting of the Kosovo conflict using a context analysis model and applying it to the media of twenty-one nations. Additionally, the study briefly traces the commercial, political and social factors within the media business that contribute to ongoing gendered coverage of women and war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The past was ubiquitous in South Eastern Europe in the 1990s. On the one hand, historical analogies were widely and tendentiously used by observers and participants to render comprehensible the numerous conflicts that scarred the region, as the scripting of the Kosovo war of 1999 as a re-run of the Second World War exemplified. On the other hand, 'history' was also commonly adduced as a significant factor actually causing those conflicts. Western policy-makers and pundits interpreted them as the product of ancient ethnic enmities unleashed by the collapse of communism, while indigenous nationalists concocted extravagant narratives of historical victimization and destiny to ground new identities and mobilize populations for war. These representations exerted an important influence upon trends in scholarship on the region through the same period. First, the long-term genealogies of western 'Balkanist' perceptions were elaborated by historians, anthropologists and literary critics. Second, nationalist mythologizing was deconstructed by scholars positing alternative socio-economic and political causes of the violence. Third, drawing on wider bodies of scholarship exploring the work of memory under and after state socialism and in relation to the trauma of war, connections between memory,identity and war in the region began to be scrutinized. Of particular interest here were the role of historical narratives in grounding national and other senses of identity, the efforts by nationalists to co-opt or stimulate private memories of past traumas and wrongdoings as part of these projects (including the broader issue of the resistance to or negotiation of would be dominant memories at local levels) and the question of the agency of 'history'. The papers within this collection, first delivered at a conference organized by the University of Wales Centre for the Study of South Eastern Europe in 2000, contribute to the growing body of scholarship on these issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]